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PRINCIPAR• BUSINESS OP THE WEEK.

Howse or Limn e. Monday, July '24. gdeen's Message; Vote of Credit—Na.. Nonni Education; Lord Brougham's Statement—Parochial Schoolmasters (Scotland) Bill read a second time—Registration of Births (Scotland) Bill read a second time —Youthful Offenders Bill read a second time—Usury-laws Repeal Bill read a se- cond time—Convict Prisons (Ireland) Bill react a second time—Real Estate Charges Bill read a second time—Poor-lawCommission Continuance (Ireland) Bill read a second time.

Tuesday, July 25. Reformatory Schools (Scotland) Bill read a second time—Ad- miralty Court Bill read a second time—Usury-laws Repeal Bill reported—Jamaica Loan Bill passed—Poor-law Commission Continuance (Ireland) Bill reported. Thursday, July 27. Merchant Shipping; Mr. Cardwell's Bill read a third time and passed—Standard of Gold and Silver Wares Bill read a second time—Sale of Beer Bill reported—Reformatory Schools (Scotland) Bill reported—Spirits (Ireland' Bill reported—Registration of Birth, &c. (Scotland) Bill read a third time and passed —Usury-laws Repeal Bill read a third time and passed—Poor-law Commission Con- tinuance (Ireland) Bill read a third time and passed. Friday, July 28. Youthful Offenders Bill committed—Admiralty Court BM committed—Public Revenue and Consolidated Fund Charges Bill recommitted_ Sale of Beer Bill read a third time and passed—Reformatory Schools (Scotland) Bill read a third time and passed.

Horse or Commas. Saturday, July 22. Sale of Beer Bill read a third time and passed—Reformatory Schools (Scotland) Bill read a third time and passed—Spirits (Ireland) Bill read a third time and passed—Bribery Bill in Committee. Monday, July 24. Admiralty Court Bill passed—Bribery Bill in Committee—Sap. ply; Vote of Credit agreed to—Standard of Gold and Silver Wares Bill read a third time and passed—New Writ for Beverley. Tuesday, July 25. Bribery Bill in Committee—Supply; Vote of Credit reported— Bankruptcy Bill read a second time. Wednesday, July 26. Russian Government Securities; Lord Dudley Stuart's BM in Committee—Dr. Peithman; Mr. Otway's Statement. Thursday, July 27. Finchley Road Estate Bill thrown out on the second reading —Militia (Igo. 2) Bill in Committee—Oxford University Bill ; Lords' Amendments considered—Bishop of New Zealand ; Sir John Pakington's Motion—Supply; Estimates—Russian Government Securities ; Lord Dudley Stuart's Bill in Com- mittee.

Friday, July 28. Militia (No. 2) Bill committed—Court of Chancery BM read a second time—Bribery Bill read a third time and passed.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 5h .... Sh 30m Tuesday 5h 7h 35m Wednesday No sitting. Thursday bb . • . 7h 35m Friday 5h . • .. 7h Om

Sittings this Week, 4; Time, 11h 40m Sittings this Week, 10; Time, 5bh 3m

— this Session. 89 ; — 23611 50m — this Session. 129; — 87th 34m THE VOTE OF CREDIT,

The House of Commons, on Monday, resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, to consider the proposed vote of credit, in accordance with the Queen's Message, to carry on the war. Mr. Botrvaara having read the Queen's Message, Lord JOHN RussELL moved that the Committee should agree to a vote of credit to the amount of 3,000,0001.

In performing that task, Lord John said that it was unnecessary for him to travel through the negotiations that preceded the outbreak of hostilities. That the House of Commons had granted with great readiness all the sup- plies asked for by the Ministers of the Crown, and that they had refrained from putting embarrassing questions with respect to the mode of carrying on the war, he was ready to acknowledge with thankfulness. Large expe- ditions have been fitted out ; in the Baltic and the Black Sea—seas which have been hitherto looked upon as the peculiar domain of the Russian navy— our fleets are undisputed masters : a gratifying circumstance, though it would have been more welcome to our seamen to have measured their prowess against that of the enemy. Lord John stated in detail the increase that has taken place in our naval forces since the beginning of 1853. "Un- der the head of first, second, and third-rate steamers, we had in commission on the 1st of January 1853, only one ship ; on the 1st of July last we bad seventeen. Of sailing line-of-battle ships we had on the 1st of January 1853, under the same head, eleven ; we have now seventeen. The number of seamen has been 'augmented from 28,189 to 47,595, and that of marines from 5721 to 9605 ; so that the total force of these services, which on the let of January 1853 was 33,910, is now 57,200." As regards the Army, 30000 men have been placed upon the Turkish shores. He would not notice the criticisms that have been made with respect to the operations of our fleets and armies. War has but just commenced, and no one acquainted with naval and military operations will agree in remarks depreciatory of the conduct of either our admirals or generals. "It is, how- ever, impossible not to notice in this place, that, while our exertions have been directed to making preparations for war, the ally we went to succour— the Turkish army—has performed deeds of valour and prowess deserving of the highest admiration.' It was frequently said last year that we were going to aid a decaying state, to prop up an empire already fallen ; and a Minister of the Emperor of Russia said, last August, that it required only a fillip from the Emperor of Russia to overthrow the whole Ottoman power. So far from that being the case, after a year's occupation of the Principali- ties, a year's preparation for an attack upon Silistria, the Russian army, 80,000 strong, which crossed the Danube to attack that fortress, has been driven back from its outworks, and ignominiously compelled to abandon the siege, by a defence worthy of comparison with the defence of Saragossa or Saguntum. He could not recount any actual operations of war ; but there was one circumstance of too much importance to be passed over. The armies of England and France, which it was thought would not cooperate with cor- diality, have not only combined in the most friendly manner at Constanti- nople, but within the last few days a considerable French force has embarked on board English line-of-battle ships; and although no one can fail to regret the interruption of peace, yet he rejoiced that this cordial feeling between two great and powerful nations should have grown out of the war, and he looked upon it as an earnest of an enduring union.

Referring to the present state of affairs to show the necessity of the pro- posed vote Lord John refrained from entering into detail as to the services i

for which it would be required ; but he mentioned the Commissariat, the Ordnance, and naval transports, as likely to absorb 2,000,0001. It is im- possible to form a regular estimate. There are, besides, other calls upon our resources; and among them, especial attention has been given to a sugges- tion that a large body of Turkish troops should be joined with our army and receive pay from the British Government. That is one way in which the vote may be applied ; but the usual time for the prorogation of Parliament

i

having nearly arrived, Government ask for the money confidently, without an estimate, in order that they may apply the money. from time to time as may be necessary. Every one is naturally anxious to learn what part Austria wiU take: Whatever interest France and England mayhave in'protecting Turkey, Aus

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Saturday Noon .... 5h 30m Monday lb .4h on

