DEBATES IN 'nil: I.NC:t. CH AMBER OF iwprrics.

The dehate on the midress ill the Eromelt Cliamlier of Deptc jet is not yet concluded. 'file stormy mounter in which it commenced has

• been continued throughout. Last n esk we gave a sketch oh' 31. Thiers's spesch against England

' and 31. (him] nit. Friday, he delivered 3 pereratiAs of a Still more stirring character. After repeating arguments to show that the Four Powers acted from a sense of the weakness of France, he said- " These were the trae motives which actuated the Four Powers. Yes, gen- tlemen, the true cause is the Nvenkness of the policy of the last ten years. I will speak the tru h : do you know what your enemies say ?—that you are weak at home ; that you cannot go to war ; that you arc. torn by factions. You give your enemies reason to say so : you adopt their opinion, and you say. We are not •strung enough to go to war.' " (Cries of " Oh, oh!" front the Centre, and of " lea, yes!" from the Left.) N. Dangevale here exclaimed, " It is the National which says so." (Ex- clamations.) M. Thieve-4' What I state is my opinion. I have always believed that it was necessary to display great vigour ; that we should assume an imposing attitude towards Foreign Powers. This is why I proposed the armament ; and the conduct of the Allies has fully proved that they were perfectly justifiable. You haVe seen them day after day proceeding in their course with increased brutality. I wished to check them by placing France in an imposing attitude. I wished to arm in order to obtain a modification of the treaty. I resolved on obtaining it, and I should have obtained it ; and if I had not, I declare now, that I would have gone to war, fiw the honour and interest of my country com- manded it. When I saw that the treaty was being brutually executed, I wrote as follows to M. Guizot—'"We are arming, constantly arming; and when France shall be ready, if an arrangement does not take place, we shall have war. (Great sensation.) I (knot hesitate in adopting an extreme course when I see that the honour of my country is about to be compromised.' (Approbation.) Yes, gentlemen, I would have demanded the modification of the treaty. I would have demanded it when France was ready for action ; and if it had been then refused, although, as a statesman, I know perfectly well how terrible the word svar is for a country, I would have cried ' War, war! ' and I should have found an echo in France. ("Bravo, bravo!" from the LC/, and great agitation in the Chamber.) Let Inc be kept from power ; let me be ba- piehed for ever ; but let it not be said that, as a Frenelt :1Iinister, I would have ever permitted language insulting to the honour of France. Yes, gentlemen, Whenever Europe, the whole of Eurepe, should say to us, you do not choose such or such a thing, we will do it without you, anti in spite of you,' I would cry • War.' Let us be what our litthers vere; and let us never descend from the rank to which tbv,) raisol us."

M. Guizot again defended C rt Britain from the charge of bad faith, though he did not acquit her of want of courtesy. On Saturday, he concluded one of his speeches with the follotting statement— The note of the '21 of November, which, he knew not how, had got into the journals, had excited the surprise of the French Cabinet ; which had felt called upon to notify its displeasure to Turd 'Palmerston. Ills Lordship's reply Was couched in the most hemming terms: he declared that neither the British Cabinet nor the other Powers had any of the intentions supposed by the French Cabieet ; that the innsof moss felt by the latter was unfounded; that the 'menthes:: of the signers of the treaty respecting Egypt were un- changed ; and, to prove their sincerity, Lord Palmerston not only spoke but acted, for be transmitted orders to Admiral Stoptitrd to send an officer to Mehemet Ali, and ittbuoin ldm that if he ceased hostilities and surrendered the fleet, the Four Powers would us.2 their best exertions to obtain from the Sultan the cession to him of the hereditary government of Egypt ; which was exactly what M. '1 hitrs had tipolated tim him in the note of tile Stli October.

M. Thiers hero rme and obsemeol. that in that note he did init give up the Pashalic of Syria.] 31. Guizot contended that no other construction could be

Iput upon time note ; and the Cabinet, in adopting it as the rule of its conduct, continued the policy of its predecessors; and that Egypt being now secured to Mehemet Ali, and Syria du facto lost for the Pasha, the Cabinetswas bound to accept les pits accou,pli; and recommend the Pasha to submit.

