In the Slaffuld Independent of the 2.5th March, we find

the full ac- count il Mr. Ward's visit to Sheffield, and his reception by and speeches to the electors and non-electors, which we desiderated last week. Oa the 20th, Mr. Ward addressed a numerous assembly in the Town-hall, which was quite full. We select some of the principal passages of his speech ; which is very copious,.and deals manfully with all the important relations between constituents and representatives that it touches upon.

" When I recollect," said Mr. Ward, at the commencement of his address, " that amindst the large assemblage of independent and educated men who non surround me, there is not one individual to whom I was personally known as hour ago,—when I remember that I have no local ties or concerns to recoinmead me to your notice, and that the only passport to your favour is the too favour. able estimate you have been pleased to form of my humble exertions in the public service, and which has induced you to award to me a preference over gentlemen with whom I can honestly say I hold it an honour to hare my name put in competition,—1 may well say I feel astonishment and gratitude and pride, at the situation in which you have been pleased to place ore. gratification is enhanced by the reflection that the preference which you have given me has been given by men deeply impressed themselves with the sense of the re. sponsible dunes which the elective franchise imposes upon them,— men who have most wisely, under the great crisis in which our country is now placed, sought to avoid all local differences in the choice of a canddate, and have conducted that choice (you will not suspect me of saying this with the slightest reference to myself) in a manner calculated to unite all Reformers, by balloting, in the first place, in a committee as to the man who should be recommended, and afterwards submitting that person's claims to the consideration of a public meeting of the electors. I think this does Sheffield infinite honour. Men who have acted as you have done, have a right to claim from any man who conies amongst them to solicit their suffrages, the fullest, fairest, and most unequi. vocal declaration of his political opinions."

It had been a charge against him that in early life he was a Tory, and only became a Liberal when the change was beneficial-

" Now the fact is simply this. I was employed in diplomacy duiing the early part of my life a profession wholly unconnected with English politics, i

and n which, therefore, men of all shades of political opinions might con. sistently occupy themselves. Every Englishman who has a proper sense of what is due to his country, may safely be trusted to represent it abroad. I left England almost a boy, in 1814, and until 1827 I never passed six months con- secutively in my own country. I was employed in Switzerland, Germany, Spain, Belgium, France, and Mexico; and I learned there the value of English commerce, but very little of English politics. When I returned home, at first, there was nothing to induce me to take a part in politics. Residing with any father, with whom I unfortunately differed entirely in my political views, natural desire not to wound his feelings induced me to abstain from all inter- ference whatever in public matters. But when Lord Grey's Government brought forward the Reform Bill, I felt that the period of neutrality had ceased, and that we had leached that epoch in the history of this country when every man was called upon to pronounce his opinion for or against that most important measure. I did so reluctantly, but unhesitatingly ; nod in my own small circle, I may say that by attending public meetings, and professing at once my conviction that the principles laid down in the Reform Bill were the only principles by which our welfare could be permanently prumuted, I did something to swell that tide of public opinion, upon which the vessel of the state floated safely into the harbour, under the pilotage of Lord Grey. I was afterwards returned for St. Alban's ; and during the first year of my Perils- memory life I was a thorough party-man. I came in with feelings of the sincerest gratitude to Lord Grey, and those with whom he was associated in the Government, for the inestimable boon which they had conferred upon this country by carrying the Reform Bill. I conceived that the men who bad created that power were prepared to wield it, wisely, but vigorously. I took their system of government as a whole ; I voted with them, and gave them iny sup. port, even where the measures which they recommended were most repugnant to my feelings, as in the case of the Irish Coercion Bill. I voted anti I .peke in favour of that measure, believing it to be a part of the system by which the regeneration of Ireland was to be effected, and the first step—the neccs-ary step, I was told—to measures of reform. In this I was disappointed. The measures of severity were enforced, but the measures of improvement, of wise and necessary concession, which I was told were to follow, did not correspond in extent or efficacy with the Coercion Bill. The more I looked into the state of Ireland, the more deeply was I impressed with the belief that all the evils existing there may be traced to our own injustice. To those evils public opi- nion is now awakened."