6h .(m) lh 30m Tuesday Noon tfh Om

6h .(m) 12k 15m Wednesday Noon .... bh 48m Thursday Noon 4h Om

Oh .(m) 3h om

Friday Noon ... Sh On

6h.(m) Sh On trio has a much greater interest; for Russia could not succeed in establishing an acknowledged dominion of the Principalities, and a predominant interest in Turkey, without having complete command of the Government of Austria. Butjustly to consider this question, we must bear in mind that Austria has her difficulties ; that Russian armies can approach within no great distance of her capital ; that some of the dominions under her sway have recently been so disturbed as to make it a perilous thing for her to enter on a war ; and hence she has been anxious to settle the question by negotiations. More than once Austria has declared her accord with the principles laid down by the Western Powers ; but she has not despaired of prevailing on the Em- peror of Russia to agree upon fair and equal terms to an arrangement calcu- lated to maintain the balance of power in Europe. " Very lately, Austria sent the Emperor of Russia a message, which has been published in the newspapers within these few days, asking the Emperor of Russia to evacuate the principalities, and asking him to fix a time, and not a remote time, for the evacuation ; transmitting also to St. Petersburg the protocol of April, agreed to at Vienna by the Four Powers, in which it is declared that the ob- ject of those Powers is, that Turkey shall be attached to the sys- tem of Europe, and form part of the general balance of power. An answer has been received from the Government of Russia. That answer, for my own part, I could hardly call evasive, although, no doubt, to some ex- tent, it is so. In the first place, Russia does not profess herself ready to fix any time for the evacuation of the Principalities. She states, now that war has been declared, and now that England and France are engaged in that war, and are superior to her in the Black Sea and in the Baltic, while her fleets do not leave their ports, that there remain only the seat of war in the Principalities and the navigation of the Danube where she can hope to restore the balance, and, by the successes of her arms, to obtain a victory for herself. She therefore declines on those terms the evacuation of the Princi- palities. She declares, to be sure, that she is ready to adopt the three prin- ciples contained in the protocol of the 9th of April, which she describes as being the evacuation of the Principalities, the granting of privileges to the Christian inhabitants of the Sultan by the Sultan, in such a manner as to se- cure their future rights, and the entering into a treaty or convention between the Four Powers and Turkey assuring those rights. Now, Sir, without criticizing the representation which is thus made of the contents of the protocol of the 911' of April, which those who have read the protocol will hardly admit to be a fair one, I must observe that there is an en- tire omission of that which was the essential part and foundation of that protocol—namely, that Turkey should in future form part of the general system of nations. It was that question which was at the bottom of the dif- ferences in which Turkey and Russia were engaged down to the commence- ment of the war in which we now find ourselves called upon to take a part. Ever since the victories of the Empress Catherine, the Government of Rus- sia have considered the relations between Russia and Turkey as peculiar— that Turkey, for example, should not form any alliances with other Powers except with the general supervision of Russia; and that, the greater part of the subjects of Turkey being Christians, they were to look to the Emperor of Russia as their protector and supporter, in spite of, and in contravention, it might be, of their own Government. The object of the Powers is, on the contrary, that the Sultan, having acknowledged, as he has done, and hav- ing confirmed by solemn acts the privileges of his Christian subjects, should be admitted to form a part of our general system—should govern his own peo- ple with those sovereign rights which belong to sovereignty in itself,—and, forming part of that general system, should not look for protection solely to Russia, but to the Powers of Europe, to maintain him as other states of Europe are maintained in their possessions. Such being the answer that the Emperor of Russia has given, the Government of Austria—which had informed us what they were going to do in ease of the reply being affirma- tive, or negative, or evasive—have considered that reply as evasive, and have asked the Government of England and France to communicate to them what is their opinion of the proposal that has thus been made. I have omitted to state, that not only does the Emperor of Russia require that England and France should be parties to any agreement by which the Prin- cipalities should be evacuated, but that an armistice should be made, and that we should not by our troops or fleets in the Black Sea, or, I suppose, in the Baltic, attack his troops or his fleets while he is evacuating the Prin- cipalities. Well, our reply to such a proposal cannot admit that that an- j swer of the Emperor of Russia affords any grounds for peace. (Cheers.) We must continue to endeavour to obtain by the arms of those Powers which are already engaged in the war such conditions as may be ne- cessary for a just, an honourable, and safe peace. (Renewed cheering.) With regard to Austria and the part which she may take when she knows our answer, all I can say is this, that although she might be mistaken as to her policy—although I think she has been mis- taken in not joining sooner and more frankly with the Western Powers in endeavouring to curb the ambition of Russia—yet I cannot believe that she will forfeit the engagements into which she has entered. She has now en- tered into engagements not only with the Western Powers but with Turkey ; she has declared to the Western Powers that if the Principalities be not eva- cuated by Russia she will use forcible means in order to cause them to be eva- cuated ; she has stipulated, in convention with the Sultan of Turkey, that she will endeavour to secure the evacuation of the Principalities by negotia- tions, but if those should fail, that she will resort to other means, and that she will be ready to furnish the number of troops necessary for that purpose. I conceive that by those declarations and by those engagements Austria will be hound to take part in the attempt to drive back Russia from the unjust aggression which she has committed. Whether she may, with that hesita- tion and delay which have been unfortunately prolonged too long, attempt again to obtain from St. Petersburg some better and some more satisfactory assurance, I am unable toss y. We have no control, of course, over the coun- cils of the Emperor of Austria. With regard to their policy, as I have said, I have no doubt; neither have I any doubt that she will honourably fulfil her engagement; but with different circumstances surrounding her—with but a half-and-half support from the kingdom of Prussia—whether she may not think it necessary to attempt once more to obtain a favourable answer to her representations, I cannot say." .Austria has received no formal answer, and Lord John was only speaking ot:tvhat the British Government intends to do when that answer arrives. Still it was right that he should state some of the conditions which would justify peace with Russia, while at the same time he refused to bind the Government at present to any specific conditions of peace. If the Turkish Government had consented to accept either the proposals of Prince Menschi- koff or those of the Vienna note, the people of this country would have been pleased that no war had broken out : but the Turkish Government having refused those conditions, our position is materially changed. Engaged in a war to defend Turkey from aggression, it behoves us to see that we do not leave her in as bad a condition as before we promised our support. Lord John read a passage from the despatch of Lord Aberdeen on the treaty of Adrianople, showing the great dangers to which Turkey was exposed by the conclusion of that treaty, and the greatpower it gave to Russia. But now A behoves us to consider, not the security that might be had under the treaty of Adrianople, but the securities which may be had with a power having the advantage of the treaty of Adrianople, and the disposition to ex- tend them even to the subjugation of Turkey. This consideration is justified by the facts that the Principalities were occupied under the flimsiest pre- texts ; that the fall of Turkey was a fixed idea of the Emperor of Russia'; that the protectorate of the Principalities was part of a scheme formed by himself; and that it is a fixed purpose of the Muscovite party in Russia to es- tablish "a Southern Russia," with Constantinople as its capital. "I say, then," continued Lord John, " that with such a knowledge of the state of affairs, we ought to endeavour to obtain securities against aggressions similar to those which have now taken place, because I hold it to be impossible that the arrange- ment which was made by the treaty of Adrianople with regard to the Plan- cipalitiea should be again renewed —(Loud and general cheering)—an ar- rangement which gives the Emperor of Russia a predominant voice in the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia, which gives him a power of control in cases where he thinks that their affairs are not conducted to his satisfaction, and which, by the destruction of all the Turkish fortresses, gives him the facility at any moment of occupying by his armies provinces containing four millions of inhabitants. I say that the integrity of Turkey and the balance of power in Europe could not be secured by reverting to the status quo in regard to those provinces. (Renewed cheering.) But, Sir, there is another mode in which the position of Russia is menacing to the independence and integrity of Turkey—I mean the establishment of a great fortress, prepared with all the combinations of art, made as impregnable as it is possible for art to make it, and containing within its port a very large fleet of line-of- battle ships, ready at any time to come down with a favourable wind to the Bosphorus. I say that that is a position so menacing to Turkey that no treaty of peace could be considered wise which left the Emperor of Russia in that same position of menace." (Continued cheers.) What the securities which the Government ought to obtain, how they shall be obtained and how affirmed, are questions on which he could say no more than he had said. " We shall be ready, as we have been ready, to commu- nicate with the Government of France upon that subject ; and I have every reason to believe that the views of the Government of the Emperor of the- French coincide with our own in that respect. We shall be ready to com- municate also with the Government of Austria, when they wish to know our opinions with regard to such a settlement as in our view could be alone se- cure, honourable, and just. I must say, and I say it with regret, that I see no symptom of the Emperor of Russia at present being disposed—I will not say to grant conditions such as I have hinted at, in order to give securities such as I have said are desirable—but I cannot see that he is disposed to de- part in any respect from those demands which, when made by Prince Men- schikoff, were indignantly rejected by Turkey."

Briefly recapitulating the chief Russian conquests in Turkey from the time of the Empress Catherine, each step threatening Turkey, and enabling- Russia to dictate at Constantinople,—referring to the jealousy and apprehen- sion with which Russia always regarded improvements in Turkey, and in the condition of her Christian subjects,—Lord John asked, who can doubt that the final object of Russia is the subjugation of the Ottoman empire, one portion absorbed in her own dominions, the other dependent on her in- fluence and authority ? Such a state of things would be so dangerous to Europe, that we must not stop until Russia shall have been assured, by heavier losses and discomfitures, that her ambitious project cannot be ex- ecuted against the consent of Europe. " It is in this mighty contest that Eu- rope is engaged ; and it were to mislead the House were 1 to Bay that, en- gaged with such an enemy, with a Sovereign of immense power, of great in- fluence and great talent, we could hope for a very early termination to such a contest. But this I am sure of, that if we were to shrink from the contest—if we were to patch up a peace that was hollow and inse- cure—we should lose our allies, we should lose the confidence and respect of Europe ; and Russia would be placed, not in the position which she held be- fore the outbreak of hostilities, not in the position which she held from 1829 to 1853, but in such a position that her Emperor would then justly be called, that which by flattery he has already been called in some quarters, 'the ar- biter of the destinies of Europe.' It is our business to prevent that consum- mation. To prevent that consummation, the House of Commons has not only willingly voted immense supplies, but has made political social, and commercial sacrifices ; and while we confide in the gallantry of the men at the head of our fleets and armies, let us take care that no weakness in the councils of this kingdom shall impeach those councils as unworthy of our soldiers and sailors."