N. Odillon Barrot, who spoke after N. Guizot, protested against the pusillanimity which characterized the policy of the present Ministers. The very accomplishment of the events in Syria showed more strongly the necessity of protesting and resisting with energy. It was childish to suppose that Russia and England had interfered in the affairs of the East merely to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman empire. It was clear that they intended to obtain the partition of influence at least, if not of territory. Syria would henceforth be Under the safeguard of England. Egypt must follow ; and the in of' France would be effaced front those regions where almost every name is French— The note which prott•sted agaitet I d: position of Aiello:net, which Was supported by armaments, and by the lug or the fleet, to Alexandria—this

would have been the realization of tic Noble idea expressed in the address of 1810, viz, that the dignity of Fram.e i melt r the protection of its power.

There were found A Ii, ist mrs Who were du tt•lotnined, after it long series of con-

cessions, to say " No," and who were ready to risk war rather than cede flit- timer. Honour to that Ministry ! It proved its devotion to the cause of the Revolution. Ile was a partio0n of /save, and that more in the interests of freedom than of material interests: fur the great danger of war was that it would not favour a development of liberty, bolt the contrary. Ile did not want to defy Europe ; but he demanded some reserve for the national dignity, and a declaration that the Pasha should have Egypt by some better title than the pity of the Four Pm,y(ors.

N. Barrot then inade a violent attack on AI. Guizot ; whom he accused of quitting the post of A mhasoya o- to become the successor and antagonist of the Minister whom he had served. He accused hint of quoting confidential commueications, in which the Minister unbosomed himself freely, and turning them against the same Minister and his policy. M. Guizot, he said, was the last man who should hare become the successor of M. Thiers.

31. nufaure accused the prm:eding Cabinet of inactivity before and after the treaty of uly, and will, not having adopted measures of vigour in proportion to their tone of defiance.

M. Timbers again rose, to defend himself and his colleagues—

The note of the s ,I, of Oetelar made no delimitation of territOPV. It gua- ranteed the existenee of the Vieemy, without saying whether he ;btould have

Egypt alone, or lo;;:ypt mmml Spit:, It guaranteed him agaimt deposition. It et:tablblval a em, hen/ ; and were tha Isseo folli realized, he did not think the present Caldnet wonld go to war The note or October the 11th was thus an act of energy. The fleet ought to have ii' mu sent to Alextualria, but not before it was placed on 0 footing of war. To complete its armament, rhe pre- sence of the Chambers was necessary. The late Cabittet took resolutions to this effect. They being negatived, Minis!, re resigned, leaving all responsibility to their successors.

The Chamber then adjourned till Monday.

'I'he principal speaker on Monday was M. de Tocqueville. He con- demned the address, as not being sufficiently firm— It ought to contain an energetic protest against that or Whiall We hare to complain, and some demonstration of n positive character—such, for instance, as a new naval armament ; and I flat the more desirous of this because Eng- land dots not choose that we shottid i mum , /Se our navy. (Load murmurs and sljn8 of dissent from the Minister of l'oreign He alluded to a report that the English Ministry had signified to the French Government, that if the armaments were proceeded with and increased, that would be considered a emus belli by England.

N. Guizot positively denied that there was any truth in such report. • M. de Tocqueville next attacked the present constitution of the Ca- binet ; which would not be able to act energetically against the Four

Powers of Europe. He entered into an examination of the state of public opinion in France. According to his view, there were two feel- ings in France, namely, the patriotic spirit, which must be listened to, and the revolutionary spirit, which must be combated : but care must be taken not to enter into a struggle with either one or the other, or to endeavour to stifle either, as had been recommended-