He had no enmity to the Established Church, and was a sincere believer in its doctrines- " I shall in all probability have a considerable stake in it, and consequently must he supposed to have an interest in its welfare. There are two livings is

my family, which one day or other will probably belong to me, and which of course would not induce me lightly or wantonly to advocate measures by which the Establishment might be endangered. But I feel that it is only by doing

justice to those who dissent from its doctrines, that the Establishment can be maintained. I am not one of those v.ho think the Church every thing and the people nothing,—a doctrine very current at the present day. The Church is only subsidiary to the welfare of the people, and its claims can never for a mo- ment be put in competition with theirs."

He did not regard the Reform Bill as a final measure. He did not believe in finality of any kind in politics. He was in favour of the Ballot ; and would also extend the suffrage with the progress of educa- tion. He did not think that universal suffrage would ever be piacti. cable in this country ; especially as long as the working classes enter- tained the crude notions respecting the influence of capital and the rights of property which were maintained in a pumplilet culled " The Rotten House of Commons," published by the Working Men's Asso. ciation.

" It is my belief therefore, that whatever alterations are made in the pre- sent state of the franchise' must be made coextensive with the progress of edu- cation. (Loud cheers and partial hisses.) If you do this, lace no limits to that extension. Teach every man to use the franchise wisely—improve the social condition of tine

e masses n this country, by adopting a better system 11 political economy—and I see no objection to a very great, but gradual, extension of the suffrage. The first point at which w should naturally arrive, will he the repeal of the rate-paying clauses in the Reform Act, which constitute an un- fair distinction at present between the country and the towns, and place powers in the hands of the Oversee' s and of those whose duty it is to prepaie the lists

of voters, which are highly objectionable. I voted against these rate-paying clauses once last year, when the proposition was rejected ; and once this years when leave was given to bring in a bill for the purpose of repealing them. The next step will be to make the burgess-roll in corporate towns sei ye as the Register of the Patliamentery constitusucy. And eventually, supposing that education proceeds, that men ate made sensible of their real intelests, end on what their Representatives can and cannot du for them' I ahould be disposed to go as far an Lord Durham, and to say that I can look forward to the time when household suffrage will be desirable in this country." He would abolish the property qualification, and thought no t(st desirable but the good sense of the community. Ile was uttcrl

opposed to the Corn-laws. He had voted against the Sabbath Bills of Sir Andrew Agnew and others-

4' Speaking with the utmost respect of the motives of those gentlemen, I will state to you simply the grounds on which I proceeded. I do not know, if once begin in this course, where you can stop. I see no possibility of flLi- seeing with this subject at all, without involving ourselves in a course of ergot and partial legislation, the only criterion being the superior delicacy of see uian'a conscience as compared with that of another. What will satisfy one in will not satisfy.another ; and if interference once begins, what limits are you to assign to it? '

Besides, Sir Andrew Agnew's bills were founded on are unjust ptinciple■

When a man introduces a Sunday bill into the House of Commons, he has but one plea to rest on—he must take the law of God, as declared in the Fourth Comniandment, for its bath. Sir Andrew Agnew did not do so. The law in which we are all believers, makes no distinction between man and man in the sight of the Creator. It does not is the rich to the poor. On the con- trary, the leaning, if there be any, s towards the poor ; and so it ought to be. Sir*Andrew Agnew reversed this order. Every one of the enactments of his bill bore upon the poor with moat iniquitous severity, while with the pleasures st the rich be did not tlare to interfere. Every hired carriage, every means of innocent enjoyment, eve!). possibility of reaching the green fields and fresh air, so necessary to the poor man and his family, upon the only day on which recrea- tion is allowed him were cut off; while the servants and the carriages of the rich, and the kitchen of the wealthy man, the bill did not touch ; thus for- getting that part of the Commandment to which it appealed respecting the man-servant and the inad.servant, and which should apply alike to the palace and the cottage. This was the ground upon which I opposed the bill ; and so far am I from regretting it, that I am happy to think I succeeded in throwing it out,—thanks to the good sense of the House of Commons." (Loud and continued cheering.)