Lord John had one word more to say. Since he came down to the House, he had heard that some Member intended to propose some restriction on the authority of the Crown with respect to the prorogation and reassembling of Parliament. It would be better to say at once, that while the Opposition might wish to have an autumnal sitting, and while that might be the advice Ministers would give to the Crown should circumstances render it expedient, yet Ministers could not accept at the hands of the House of Commons re- strictions on their freedom in giving such advice to the Crown as they deemed fitting. They must be left at full liberty. When the Coalition Government of Lord Grenville and Lord Grey were required by George the Third to bind themselves as to the advice they would give that Sovereign with respect to a measure to which he felt the greatest repugnance, they said it would be un- becoming in them to cripple and fetter themselves by any such engagement ; and " that engagement which these noblemen refused to enter into with the Crown, we must refuse to enter into with the House of Cue mons." There will be no unwillingness to call for the advice of Parliament ; since Ministers have, in the face of Europe, derived strength from its nearly un- animous support. "It has pronounced that we are engaged in a just war ; and I am sure it will pronounce that we ought not to conclude it otherwise than by a just and honourable peace." Mr. ALCOCK criticized the Government for not having displayed that energy in the conduct of the war which the confidence of Parliament merited and expected. All the great authorities pointed to the capture of Sebastopol, but Lord Aberdeen had taken continuous care that it should remain unassailed. Mr. BANKES argued in behalf of an "autumnal ses- sion" ; deprecated the granting of subsidies ; and complained of the ar- rangements of the new War Office. He expressed his satisfaction at the language uttered by Lord John Russell ; but what they wanted to know was the opinion of Lord Aberdeen. Might lie not have spoken language the very opposite, in another place ? Mr. Bankes hoped that no matter of subsidies should be entered upon without the direct counsel of the House of Commons. When they were told of the vacillation of Austria, was Lord John Russell quite sure that Austria was not waiting for a subsidy ? However he might be disposed to aid the Turks, he could not think with common patience of a subsidy for Austria. Mr. /ham ex- pressed his opinion that there was no instance in history when such ex- peditions had been sent out in so short a time as those sent out since the war began. But unless there is union in council, there can be no success in war. He had heard a great outcry about a Coalition Ministry ; but let Mr. Disraeli attempt to form a Government which would give satisfaction to the country which was not a Coalition Ministry. Times were altered, and he was very glad to see the followers of Sir Robert Peel joining the old Liberals in that House, who received them with great pleasure. As to subsidies, it would not be wise to recur to them ; and certainly not even Turkey should be subsidized without the sanction of Parliament.

Mr. Hama= remarked upon the omission in Lord John's speech of all information with regard to the diplomatic proceedings of the Govern- ment during the past six months. By withholding such information, Government did themselves injustice, and raised a multitude of suspicions, most likely unreasonable, but which tend to damp the enthusiasm of the country. It appeared that Ministers had been ready to incur any risk in order to obtain Austrian support; and he dwelt much upon the superior advantages of a Prussian alliance.

Mr. Comma said that Lord John Russell's speech had turned the dis- cussion into a council of war ; for he had indiscreetly spoken of taking Sebastopol and the Crimea as material guarantees. However, the House need no longer be under that feeling of apprehension of the power of Rus- sia, so much talked of, and which he had been laughed at for arguing against. Now the impotence of Russia for aggression beyond her own frontier is clear. And why is she so impotent ? Because she had to march an army nearly a thousand miles over a country almost without roads; because her territory is so thinly peopled that she cannot keep twenty men in a village for a month without their eating up all its accu- mulated capital ; because she cannot carry on a campaign across her frontier without suing in forma pauperis for a loan at Amster- dam or elsewhere. But if, as Lord John intimated, Sebastopol were attacked, and the Crimea occupied, by that act the German Powers would be released from their engagements; for they had declared against any diminution of Russian territory. Then the climate—fever prevails in the Crimea during the summer months, and against that the bravest and strongest men are powerless. Nor is it leas worthy of consideration, whether the Tartars of the Crimea desire to be reannexcd to Turkey. Mr. Cobden commented at great length on the treatment of the Greek Christians in Turkey during the late insurrection : arguing that the Greeks revolted not to aid Russia but themselves; that our promise to see justice done to them would be a source of great embarrassment; and that as the Christian population must be the future rulers of Turkey, and as the Emperor of Russia, knowing that, is constantly appealing to them, it was a great blender on our part to discourage them in the attempt to emancipate themselves. Mr. Cobden caused some merriment by friendly criticisms on his "deluded" friends below him—the "young India" of last session—the gentlemen who sympathize with the war, and think it is carried on in the interest of Hungarians, Italians, and other nationali- ties, and who yet call out for Lord Palmerston as Minister of War, per- haps Premier,—the one member of the Cabinet whom above all othera the eminent chiefs of Italy and Hungary would trust the least. Happily the delusion is exploded. But when the people of this country, of America, and of Germany, find that the war is only a war of dynasties, with which the people have little or nothing to do, the war will become unpopular. Lord John Russell, who is a great student of history, needs not to be reminded of a passage in the Stowe Papers, recently published by the Duke of Buckingham, and quoted by the Quarterly Review— "Lord Grenville 'declares, that a blind and unreasoning eagerness to go to war is one of our most fixed national characteristics. In a letter to the Mar- quis of Buckingham, dated April 28, 1797, published in The Court and Ca- binets of George III, he says, It is a curious speculation in history to see how often the good people of England have played this game over and over again, and how incorrigible they are in it. To desire war without reflection, to be unreasonably elated with success, to be still more unreasonably de- pressed by difficulties, and to call out for peace with an impatience which makes suitable terms unattainable, are the established maxims and the re- gular progress of the popular mind in this country.' " Mr. LATARD replied to some of Mr. Cobden's speculations on Russia and the Greek Christians; remarking by the way, that Mr. Cobden mixed all the populations of Turkey together and called them " Greeks." In other respects, Mr. Layard expressed his satisfaction with the speech of Lord John Russell, so far as it went. He criticized the commissariat arrangements. He complained of recent appointments, and of the con- tinuance of Lord Aberdeen at the head of the Government. Condemn- ing the Austrian ,alliance altogether, he declared that Lord John's ob- servations respecting Austria were extremely unsatisfactory.

Lord DUDLEY STUART put in a plea for "Palmerston" as Minister of War ; attacked Lord Aberdeenand threatened " a public meeting at Drury " to testify the opinions cif the Metropolis.

Mr. DISIIAM began a speech of taunts and sarcasms by gravely re- marking that he had listened for six hours to a series of criticisms on the Administration, delivered by some of its principal supporters ; and stating epologetically, that he should not have been tempted to appeal to the House at all, had it not appeared that in some degree to an observation thrown out by himself they were indebted for the debate—the suggestion of an autumnal session. The not unreasonable proposition had not been accepted. Its advisability, however, might be tested by a reference to what took place last autumn : an autumnal session would have prevented the catastrophe of Sinope. Parliament should meet to support, stimulate, or control the Government. But although they had not advanced towards the attainment of that object, yet that would not be an insignificant night in the history of their deliberations, since the Lord President of the Council had made a distinct announcement of the objects of the war. Mr. Disraeli took great credit to himself and his party for refraining from asking questions as to the conduct of the war, and from criti- cism of the conduct of commanders. Put although he and they reserved their opinions as to the origin and conduct of the war, yet he had heard that night, with surprise and consternr,tion, that not only were Moldavia and Wallachia not to be permitted to come under the pro- tectorate of Russia, but Sebastopol was to be destroyed and the Crimea occupied. [Lord Jona RUSSELL denied that he had said this : what he did say was, that he thought Russia could not be allowed to maintain her menacing attitude in that quarter.] " Well," continued Mr. Disraeli, " I have done some good by rising ; for I appeal to every gentleman, wherever he sits, whether he has not been for the last six hours in a fool's paradise "—whether hundreds of gentlemen did not equally mistake the Lord President of the Council. lie himself, in company with the vast majority of the House, must have been dreaming. That distinct an- nouncement, as it was thought, was an iUusion then ; and he had a right to ask the Government—what is your policy, if you have a policy ? Here was an imaginary speech that satisfied the House, which at midnight it was found had not been made ; here we are at the end of the session— and never were ear prospects so obscure : would Lord John say what he really wished them to believe ? But mischief might already have been done, for by the electric telegraph the imaginary message might be cross- ing Europe that moment to St. Petersburg. Sneering at the extraordinary position in which Parliament has been placed by the apeeohes.of leading kinisenee—among others, that which Lord Aberdeen, was obliged. to "recant he declared that he saw no difference between the policy ye Lord John and Lord Aberdeen's ; and that, no doubt, we have not a di. vided Cabinet ; for so far as having a mean and insignificant end as' the great object of their policy; though a coalition, Ministers are tmaniincras. ' Lord PALMERSTON hoped that Mr. Disraeli's surmise was, correct:,--' that what had passed that evening was dying, on the wings of lightning to the capital of Russia : for when the people of Russia see the um,: nimity of the Parliament of England, they, like Mr. Disraeli, will be struck with admiration at the generous and manly feeling of the mealy, and will see with consternation the absence of any material difference of opinion. Mr. Disraeli asked what was the policy of the Government: but Lord Palmerston might abstain from answering until Mr. Disraeli had made up his mind whether the announcement of Lord John Russell excited his admiration or overwhelmed him with consternation ; perhaps both, for what excites the admiration of an Opposition must produce a feeling of consternation. Instead of taking large and comprehensive views of policy, Mr. Disraeli had given them an amusing play upon words; and they were all satisfied, that instead of any hostile animus, Mr. Disraeli had argued the question in an agreeable, and .ftiendly man- ner ! Mr. Disraeli's speech, however, was based upon distinctions which had no foundation. The object of the war is the independence and in- tegrity of the Turkish empire and the security of Europe. " That sees. rity must be accomplished by the united arms of England and Prance—I care not who else joins us, or who else stands aloof." Instead of dissa- tisfaction on account of delay in the military and naval arrangements, he declared that any one who knows anything about the difficulties would be astonished at the rapidity and completeness with which our armies had taken the field. He assured the House.that Ministers would deserve the confidence placed in them ; and that Europe would see by their una- nimity that the war into which we have reluctantly entered can only be concluded upon terms which will afford the prospect that Europe will not be placed for a long time to come in a position to make similar exertions for a similar purpose. Lord DUDLEY STUART, dissatisfied with Lord John Russell's explana- tion, moved that the Chairman (should report progress. This motion met with so little favour, that, after a conversation as to what Lord John did say about Sebastopol, the vote passed without dissent ; and Lord Dudley notified that he would make a motion respecting the sitting of Parliaineet, at the bringing up of the report on. Tuesday evening.