" The patriotic spirit, which is the more generous of the two, was powerful in France, and would not yield to any violence which might be brought against it. It is said that the Government desires peace, and that the national interest desires war. If you would not give strength to parties—if you would not incur great (Lager, do not encourage the idea of such a dissension. I will sum

up in a word. There are two great roads which lead to revolution. The first of these, gentlemen, is well known to you—you have been told of it : it is a violent, an unjust war, which leads to anarchy. The next road, gentlemen,

was pointed out to you by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, when he entered into the coalitiou against the Cabinet of the 15th of April: it is an inglorious peace, a paace without honour. Let us with equal care avoid one and the other." (Approbation front the Left.) M. Jouffroy protested against the system of representing France as having been degraded by the treaty of July. That treaty was a great blow to Russia, as the Unkiar' Skelessi advantage was now annihilated. He did not think that the Pasha had sufficient territory by virtue of the London treaty ; but he might have had more had France not isolated herself. In respect to the future, England could do nothing against Russia without France, and Russia could do nothing against France without England ; so that France remained mistress henceforth to give her alliance where she thought proper. He was for the armed and ex- pectant policy of the Cabinet, but insisted that the address should be more simple and energetic.

General Bugeaml, one of the Committee appointed to draw up the address, said that until he read the documents laid before the Commit- tee, lie had participated in the general feeling for war ; but it appeared clearly from those documents, that there had been no intention on the part of the Allied Powers to deceive France. Alluding to the War frenzy and to the Revolutionary party, General Bugeatul said— The papers said, and the students said, war could not be made without re- volution. And it was natural enough they should entertain this opinion, when the Historian of the Revolution himself asserted it. Terror was said to have saved France. This he denied. Anarchy and revolution could. not create an army ; though it could force reluctant conscripts to march against the enemy, and take the last crown from the pocket of the poor. Why had the French Revolutionary armies succeeded in repelling Europe in the last war ? Because Europe brought no more than 150,000 inen against thetn. An Austrian General, M. de I.Moy, had published a book in favour of it war of detail, of cordons, and of petty inaineuvres. This WaS the kinml of war that Europe waged against the French Revolution, which gave it breathing-time, and at last success. In the first campaign, the French were in general beaten. (Loud interntption.) It was useful to state these things ; for crowds believed that it was merely necessary' to sing the " Marseillaise " in order to rout all the armies of Europe. It was necessary to dissipate such illusions, and to show that the French Revolutionary armies were always beateu till they learned

M. Odillon Bat-rot here exclaimed, that enthusiasm and exaltation were a force. M. Odillon Bat-rot here exclaimed, that enthusiasm and exaltation were a force.

General Bugeaud replied, that he had infinite respect for the " Morsel!: laise," but he thought it unable to secure victory. In action it was better not to sing, and the most formidable troops were silent ones. If the enemy had concentrated 100,000 troops in the first campaign of the Ilevolutioil, they wet& have marched to Paris. (Murmurs.) lie knew the strength of France, which lay its the arms of its twenty-four millions of peasants and eight millions of artisans—men, fortunately, who never spilled any ink. Europe knew this, and Europe will not treat us with disdain. In the discussion on Tuesday, M. Berryer, the Royalist, made a bril- liant speech, which attracted great attention. It was altogether for war.

lie objected to the course adopted by the late Cabinet, who ought to have acted instead of merely threatening; and to have enabled them to do so with effect, they should have convoked the Chambers immediately after the signing of the July treaty. The Cabinet of the 1st of March had been deceived by the English ; who only sought the alliance of France so long as it suited their interests. The signing of the treaty of the Four Powers he designated an act of treason to France. He spoke of the injured honour of France, and denounced the proposed address as a submission to the Four Powers, which would be an in- dignity to: the nation. The treaty of July was an armistice between Russia and England, who wished to share the influence of the whole world- s Ouch is the treaty of July the lath. Let us render justice to all. Lord Palmerston has done great things for his country; mid I am not astonished that the strongest Tories in England should be determined to give a (inn sup- port to this chief of a Whig Cabinet. (Sensatien.) Let us take things at their proper value—let us say frankly what we think, and what the treaty is. The Alediterranean is lost to Its; it belongs to England. And now we are told, that when the Pasha will stanti in need of assistance Ile must no longer address himself to France. The dispositions of' the treaty of the 15th July are the same as those of the treaty of 1820, and they will have the same effects: yes, our interests are wounded, disregarded. What ! a great maritime power is hen cc lin th to have an exclusive influence over Egypt, and you not to per- ceive that your interests in the Mediterranean are lost ! What ! you say, we will maintain peace, but we will only maintain it if our interests are not menaced. All! gentlemen, inquire at our ports in the Alediterratican, and you will see that our interests are lost—completely destroyed. The dearest interest of a country consists in its influence. Gentlemen, I hear the cannon of' St. Jean d'Acre: I hear the cannon—the English cannon—knocking down the walls of that town befirre which Napoleon was checked : but I also hear the cannon which announces the arrival of the mortal remains whi.di have so long been held captive hy the Emiglishi. Will you allow these remains to