Mr. Ward defended his vote against the revision of the Pension- list, on the ground that, although many received pensions who had no claim to them, an express bargain had been made with the present King that the Pension.list was not to be meddled with in his lifetime. lie avowed himself a stanch supporter of the Melbourne Ministry, although he differed with and voted against them on several questions : he did not think that, in the present state of politics and public feeling, lie should be justified in withdrawing his support on account of the op- position of the Government to the Ballot and to Peerage Reform. Mr. Ward concluded his speech with a promise of faithful attention to his Parliamentary duties if elected for Sheffield.

Several questions were then put to Mr. Ward, chiefly in reference to his opinions on the Poor-law ; but the same were repeated in sub- stance the following day, when he addressed the inhabitants of the out-townships, and both the questions and answers will be found in the report of that day's proceedings, which we subjoin.

Several thousand persons assembled at the Corn Exchange to bear Mr. Ward, on the 26t1i. Ile apologized for having to go over old ground, especially as his speech of the previous day was in the bands of most of his hearers. He could briefly state the great prin- ciple which regulated his Parliamentary conduct— Thai principle is the extension of popular power in this country. 1 wish tone the people manage their own concerns, look into their own affairs, taking nothing upon trust in matters of government, which have nothing mysterious or difficult to be understood about them ; for the good government and happi- ness of the people arc the only legitimate ends of all human institutions."

Ile was in favour of Triennial Parliaments- " You sheuld not give to any party a lease of power for seven years. It is far too long a time, as it destroys aud lessens the influence which public opinion aught to exercise over the Legislature. You should bring us here to meet you face to face every three years, to tell you how we have exercised the power you gave us. The closer the connexion is between the Representative and his con. stituents. the better his conduct will be. If I have the honour of representing Sheffield, I shall regard it as my duty, at the close of every session, to give you an ascount of every sentiment I have uttered, and every vote I have given in

Parliament, and to submit myself to your judgment. But, at the same time, I warn you that, if I entertain a strong opinion on any subject, and the town shauld be against me, I will resign my seat before I will vote against that opinion. I shall always be ready. to give you an account of what my opinions are ; and if we differ, the remedy is in your own hands. I shall take my own Nurse, but I will resign my seat the next day, if you require it. I have thus given you a fair notice of what, in my opinion, ought to be the conduct of your Representative."

Ile Ives quite ready to answer any questions that might be put to him. A man in the crowd said he wished to ask a few questions ; but as he seemed to be rather shy of putting them, Mr. Ward said, "Now then," which caused much laughter. Then comtnenced the catechism. Querist—" What is your opinion of the Poor-law Bill, as it is?" Mr. Ward—" I think, as I said yesterday, that it is far better than the Poor-law as it wee. That it is fur the benefit of the good .hearted, industrious, honest titan; and that it is sanctioned by your best friends in the House of Commons. There is no better Radical than Mr. Roebuck, and yet he tells you that the new bill will teach the industrious to depend on their own resources, and will have a direct tendency to elevate their situation, and give them that independence which he wishes every man to be possessed of."

Querist—.• Do you consider, Sir, that the .dietary—(Larwater and uproar, in the midst of tehich Mr. Ward invited the man to come forward and mount the table on which he stood. This having been done, the Querist proceeded) --" Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I wish you to understand that I do not possess the franchise; and I understand that Mr. Ward here thinks that the educated alone should possess the franchise. I am an illiterate man; but, at the same tinie, I think I have a right to a hearing, as a member of society. (" Rear, hear I " from Mr. Word.) 'My object is to elicit truth; and I think that any man, who is no longer capable of maintaining himself, should be maintained out of the produce of the land hio labour has tilled. I wish to ask a question or two." Mr. Ward—" It is a great shame you have brought all your questions printed." (Laughter.) The Querist—" I have brought questions prioted, because I was thwarted yesteiday, by the gentleman denying the statement I made. The Nottingham -Review contains the scale of dietary allowed in the poor-house there.' Ile made several statements as to the quantity allowed; and concluded by asking if Mr. Ward thought that sufficient? 11r. Ward—. As I have never been submitted to the process, I cannot tell whether it be sufficient or not. (Cheers and laughter.) It is no laughing matter. The dietary ought to be sufficient; and if it be not so, it must be made sufficient."