When the report was brought up, on Tuesday, Lord DUDLEY STUART, moved the addition of the following words to the resolution before the

House— '

" And that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, to' return her Majesty the thanks of this House for her most gracious message ; and to assure her Majesty that her Majesty, deeming it expedient to provide for any addi-, tional expense which may arise, in consequence of the war in which her Majesty is now engaged against the Emperor of Russia, may fully rely on the cheerful zeal and constant affection of her faithful Commons; and to assure her Majesty that they most readily do make provision according to her Majesty's wishes; and humbly to pray that her Majesty will be gra- ciously, pleased not to prorogue her Parliament until she shall have been enabled to afford to this House more full information with respect both to her Majesty's relations with Foreign Powers, and to her views and prospeets in the contest in which her Majesty is engaged." Such a motion was necessary, Lord Dudley Stuart said, because Lord John Russell had given a deliberate exposition of the policy of his Go- vernment, and had shortly afterwards retracted it. (Cries of " no l") The explanation could only be described by the word "retracta- tion." (" No, no !") Why, almost every one understood it in that sense : and Lord Dudley continued to repeat the assertion in the face of, denials. He would refer to the language of Lord John as it was reported in one of the organs favourable to the Government. [Lard JOHN Rus-_ SELL called out, "Name it I" and on. Lord DUL■LEY STUART innocently exclaiming, "The Times," he was called to under by ahe Speaker, to the great amusement of the Mouse.] Apologizing for"having been led to commit a breach of order by the noble Lord, he proceeded to •quote from another journal what Lord John had said, and how he had explained the words when challenged by Mr. Disraeli Now he contended that this explanation deprived the previous statement of its value. He went on to urge his oft-repeated objections to Lord Aberdeen, and to criticize the conduct of the war. He named as precedents for his motion, that of Mr. Dunning in 1780, that of Mr. Erskine in 1788, and that of Mr. pilules Grey in 1805—the words of whose motion were the same as those now submitted to the House. Sir Jonas SHELLEY seconded the motion.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said that Lord Dudley Stuart had thrown down

the glove, and. Government were quite willing to take it up. On the score of precedent no complaint was made against the motion : there were many more precedents, but in all those precedents the motions were pro- posed by direct opponents of the Government, who asked the House to declare its want of confidence in the Government. Before, however, be went into that point, he replied to observations made chiefly by Mr. Layard on the previous evening. Beginning with the Commissariat, he denied that the system brought to

perfection by the Duke of Wellington had been abolished. In England, it was true, it had been altogether done away with, titbit had been extended to the Colonies ; and the man sent out to the Ea Commissary-General Filder, was the man the Duke of Wellington imself had singled out, satisfied that in him he could confide. Time will dojustice to the acts of the Government in this respect. They had not only sent out a gentleman last autumn who wrote a report relating to supplies and the sources of supply, which 31r. Layard 'himself had corrected, but they had sent out, and placed in communication 'with our Consul, et Galli- poli, Mr. Calvert, eight or nine gentlemen selected for their knowledge of Turkish and Lingua Franca. Mr. Herbert corrected other erroneous statements that had been made, respecting accommodation for the sick ; the weight of the artillery; the health of the army—the sick being only 4 per cent, and out of that one-third were in hospital from causes that incapacitate men in the streets of London as well as in the East, and not from defect of food or unhealthy climate. He also'quoted extracts from a letter written V one of the best Paymasters in the Army, dated Varna, June 29, the troops were well fed; that there were no complaints ; that the sup- plies sent by the Government were good; that Lord Raglan had judiciously

be put the issue under regimental arrangements, and that the men were espe- cially satisfied to dealt with regimen showing that tally. Another letter testified to the great utility of the camp at Chobham as regards the health of the troops, is teaching good methods of encampment ; and a third letter stated that olBeeFg.

to the French 'army did' not ihirOelightly'of the arrangements and' equip; meats of the British iirmYasmany of our own countrymen. In vindicating the.conduct 'of the war, Mr. Herbert pointed to the blockade of 'Russian parts ; to the evacuatitin ..,of the forts on the Chneesian coast ; to the aid iivenhy the fleet imcutting off suppliee, which had 80 distressed the .Rus- Flans, and had helped the Turks to prove more than a match. for the Rus-

sians. "From the impatience, manifested by many honourable Members for some

ireat and glorious victory NVlileh should conclude everything, one would be- Dere that the battles of Toufouse and the Pyramids had been fought within the lines of Torres Vedras, and that the victory of Waterloo was achieved in the beginning of the present century, under the administration of Pitt. If you require to have victory after victory followed up with an enemy who dare lid meet you even with his superior numbers, you are exacting impossibili- ties from IsPur seamen. But have we done nothing else ? How many pounds sterlibg hate been expended in the last half century in erecting these forts along the.coast of Circassia which formed the chains which were to keep the Circassian bound to them? In one short campaign, all but one ef these strong places have fallen into our hands, or into those of the Take, Mr. LAYARD--" They were abandoned by the Russians." Mr. S. HEMinier" The honourable Member is not satisfied with the enemy running away. (A laugh.) He appears to justify the opinion once expressed by the Duke of Wellington, that the people of England like ' a long butcher's bill: The honourable Member wants, not a great victory, but a great sacrifice of human life. • I do not believe, however, that that is the general opinion of the people of England. (Cheers.) I believe they rejoice that this chain of forts should have fallen into our hands without such loss of life as should ornament the pages of a Gazette. The honourable Member said that Turkey has shown great courage ; who can doubt the great fortitude and courage of the Turks ? It has astonished all Europe, sad has enabled a small portion of the army to achieve great results against overwhelming numbers. But was that result obtained solely by the forces of Turkey ? The power which has communicated the supplies to Omar Pasha by the Black Sea has had no small share in that glorious result. In the former wars Russia had many other resources ;. they had to themselves the whole of the seaboard of the Black Sea. At present the Danube is blockaded, Sebastopol is blockaded, the whole coast of Russia is blockaded. nt one grain of wheat, not one pound of meat, not one cartridge can be brought to there, except by the long journey through Bessarabia by land. Lira told by an officer who has witnessed its that when the supplies are passing—when the flour is passing through the country to the Russian army, the air is tainted with its putridity, owing to its having been kept so long, and adulterated probably by the contractors and

others furnishing the supplies., how is this forage and provisions conveyed ? It has to be convyed through a country almost impas- sable for want of roads, in small carts drawn by one bullock. The dis- tance to be journeyed is so great, and so bad are the roads, and so tedious is the operation,. that by the time the bullocks with the carts have arrived at their destination, a very largeproportion of them have consumed all the provisions with which they had started for the camp, and are besides re- duced to so wretched a condition, that when slaughtered they afford them- selves but a little poor and unwholesome meat for the troops. These are not small results. They may not be so brilliant or so rapid as they might have been in the estimation of honourable gentlemen who think so lightly of the power of the enemy with whom we are engaged : but I must likewise remind the House, that we English may claim to have some share of the credit attached to the defence of Silistria, through that young man whom I would like to call Major Butler, although unfortunately he did not live to hear of his promotion, or of his having been placed, by the desire of her Ma- jesty, in the Guards. That young Irishman, who displayed during the siege of Silietria qualities which marked him out for certain eminence in his pro- fession had he been spared—not merely dogged courage, but likewise a re- markablepower to command—he, a stranger, accompanied by another young officer, going to a strange town, not even speaking the Turkish language, by his energy and determination so imposed upon those by whom he was sur- rounded, that in point of fact he had almost the command of the garrison in his bands and it was by the pertinacity and vigour with which he forced his Counsel upon them that the giving up of those forts which were the keys of Silistria was prevented, and that glorious success was achieved." Mr. Herbert was.at pains to refute the notion that there was any difference

of opinion in the speeches of Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell. Those speeches were frank ; they' truly represented the opinion of the Cabinet ; and with a generous people a frank policy seldom fails. The Government bad been reluctant to enter the war, but once in, they knew that. they ought not to Conclude the war by patching up a hollow truce, or without guaran- tees affording a prospect of peace for the future s and that it was necessary the ambition of that potentate should be curbed, so that he should not be left to override at will those nations which have the misfortune to be next his dominions. (toted cheers.)