descend into the tomb without making a protest which shell fill with joy the manes of that enemy of England? (Sensation.) It is said that France had not been insulted : I say, however, that France has been treated by the Allied Powers with the most profinind contempt. * * * I demand the entire sup-

pression of the address; and that, before entering on the discussion of the paragraphs, it should lie sent before another Committee ; and I demand that the new address should contain the plain truth, the conviction of every. Oa- lightenea num, as to the spirit and consequences of the treaty, on the position of France, on her rights, her interests, and her honour." (Applause.)

The sitting of the Chamber was suspended for a short time at the conclusion of M. Berryer's speech, which produced a great sensation.

M. de Lamartine next addressed the Chamber. He deprecated the notion that France had been insulted, or that there existed antipathy to her among the other Powers of Europe since the Revolution of July. He retraced the course of events in the East and elsewhere since 1833, for the purpose of showing that France had all along continued to pot-

• sess great influence with the other Powers. He attributed the isolation of France from those Powers to the temporizing conduct of the late Cabinet, which had given reason to believe that she was acting treacherously by endeavouring to effect a direct arrangement between the Sultan and the Pasha. It was this which caused the dissolution of the alliance with England-

" I will now ask whether we can honestly say that there has been insult and treason towards France. You have seen the documents; you have heard the facts ; you have heard the protestations of Russia, the reiterated protestations of England, the sacrifices whets Lord Palmerston, the man most compromised —(Loud exclamations from. the Left)—welt, then, gentlemen, not to name individuals, I again ask you whether you see in all this a systematic insult on the part of the Powers? No, gentlemen; but I will freely admit that I have been much struck with one phenomenon. I have seen that the propositions made to the Cabinet of the lot of March became less and less favourable in proportion as the pretensions of that Cabinet became more and more exorbitant. The error, gentleman, has been in your own diplomacy. It is to ourselves, and to ourselves only, that we owe the rupture of the alliance with England,"

Addressing the Ministers, M. de Lamartinc recommended them to return to the treaty of the 15th July ; hut to return to it as became France, with flag unfurled and with important and conciliatory conces- sions for their policy and their country. He urged the Chamber to disregard the agitating press, and not to believe in the existence of a hatred towards France by other Powers-

" As to those turbulent spirits which do not fear to agitate the country, and to rouse bad passions, that they may themselves become more prominent by floating with the scum, I say of them that they are the enemies of liberty and liberal ideas ; and as such I deliver them up to universal execration. ([and approbuthm from the Centre.) Compelled by the late Cabinet to choose between general war and revolution, France has refused both. I entreat my fellow-citizens, therefore, to give their support to the inert who have token office in this moment of difficulty. ( Great interruption from the Left.) have no uneasiness for the honour of my country, for it is in sans hands. (Great applause from the Chair, and loud marks of disapprobation from the Left.) I repeat, gentlemen, that I am not uneasy for „French honour ; tinf see it protected by that warrior, who, when the sword of France was snapped, still continued to defend the country with its fragments. (Fresh interruptions from the Left.) Such is my opinions of the present Cabinet—I do not blush at declaring it—and France Is of my opinion. (E.refanattimis f " No, no!" " Yes, yes l") We have heard much of revolution, and revolutionary instinct. Revolution is not here the question. We are talking of France, and France is not a revolution it is a nations of humanity, of progress, and civilizations. I know well that ;here is, to a certain extent, agitation and effervescence for war; but true patriotistn, gentlemen, consists in peace." (Great approbation from the Centre.)