After some questions respecting the dietary, which Mr. Ward an- swered by saying that he would give men in the workhouse sufficient fool, but not enough to tempt them to lead an idle life in the workhoteEe ; and that the rich man should have the same treatment as the poor mace, if he squandered his means and threw himself on the workhouse,— Mr. Ward was asked whether he would extend the franchise ?

Mr. Ward—" I can only give the same answer as yesterday."

Another Querist, very angrily—" Are you for household suffrage, or oti- vessel suffrage? How can you fix it to education?" Mr. Ward...." I am not for universal suffrage ; jas to household suffrage, think we are coming to it, and must come to it.".

Querist—" Will you vote for Mr. Hutne's motion? " Mr. Ward—" I am not sure whether I shall vote for it, now."

Querist—" Then yo shan't goa. (Loud laughter.) Wee'll not hay yo." (Confusion and laughter.) Mr. Ward, (laughing)—" Well, we shall see. If I support Mr. Hume, a will be on the same ground as I stated yesterday. I look to household suffrage as desirable; I hope we shall arrive at it ; but the time must depend ow yourselves."

Querist" Why do you oppose universal suffrage?"

Mr. Ward, (jocosety)--." That's a long story, my friend. In this country there are great difficulties in the way of universal suffrage. The field of em..- ployment is limited, and there is not room for the whole population to obtain that full employment which they ought to have. The support.uf the popu- lation in this country depends upon great masses of capital, which you thick interferes with your interest ; but if you attempt to disturb and make risg-a- lations for thia capital, you will drive it out of the country, and then, though- yeti tney cut up England into potato-gardens, it can never support Its limas:at population."

Querist—" Universal suffrage works well in America?"

Mr. Ward—" Yes, but we have not their back woods. When the papiz..- lotion, in any part of America, becomes crowded, young men shoulder their axes, and carve out for themselves fresh homes in the West. Every honest rem there, who is willing to work, is certain of securing an independence."

Querist—" I believe aristocratic feeling will always exist, till we have 1..10- ,st:rill suffrage."

Mr. Ward, (laughing)—" Well, I am no aristocrat ; at least I do not pass for one."

Querist—The Corn-laws." Mr. Ward—" I think the Corn-laws an injustice." Querist—" The object of the Poor-law is to benefit the landowner." Mr. Ward—" No, it is to benefit the poor. We pay more to the poor tow

in Wages than we ever paid ia rats, and I think th it is a better syatein. Querist" Would you prefer to reform, or abolish the House of Lords." Mr. Ward—" If I must choose between the two, I would certainly refort.n." Dr. Knight—" Mr. Wald has come among us to explain his orients. Some of NOU entertain different opinions, and you have a right to do s?.. (" Hear, hear," from Mr. Word.) That we should ever be all of one nion, is imposible : hut I think it is the general opinion that these questient have been very fairly Met." ( Cheers.) A man in the crowd, athivessing Mr. Ward, bid him recollect that. M. Buckingham was his predecessor, and that every man who dud not tread la is steps would aicet with the stern opposition of the labouring classes. Toe m?a- clectots had carried Mr. Buckingham's election, and could prevent the elecnos of another.

The meeting then broke up ; and Mr. Ward, as he passed through t7se crowd, saluted several of his catechiata so good-htnnouredly, that tu.e? appeared to regret even the show of hostility to him.