"The noble Lord who finds such fault with all that has been done—who

thinks that everything was wrong from the day in February when we met, till the 29th of :March, when war was declared—who thinks that everything hat been wrong from the 29th of March up to the present time—who thinks that the negotiations in which we were engaged were, nothing but connivance and collusion—and who thinks that the war is conducted in some pusilla- nimous way—heat least has not said, as some have, that the war is con- dusted in a traitorous way. He, at any rate, has not hazarded the insolent absurdity that English.gentlemen are writing to their admirals and generals tellinp-, them to spare their enemy, and not ter do him any harm ; that the whole transaction is a great blind in the face'of Europe; and that from the beginning to the 'end, not only in negotiation 'but in war, we have been acting the infamous genie of connivance with our enemy. The noble Lord says, that during the whole session' of Parliament the evils of which he com- plains have been carried on ; and yet lie wants the session continued. He says there is complicity on the part of the House of Commons; that the noose stands with the country almost in the same condition as this traitorous Administration ; that the House of ComMens is conniving with the enemy : and yet it is the body which he oaks to sit perpetually' until—no, there is no until?—the noble Lord has placed no limit to the. sitting of Parliament- butI means it to sit, at all events, until he himself is satisfied, and until the affairs of Europe, are administered, exactly according to his own notions of what is just and right. The noble Lord has said that he has no confidence in the Government. Well, Sir, as I before said, we are ready to meet him fairly upon that issue. We are called a Ministry upon suffer- ance. It is true that, feeling the, deep responsibility which lies upon us, and the necessity,'having entered into this war, of putting the country into a.Poiition, both financially and strategetically, in which she might wage war with Russia with goodhopes of success, we have felt, even un,upported as we have been in domestic measures, that it was our duty to eontu.ue to ntdd the reins of g,qvernment. We have met during that period with cen- t-thinly and insult, But it is for the Mouse of Commons to decide. If the House does not choose to have a Government upon sufferance, and if we do vet 4800,t0,be GU:MIDCIlt upon sufferance, let the House of C014 11,1011S

expliAtiy declare the opinion Which it entertains uptai that

head. We ere prepared to meet thenoble Lord upon that question, and we are prepared to alnde, as we do abide with confidence, by the decision to which this House may come." (Long-continued cheering.) Mr. LAYARD made another speech, chiefly in explanation of what he had and what he had not said ; complaining that Government had not fairly treated him ; contending that Lord John Russell, by unsaying what he had said about Sebastopol, had destroyed the good impression derived from his speech ; attacking Lord Aberdeen ; and urging' the Government not to expect too much from Austria, who has her owryobjects in view, and will not disturb the status quo. Colonel DUNNE, Sir JURN'SHELLEY, and Sir JOHN WALSH, criticized the conduct of the Government ; which Mr. F. SCULLY defended.

In replying to some remarks respecting the Navy, which he imputed to Lord Dudley Stuart, Admiral BERKELEY read extracts of letters from the Baltic from Sir Charles Napier and Admiral Chads.

Admiral Napier said—" It has not been in my power to do anything with this powerful fleet; for attacking either Cronstadt or Sweaborg would have been certain destruction." This was not all : Admiral Chads, than whom no man possessed a greater amount of scientific knowledge, wrote also in these terms—" After two days' inspection from the lighthouse, and full views of the forts and ships, the former are too substantial for the fire of ships to make any impression. They are large masses of granite. With respect to an attack on the ships where they are, it is not to be entertained." To show that Government is in earnest, he quoted a passage from a letter written by the Captain of the Fleet, Admiral Seymour; who said—" We have never been at any time in want of anything, thanks to the provident mea- sures adopted by the Admiralty."

It has been Main uated that Sir Charles Napier bad received instructions to "hold his hands" : " In the strongest language that man can use," con- tinued Admiral Berkeley, "I declare—and as it is part of my duty to draw up orders for the Admirals, I can speak with authority on this point—that there never was a British officer who had more completely a carte blanche to undertake what he pleased. So far from his hands being tied up by the Government, they have afforded him every encouragement to proceed." Later in the evening, Mr. HILDYARD protested against this speech, as " one of the greatest indiscretions ever committed by the member of a Government." What, he asked, would be its effect in Germany, in France, and in Russia itself? Would it not confirm the Czar in his pre- sent course, to tell him that he need be under no apprehensions for his fleet in Sweaborg and Cronstadt ? Admiral BERKELEY answered, that he had quoted those private letters to show that Government had not tied the hands of Sir Charles Napier but since those letters were written, a large French force had been embarked at Calais, and he was sure that whatever could be done would be done.

Mr. MONCKTON MILNES could not think that the thinly-attended state of the House enabled them seriously to regard the question as a vote of confidence. He looked upon the war as one of the greatest misfortunes that has ever befallen the country, and could not see daylight through the difficulties of the question. Heartily joining in supplying the Govern- ment with the sinews of the war, he dissented from their diplomatic pro- ceedings. He was bound to say, however, that since Lord Aberdeen had come forward as the enemy of Russia and the defender of the Turks, he had not practically failed in any way to carry out the real objects of the war; nor should they be justified in presuming that ho would relax his exertions, or that Lord John Russell or Lord Palmerston would remain in the Cabinet any longer than they could do so with honour. Mr. Prro made a hearty speech in defence of the Government; lectured those who, he was sorry to say, still sat on the Ministerial side, yet uttered continual imputations on the Ministers ; and contrasted their conduct with the "fair, open, and manful" attacks of Mr. Disraeli. The country have the most unreserved confidence in Ministers, and will continue to have that confi- dence until better reasons for its withdrawal are adduced.

Lord JOHN Russms. brought the debate to a close. Ile declined to re- state his speech with reference to Sebastopol : Mr, Cobden and Mr. Lay- ard had made a gratuitous inference from what he said. When Mr. Layard desired statesmanlike views as to the objects of the war, why did not he, so much more enlightened and far-sighted than Ministers, tell them what those objects ought to be, and how the war should have been carried on. " He has not so enlightened us, I am sorry to say." The war is not at all similar to other wars ; " for we have now a sort of rhi- noceros to deal with, and to strike an effectual blow upon an animal of so thick a hide is by no means an easy task." Passing from the war, Lord John referred to the attacks made upon Lord Aberdeen, and vindicated the brief speech which he had addressed to the House of Lords. There is nothing constitutional, nothing generous, in tho attempt to separate the Cabinet from Lord Aberdeen, and to make him alone responsiLle.

"With regard to the general measures of the warhose measures have M

been considered step by step by those advisers of her Majesty who are usually called the Cabinet; and for the decisions which have been adopted all the colleagues of Lord Aberdeen are alike responsible to this House and the country with that noble Lord. With regard to the particular departments— with regard to the Minister of War, and with regard to the Lords df the Admiralty, who are the officers chiefly armed with the conduct of measures relating to this war—I am sure that I am perfectly justified in saying, that there is no measure which they have proposed in order to give greater vigour to the operations of the war, and in order to insure the success of that war, which my noble friend at the head of the Government has not readily con- curred in and zealously encouraged. (Cheers.) That my noble friend for a long while believed in the possibility of peace, and wished to avert war, is a reproach which he can very well bear. But with' regard to any delay that has taken place, or delay that is charged at least to have taken place, with respect to the commencement of the war, the colleagues of Lprd Aberdeen are alike chargeable with that delay." If Ministers are fit to be Ministers of the Crown, they are fit to have the discretion of calling together Parliament ; if they are not fit to have that discretion, they are no longer fit to be Ministers of the Crown. To test this, the address proposed by Lord Dudley Stuart, 'although not very appropriate, would do as well as any other motion ; and Ministers would cheerfully abide by the decision upon that issue. Lord ,DUDLEY STUART rose and said, that feeling the House were against the motion, and being himself "satisfied with the declarations made, ho begged to withdraw the motion. Load cries of "No!" and " Divide !" arose from the Ministerial benches ; but no 'division took took place : the motion we's negatived ; and the 'report was received.