The debate on Wednesday was opened by M. de Remusat, Minister of the Interior under M. Thiers. He said France had a direct and special interest ins the affairs of Syria and Egypt ; and if the late Cabinet had attempted to reconcile the Sultan and his vassal, such an attempt to restore peace would be deserving of praise instead of censure. The policy of the late Cabinet had been to oppose any violence being offered to the Pasha. That violence had been offered, notwithstanding the representa- tions of France : her dignity and honour were seriously compromised by her inactions; and it was his opinion that war was preferable to dont humili- ation. The intention of the last Cabinet had been to arm and nego- tiate at the same time, and not to plunge the country ins war. It was determined to remove at any price the Insolent opinion that France would yield and submit. M. de Remusat contended that the note of the Sth October contained a emus be/li; and that had the Allies at- tempted to deprive Mehemet Ali of the possession of Egypt, war would have ensued. That resolution was serious, and he hoped that the pre- sent Cabinet would have courage enough to enffirce it. He next vin- dicated himself and his colleagues against the charge of having con- templated to carry on the war by revolutionary means, and concluded by telling the Conservatives that they would not save Monarchy by de- basing it.

The discussion was proceeding when the reports were sent off on Wednesday.

There have been seven amendments proposed to the address, by dif- ferent members. Those proposed by M. Piscatory, which are supposed to have been concocted by the members of the late Cabinet, would effect a complete remodelling of the address altogether. The first and second paragraphs are entirely changed ; thus-

" Faithful to that just and provident policy which admits every right, France sees with anxiety that the solution of a questions in which the repose of the world is interested has been abandoned to force. But since a policy contrary to its own Itas prevailed in the councils of Europe, France ought to nevem with firmness the conditions of a new situation. It cannot suffer the rights which it has proclaimed to be disallowed to-day, and IICVCr will it renounce its just share of influence in the settlement of European affairs." " The Chamber approves the armaments commenced by your Government ; anal, if' it lie nee,riary, will give the means of conmleting them. Wleftever sa- crifices your Majesty may demand of the country its order to nutio t rirs its dig- nity roul power, France is ready ; aud the Chamber, in answering the call of the King, will be the 'aithful mgan of the national wish."

The paragraph respecting Spain is modified. The sentence in which the address expresses the wish that the consolidation of the Govern- ment may not be compromised by anarchy is omitted. The paragraph relative to Poland is also suppressed. Those concerning A frica, Buenos Ayres, and the attempt at Boulogne, are retnined. For the paragraphs on the budget, it is proposed to substitute the foilowing-

" We shall examine with care the law of the budget. If the measures which prudence ordained have destroyed the balance inn. our finances, we ss ill .consider the means of reastablishing it ; and, better warned that r great coun- try ought to be ready for great sacrifices, we shall watch tInat everywhere the sources of taxation be wisely cared for."

The following are the proposed amendments in the conclusion of the address- " Sire—Internal order maintained with energy, the laws executed without weakness, the persevering action or a firm and moderate Administration, are mffispensable guarantees of force abroad. France wishes to be calm in order to

be powerful. In vain anarchic paeions still nourish odious hopes. Providence is pleased to confound them in protecting the days of the august chief of a national dynasty; and the birth of a new son, in adding to the happiness of your family, has brought another plethe,c of our confidence in the future. " May the free and regular accord of all the powers of the state show to the world what is the force of constitutional monarchy. Factions are ignorant of this ; Europe itself forgets this. The Government should make it known, and should make use of it with wise hardihood. Let Government have a sage confidence in itself, nor be alarmed for the grandeur of the destinies intrusted to it. The Chamber, Sire, answers for France. The national will can never fail you, Sire, in noble and just designs."