In the House of Lords, the Earl of ABERDEEN moved an address of thanks to the Queen for her most gracious Message, and of assurance that the House would concur in her Majesty's desire, "by making due provi- sion for any additional expense that may arise in consequence of' the war in which her Majesty is now engaged." In an exceedingly brief speech; Lord Aberdeen assumed there would be entire agreement on the necessity of adopting such measures as are best calculated to lead to an early and successful termination of the war ; that the activity and energy of France and England would mainly produce that result, "in concurrence with other Powers" ; and that, as Parliament will soon be prorogued, and as it is highly probable contingencies may occur of which Ministers may be able to avail themselves, he thought it not unreasonable, following prece- dents, to ask Parliament for a vote of credit to the amount of 3,000,0001.; a large sum, which some might prefer to see intrusted to other hands, but he believed that no such wish would interfere with the desire to promote and assist the efforts of the Government.

"The House will clearly understand that the money now demanded has been already voted and provided by Parliament. There is no question of any new burden upon the people ; there is no new tax—no loan. It is an au- thorization to apply funds already provided, but which hitherto have not been appropriated by Parliament. Under these circumstances, I think I do not make any unreasonable proposition in following that course which, under similar circumstances, has been observed by all preceding Governments, and in asking your Lordships to concur with the other House in making provi- sion for such an emergency."

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH had no objection to the motion; but he earnestly inculcated the necessity of the most strict economy in the civil -departments. The Earl of HARDWICHE said that the necessity of the case justified the demand, and expressed his willingness to place the money in the hands of Lord Aberdeen. Still, what Government intends to do, nobody knows ; but the expectations of the country are raised to such a pitch that should the campaign finish without some great deed of arms, a great responsibility will rest upon the Government. Earl I'm- wiLLIAst commented upon the little information conveyed in the speech of Lord Aberdeen ; but one thing he said—he spoke strongly of the restoration of peace " with the concurrence of other Powers." Who are those Powers ?

Lord BROUGHAM—"lie meant concurrence in carrying on the war." Earl EITZWILLIAM—`• Concurrence in carrying on the war! What my noble friend said was, concurrence in procuring peace." The Earl of ABERDEEN—" You are totally mistaken ; nothing of the sort. I made no reference to other Powers in respect to peace—it was entirely in respect to war." Earl FITZWILLIAM accepted that statement; but he could not see the distinction. The object of the war is peace—are France and Turkey the only Powers concurring for the restoration of peace ? If, indeed, we would attain peace, it must not be by attacking small ports, but by strik- ing some serious blow. He confessed to an apprehension as to the terms on which peace might be made ; and contended that it should be such as to place Turkey in such a position as would enable her, with or without allies, to maintain her independence against the aggressions of Russia. The Earl of CLINRICARDE expressed his surprise at the " extraordi- nary " course taken by Lord Aberdeen ; who, if he had nothing else to tell them, might have paid some tribute to the brilliant exploits of the Turks and our sailors in the Baltic and Black Sea. Lord Clanricarde asked for information on a variety of points,—our relations with Cir- cassia ; the convention between Austria and the Porte, which ought to have been produced in Parliament ; an explanation why Austria held back from entering the Principalities. We ought to know how Austria and Prussia deal with us, so that we may know how to deal with them. We have moral as well as national resources; and the rulers of Poland, for instance, should know that there is such a thing as an appeal to the people. The Earl of CLARENDON thought it necessary to rectify one or two errors into which Lord Clanricarde had fallen. The Austro-Turkish convention was concluded on the 14th June, nine days before the retreat of the Russians from Silistria ; but it had not been ratified : as soon as a ratified copy is received by Government, it should be laid before the House. Austria is independent ; she has vital interests to protect, and engagements with other Powers; and unless we can suppose that she will be unfaithful to her engagements and blind to her vital interests, we must believe she will act as she ought to act.

" For Austria, it must be remembered, has already declared that the course which France and England have pursued in summoning Russia to evacuate the Principalities, and in carrying out that summons to its legiti- mate consequences, was reasonable and justifiable : she has declared that the evacuation of the Principalities and the freedom of the Danube affect not only Austria but the whole of Germany ; and she has declared, too, with England and France, that it is necessary to devise some means of including Turkey in the general system of Europe,—which means, that Turkey is to be freed from her onerous engagements to Russia, and from the wrongful interpretation of her treaties with that Power. Austria has also herself sum- moned Russia to evacuate the Principalities ; and lastly, at a great expense —at an expense which she is very ill able to bear—she has organized and equipped one of the largest and finest armies which I believe has ever been seen in modern times, As it is impossible to suppose that Russia will vo- luntarily submit to the demands which England and France, with Austria, have addressed to her, so it is equally impossible to suppose that Austria, having made these recent demands, will ignominiously withdraw from them, and will consent to sink herself in the scale of nations by acknowledging the superiority of Russia, and submitting to her dictation. I think we may be assured that the time is not far distant when we shall have Austria co- operating with us."

That cooperation would have taken place long sir ce, had not Austria been beset with difficulties. She has had to raise her army—reduced last autumn by 100,000 men—to 300,000. She was willing to conclude a quadruple treaty in March, but was compelled to submit to the compromise of the 9th April. The combination known as the Bamberg Conference has hitherto prevented the Austro-Prussian treaty from being submitted to the Diet. These things must be taken into account if we would understand the policy of Austria. "I answer for nothing," added Lord Clarendon ; "I merely state what has passed, and the grounds on which I believe we may count upon this cooperation. No fresh negotiations have been or will be entered into by this country with Austria or Russia, unless the terms offered are of a bon& fide character."

"I do hope," Lord Clarendon concluded, "that during the time I have administered the affairs of the Foreign Office, I have given your Lordships no reason to believe that I am insensible to the honour and dignity of this country; and I ask you, therefore, to believe me when I say, not only in my own name but on behalf of my colleagues also, that there is no intention of returning to the status quo ; and that there is no intention of listening to a patched-up peace, which could only be a hollow truce, and which would render a return to war inevitable. If, however, we continue to enjoy the support of Parliament and of the people of England, I can assure your Lord- ships that we will enter into no negotiations that shall not have for their object a just and honourable peace, worthy of the. just and righteous cause in which we are engaged, worthy of the allies with whom we have undertaken this cause, and, I hope, not unworthy of the great and disinterested sacrb fives which this country has so cheerfully made." (Cheers.)

The vote passed without further discussion.

RUSSIAN LOANS.

The adjourned debate on going into Committee upon Lord Dudley Stuart's Russian Government Securities Bill was resumed on WedneL day. Mr. THOMAS BARING described the bill as useless : public opinion would prevent Englishmen from dealing in the loan ; and if England arid France should enact such a law as this, Russia will be still able to obtain money. Besides, the innocent might suffer, as in the case of a Conti- nental house becoming bankrupt and holding these securitierk Mr. Wu, SON renewed his opposition. If capitalists knew what Russian opera. tions were, it would more effectually prevent a loan than any law. per instance—Russia commenced a long war by the issue of rouble notes, then valued at 38d.; the note depreciated to 101d. ; the rouble note was restored to 38d., but the Government paid all the old notes at 1014 Russia is now engaged in a similar operation, and her rouble note at 38d. has already fallen to 32d. Lord DUDLEY STUART and Mr. ISAAC Bt defended the bill. According to Mr. Wilson's argument, wherever an Englishman could turn a penny he was at liberty to do so, no matter what injury he might do his own country. Lord PALMERSTON strongly recommended the House not to reject the bill. Its simple principle is, that the subjects of this realm should not be allowed in time of war to furnish our enemies with the means of car- rying on hostilities. The bill does not apply to established Dutch stock, but to stock created for the purpose of making war upon England. "The arguments of the Secretary to the Treasury amount to this—that you ought to abolish your law of high treason ; that you ought to permit your merchants and manufacturers to supply the Emperor of Russia with gunpowder and ball, with ships of war, and with all the implements by which war may be carried on. (Cheers from the Opposition.) I consider that it is sheer nonsense to say so. (Renewed cheers and laughter.) These arguments are founded upon the principle on which we are told the Dutch Admiral proceeded, when, in the interval or lull of a naval action, he sold gunpowder to his enemies in order that the engagement might be renewed in the afternoon. (Laughter and cheers.) I am as desirous as any man can be to encourage the commercial enterprise of this country ; but, for Heaven's sake, don't let-us adopt a system which places pocket against honour, which sets the turn of your balance-sheet against the national interests, and which lowers the whole feeling of the country to a mere question of pounds, shil- lings, and pence. I say that is a system which is disgraceful and fatal to a country ; and that if we mean to maintain our national independence, we must have regard to those great principles upon which nations act, and by which alone national independence and honour can be secured." Sir JOHN PARTNGTON and Mr. HENLEY thought that if the measure were so important, it ought to have been taken up by Government. Mr. DUNCAN and Mr. W. BROWN said that the bill would establish a danger- ous precedent of interference with money transactions, and would injure the mercantile community. On a division, the motion fpr going into Committee was carried by 77 to 24. Lord DUDLEY STUART informed the Speaker, that Sir William Moles- worth " had been somewhere in the lobby during the division, but had not voted." The SPEAKER said, that should have been stated to him before the doors of the House were reopened. In Committee, Lord SEYMOUR moved that the Chairman should report progress, in order that the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown might be taken. Lord ParowEssroN was in favour of proceeding; and the point was much canvassed ; Sir Jourr Pesraorox, Mr. THOMAS BARING, and others, supporting the motion. The measure ought to be framed in the most careful manner, and made a general measure appli- cable to all states with which we are at war. To this view Lord Eil- anmsToN demurred; and the motion was negatived by 78 to 32.

Several Members put cases to show that the bill would have a retro- spective effect ; would operate with harshness upon merchants receiving Russian bonds as remittances, or as securities ; and would involve inno- cent holders who might buy old stock really issued by the Russian. Government before the passing of the bill. Finding that there was a general feeling in favour of taking the opinion of the Crown Lawyers, Lord PALMERSTON consented that the Chairman should report progress.

The debate was resumed again, and again adjourned, on Thursday. No sooner had the House gone into Committee, than Mr. WILXINSON moved that the Chairman should report progress. It was late, but the Committee were very merry, and many jokes were interchanged, (haw- ing forth compliments from Lord Palmerston on the midnight vigour of Members. The Somerrort-GENERAL said as he had been attacked for not having given an opinion on the bill, he would state, that it had been prepared with a laudable disregard of everything that should have been attended to in its composition. Though the bill was framed in accordance with the spirit of the law, yet it was framed with the most perfect neglect of all the interests of Brituit merchants in all their dealings with neutral nations. (Great cheering.) And though, as the House had approved of the principle of the bill, and as they were now in Committee, it was not necessary that he should express his opinion of its principle, and he was anxious, therefore, to confine his at- tention to its defects, yet he would now inform Mr. Butt, that, in the first place, hardly anything that was written in the bill ought to remain ; next, that of the little that would then remain, it ought to remain with .2 vast number of qualifications, in order to prevent mischief, and to render a as powerless and as little operative as possible. (Great laughter and cheer- ing.) 11-e showed, that if a British merchant accepted the assignment of a bankrupt merchant of Amsterdam, and that assignment contained any of these securities, he would be guilty of a misdemeanour ; and he cited other similar cases. He would propose a proviso to meet the objections, if the bill were permitted to go on. Lord PALMERSTON suggested that the motion to report progress should be agreed to ; and, Lord DUDLEY STUART giving way, progress Was re' ported. OXFORD UNreanstrr. The Lords' amendments to the Oxford University Bill were considered at an evening sitting of the Commons on Thursday, and disposed af• Lord JOHN RUSSELL announced that the Government were prepared to agree to the amendments, with one or two trifling exceptions. On the clause relating to "sectional election li " Mr. Waimma -made a sPeoca is favour of that mode of electing the Hebdomadal Council, and moved that the House disagree with the Lords' amendment of the clause. He was supported by Mr. HENLEY, MT. WIORAM, and Mr. NEWDEOATE ; and op- nosed by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Mr. HEYWOOD, and Sir WILLIAM HEATH- TE. On a division, the motion was negatived by 115 to 62, and the Lords' amendment was agreed to. The House next considered the amendment made in clause 31, em- powering the Colleges to make ordination " for the consolidation of Fellowships, and for the conversion of Fellowships attached to Schools into Scholarships or Exhibitions so attached." Considering that it is desirable to consolidate other emoluments, often insignificant in amount, and that the word " emoluments" would cover. Fellowships, Mr. GLAD- sioNE proposed to take out the words introduced by the Lords, and to insert the following words—

“For the consolidation, division, or conversion of emoluments, including therein the conversion of Fellowships attached to Schools into Scholarships or Exhibitions so attached, and of Fellowships otherwise limited into Scho- larships or Exhibitions, and either subject or not to any similar or modified limitations.”

The next amendment read by the Clerk was the one excepting Fellow- ships or Studentships from the operation of the 34th clause, which pre- serves the right of preference belonging to Schools. Mr. ROUNDELL EsLuEn, reviving his objections against infringing on the rights of the Schools, moved that the House disagree with the Lords' amendment. In the subsequent discussion, Mr. HENLEY said, the principle now adopted was "detur digniori " : how could the hereditary Peerage be expected to stand if that in future be the rule ? Property was going to be set aside, because it was thought a person of higher ability might be got to fill the office: there was "plunder" in it. Mr. GLADSTONE, besides meeting the arguments of Mr. Roundell Palmer, severely rebuked Mr. Henley for accusing the House of Lords of robbery. "The honourable gentleman, himself a distinguished Conservative orator, who is rather supposed to hold with tenacity smaller institutions of the country, does not hesitate, with hyper-papal authority, to say to the House of Lords, 'If you vote otherwise than I think right, you must be prepared to have your powers and privileges taken away from you!' (Ministerial cheers.) I venture to state, that the House of Lords, by the vote it has given on this occasion, has done nothing to weaken, but everything to strengthen itself in public opinion. And, moreover, after giving at least as much attention to the subject as the honourable gentleman, I will venture to state, that the amendment cent down by the House of Lords is not an amendment in favour of robbery and plunder, but is an amendment in favour alike of moral and intellectual excellence as against ignorance and abuse." (Cheers.) The debate was continued by Sir WILLIAM HEATHCOTE, Sir JOHN PaxixwroN, and Mr. WIORAM, on behalf of the Schools; Lord JOHN Rue- SELL, and Mr. VERNON, in favour of the Lords' amendment. Finally that amendment was confirmed by 110 to 68.

In clause 42, providing for subjecting all statutes made by the Com- missioners to alteration and repeal by University or College, with the assent of the Queen in Council, Mr. GLADSTONE moved that the words "respecting private Halls," added by the Lords, as he thought, by mis- take, be omitted. These words would, as the bill stands, give the Uni- versity the right of abolishing private Halls. Sir WILLIAM HE/annoy; Mr. W.usoLE, and Mr. HENLEY, strenuously contended for the retention of the words, and divided the House against striking them out. But the motion was carried by 130 to 70.

The other amendments were agreed to ; some trifling alterations made ; and Lord John Russell, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Henley, and Mr. Walpole, were appointed to confer with the Lords on the subject of the amend- ments with which the. House had disagreed.

ELECTORAL BRIBERY.

The Bribery Bill was considered in Committee at sittings on Saturday, Monday, and Tuesday mornings. The two chief questions debated were those of the allowance of travelling-expenses and of refreshments to voters. Lord JoHN RussELL moved the insertion of the following clause, legalizing the payment of reasonable travelling-expenses. "And whereas doubts have arisen as to whether the payment of the ex- penses of conveying voters to and from the poll, on the day of nomination or day of polling, be, or be not, according to law, and it is expedient that such doubts should be removed and that the law should be settled in these particulars, be it declared and enacted that, from and after the passing of this act, it shall be lawful for any candidate or other perSon, subject always to the provisions of this act as to the payment of election-expenses, to pay or cause to be paid the actual and reasonable expense of bringing any voters to the poll."

Mr. CRAUFtrED moved as an amendment, the insertion of the word "not" before the word " shall" ; and upon this arose a debate. Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR opposed the clause, because under it voters might demand to be carried to the poll. Mr. VERNON SMITH and Mr. W. J. Fox objected to the clause, because it would open a wide door to bribery, for the most exorbitant sums might be charged for carriages; and be- cause it would degrade the electors. Mr. HENLEY, Mr. HILDYARD, and Mr. BON/IAM CARTER, supported the clause. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he had proposed it in order that the House might decide the question one way or the other. The clause would only declare that to be legal which everybody thought legal before. On a division, the amendment was negatives by 110 to 49. Mr. IIEADLAM then moved a proviso, to the effect that no travelling-expenses should be deemed "reasonable" in boroughs except those incurred in bringing up to the poll aged and infirm voters. Negatived by 95 to 51. The clause was carried by 88 to 47. A clause was added, on the motion of Mr. WALPOLE, to the effect that The election-officer should keep the accounts open to the inspection of can- didates and their agents ; and permit copies to be taken by any voter on Payment of expenses, at the rate of 18. for 200 words. The bill, as amended, was then reported; and on the bringing up of the report, Lord Jolts' RussELL moved the addition of a clause relating to refreshments— "And whereas doubts have also arisen as to whether the giving of refresh- ment to voters on the day of nomination or day of polling be or be not ac- cording to law, and it is expedient that such doubts should be removed,—Se it declared and enacted, that the giving, or causing to be given, to any voter on the day of nomination or day of polling, on account of such voter having Polled or being about to poll, any meat, drink, or entertainment by way of refreshment, or any money or ticket to enable such voter to obtain refresh- ment, shall be held and be taken to amount to bribery or treating, as the case may be within the meaning of this act." clause was opposed by Mr. _HENLEY, Mr. VERNON SNIT1i, Mr.; HILDYARD, and Lord Bossier GliosvEsen ; and supported by the ATTOR- NEY-GENERAL, Lord JoHN RUSSELL, and Sir FITZROY KELLY. Tho debate upon it having been adjourned until Tuesday morning, it was then carried by 77 to 35. Mr. BANKES proposed an amendment to legalize refreshments incidental to travelling expenses. Negatived by 113 to 61. On the motion of Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR, it was agreed to leave out the word " refreshment" in hue 7, and to insert the words " shall be deemed an illegal act ; and the person so offending shall forfeit the sum of forty shillings for each offence to any person who shall sue for the same, together with full costs of suit."

Clauses were added making unsuccessful prosecutors of actions for penalties liable for costs ; permitting agents and candidates to pay in ready money lawful and reasonable expenses that cannot be postponed ; and making some minor alterations. The bill was reported, and ordered to be read a third time on Friday.

MILITIA.

The Militia (No. 2) Bill enacts that Counties shall; provide certain buildings for the use of the Militia at the expense of the Counties. On going into Committee, Mr. HENLEY, Mr. BEEDES, Sir JOHN PAE,Noyors, and Mr. CHRISTOPHER, raised an outcry against the bill, as saddling the Counties with an intolerable expense. Colonel GILPIN suggested that it should be equally divided between the Counties and the Govern- ment. As it was discussed at a morning sitting, the clock cut short the debate before clause 2 could be disposed of.

BURLINGTON HOUSE.

In Committee of Supply, on Thursday, a vote of 140,000/. to purchase Burlington House and grounds for the public service was proposed. Mr. SroosEa, Mr. WILLIAMS, and Captain SCOBELL, opposed the vote. The site would be inconvenient for public offices ; and the country ought not to be put to such an expense at the present time. Mr. GLADSTONE re- marked, that it might be a generation before such an opportunity would again occur of acquiring three acres and a half of land in the very heart of London. For Commissioners' offices, Burlington House would be ex- ceedingly convenient ; and such space as was not used by learned socie- ties could be turned to account by the Government. Mr. DISRAELI sup- ported the vote. It was carried by 143 to 23.

SALE OF BEER.

In Committee on the Sale of Beer Bill, the Earl of HARROWBY ex- plained, that its object was to provide that public-houses shall only re- main open from one until half-past two and from five until eleven o'clock on Sundays. Lord BaouelLial avowed his repugnance to this kind of legislation, as it had a tendency to press upon the lower classes, while it would not prevent him from going into any clubhouse or hotel in St. James's Street on Sundays. At the same time, he admitted that there is a feeling in the country in favour of some measure of the kind, which he was disposed to gratify. After some more conversation of a similar character, the bill passed through Committee.

NATIONAL EDUCATION.

In laying certain resolutions and a bill on the subject of National Edu- cation upon the table, Lord BROUGHAM entered largely into the question. He showed from statistical returns, that notwithstanding the fact that the educational grant had risen from 20,0001. in 1832 to 300,0004 in 1854, there is still a great and serious deficiency in the means of instruction provided for the people. He did not explain the nature of his resolu- tions, but dwelt on the importance of increasing the number of day- schools ; showed the usefulness and success of mechanics' institutions when placed under the control of working men ; admitted the good done by cheap publications, and argued that the penny stamp on newspapers prevents the diffusion of cheap treatises wrapped up with news. Earl GRANVILLE, paying Lord Brougham a high compliment for his efforts in the cause of education, followed him in illustrating existing educational deficiences. He spoke highly of the labours of the Educa- tional Committee of the Privy Council; and pointed out some recent im- provements, especially in the teaching of "common things," in the Na- tional Schools. With regard to charities, he noticed the inadequate powers of the Charity Commissioners, who are frequently obliged to refer trustees to the Court of Chancery for a remedy ; and he spoke of the pro- bability that a bill would be introduced next session to remedy this de- fect. The Earl of IlAnnowny and Lord CAMPBELL commented on the deficient state of education in the Metropolis, and recommended that the same assistance should be extended to the poorer parts of the Metropolis as to the country districts.

As the resolutions were not before the House, no expression of opinion was taken upon them.

THE BISHOP OF NEW ZEALAND.

Sir JOHN PAKINGTON raised a debate, on Thursday, upon the question of the stopped salary of the Bishop of New Zealand ; moving that the House should on Friday resolve itself into a Committee of Supply, to consider a resolution to the effect that an address should be presented to the Queen praying that she would be pleased to direct the payment of the salary of 6001. annually voted to the Bishop of New Zealand. Sir GEORGE GREY hoped an appeal to the Legislative Assembly of the colony would render any call upon the funds of this country unnecessary ; but he believed, as regards 1853 and 1854, that the House would make good the Bishop's claim, which her Majesty's Government are ready to re- cognize.

DR. PEITHMAN.

On a motion for going into Committee of Supply, Mr. OTWAY called attention to the case of Dr. Pcithman, who had been imprisoned at a police-station from Sunday the 9th to Wednesday the 12th July. Dr. Peithman, a gentleman of education and learning, presented himself at Buckingham Palace ; and on being admitted, found his way to the Royal Chapel, not being aware that it was strictly private. He was arrested and confined in a horrible hole in King Street station ; kept there until Wednesday, and then hurried off to Hanwell, after a private proceeding in the room of the Bow Street Magistrate. Mr. Otway had only been admitted at his special request, and subsequently Dr. Peithman's soli- citor. An offer was made to produce evidence to prove the sanity of Dr. Peithman, but it was refused. If it were so easy to deprive a person of his liberty, Government might incarcerate any of its opponents. Lord PALMERSTON explained at some length, that Dr. Peithman's ease had occupied a great deal of his attention. The Doctor's delusion was that he had a claim upon the Royal Family, pretending that his Gram. mar had been instrumental in teaching the Queen German ; and he per-

tinaciously attempted to force himself into the Royal presence. Upon an inquiry on a former occasion, it was deemed necessary to place him under restraint; but towards the end of last year he was set at liberty, a gentleman undertaking charge of him. • No sooner, however, had he ob- tained entire liberation, than he preferred a claim for a place in the Queen's Household, and, using a false statement, entered the Chapel Royal. With regard to the legal proceedings, the time between Sunday and Wednesday had been occupied in taking the opinion of the Law Offi- cers of the Crown, and in obtaining evidence as to the state of Dr. Peith- man's mind. The proceedings had been perfectly legal, but it had been most painful to Lord Palmerston to take those steps.

VENTILATION OF THE PARLIAMENT PALACE.

In reply to Lord DUDLEY STUART, Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH said he perceived on Friday last the stench of which Lord Dudley complained; and he found on inquiry that it came from the air without, and did not arise in any way within the House. It was traced to a sewer that empties itself into the Thames by Westminster Bridge ; the rising tide disturbed the masses of sewage, which in consequence of the heat of the weather were in a state of decomposition, and the gases evolved entered the House. He would do all he could to prevent the annoyance ; but all he could do would have little effect so long as the Thames continues to be the cloaca maxima of this great city. The only way of excluding the smells would -be by excluding the air ; but then they would all be suffocated. No doubt, these odours are injurious to health : the best remedy would be to close the sitting as soon as possible.

FINCIILEY•ROAD ESTATE BILL.

On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Lord ROBERT Girths- TENOR moved that it be read a second time that day three months. The amendment was supported by Mr. OSBORNE, Mr. HENLEY, Sir BENJAMIN HAT T., Mr. Lows, and others. Their main objection was, that the bill would enable Sir Thomas Wilson to do things contrary to the will of his father, under which he holds the property. The original motion was supported by Sir FREDERICK THFSIGER, Mr. BOUVERIE, and Mr. Mu- TEES SMITH. On a division, the amendment was carried, by 97 to 43 ; and thus the bill was thrown out.