-

Sir William Alolesworth and Mr. Beines were escorted into Leeds on Monday, from Pontefract, by a brilliant procession of gentlemen in carriages and on horseback, and as they approached Leeds, by an im- mense crowd of persons on foot. There wire numerous banners. ard a band of music. Every window, and the roofs of the houses and of the public buildings, were occupied by spectators of both sexes; who cheered the two gentlemen, as they proceeded in Sir W 31olesworth's carriage through the principal streets to the Cloth-hail, where about I.5,04.10 persons were assembled to greet them. Mr. Good- man, the Mayor of Leeds, presented a requisition signed by 1,745 electors, calling upon Sir William Molesworth and Mr. Bellies ts) stand at the next election as candidates for the representation of Leeds. The weather being very cold, the assembly was satisfied with short speeches from the candidates, and soon dispersed. In the evening, about -2;i0 persons dined with Sir William Moles- worth and Mr. Baines, in the largest room that could be procured for the purpose in Leeds ; the Mayor in the chair. On the health of the " Li- beral candidates" being proposed, Mr. Baines addressed the company in a strain highly eulogistic of the Whig Ministers and their measures, with exhortations to the people to stand by them in their battle with the Tories. In allusion to the existing state of the representation of Leeds, Mr. Baines said- " Leeds is, I am sorry to say, in an opposite situation to that in which it wee placed by the Reform Bill. That bill placed the borough of Leeds in schedule C, the most honourable of all situations. I regret that the electors of Leeds have placed it it achedule A. They have placed it in such a situation, that when any great point of public importance is at issue, your opinion is entirely neuttalized. Is that, gentlemen, a situation in which you would wish voa-r borough to stand ? Do you wish to continue to return as you do at present— no, not .0 you do, but I may say as the electors unitealy do—one person favour- able ti s'onservative politics and another who is favourable to Liberal politics? If you .:u, return your present Members; and in that way you neutralize oar borie.s.:1, and make it inefficieut in the national representation. It is, gentle- use.n, in order to give efficacy to the representation—to give efficacy to your voice—that I beg, nay entreat, that at the next election you will returu twa Members, both of them disposed to give their oupport to what I cauaider the best Adininistratien that ever governed this country. "

One of Mr. Baines's best points was an allusion to the Church panic at the progress of the 'Voluntary principle-

" Why, gentlemen, look at the volume that we profess to be saved by Dv you find a siugle p.t+sage in is hat we may call, the Christian statutes it l.rge, which inculcates :my other than the Voluntary principle ? Take the Faun .a of our rrhi, in —did be propose any other system of church government but she Volatitary principle ? Did the College of Fishermen ever hold any othcz doctrine? No, gentlemen, but the Bench of Bishops hold a different deco :at and you may iely upon it, that the College of Fishermen and the Bench of Bishops are widely ditTerent." ( Great lauiliter.)

Mr. Haines declared himself the supporter of the Ballot, of free trade, especially in corn, and a zealous friend to the diffusion of edu- cation.

Sir William Molesworth met with an enthusiaatic reception. Ile concurred in the eulogy pronounced by Mr. Baines on the acts an,4

Jo

'intentions of his 11Iajesty's :Ministers " taking them on the whole, Le would say that they had acted up to their professions ;" bet be wa; convinced of the necessity of going further than the Ministers at pre- sent were inclined to go. He contended that changes must be made in the institutions of the country, in order to give the people that power and influence to which they were entitled- " The Liberal Members of the House of Commons have therefore thought it their duty to bring betnre the consideration of that House, Vote by Ballot, Triennial l'arliaments, and Om Extension of the Suffrage. ( Great cheering.) flay honourable friend 31r. flames justly observed, that we ought not to talk about the non-represented, because we represent both the electors and nunaleemrs—b,:eause the electors have no interests distinguished from those of the last of the conintunity, awl consequently that, theoretically triciking, we reuresent the people. Rut this is only theoretical : and I could wish that the rople had a greater share in electing their Representatives; and fur this reason, I for one am in ftvour of household suffrage. (Loud cheers.) Dru One well acquainted with the state of public affairs can doubt that the period is tint very far distant when most of these measures must be carried. For instance, with regard to the Ballot, the argutututs adduced by honourable gen- tlemen in the House against that measure were so strangely ludicrous, so pal- pably absurd, that I could hardly believe that the honourable gentlemen who opposed it were in earuest. One honourable gentleman said, that one reason for voting against it was, that honourable Members would be unable to tell exactly on what political principles they were retuined, because they would not exactly know from tile poll.Imuk the names of those gentlemen by whom they were returned. For instance, if my lemoutable Mr. Baines and myself were to have the hollow of being returned for this borough, under the operation of the vote by ballot, we Monad be in a state of most painful anxiety to know whether we bad bees returned by those of good Radical !Him:titles, or by tlte Conservatives, became we slambl be unable to know from the poll. book whe- ther the Tories hml vote,' for its or not. (Lute:Ater.) Some hutiourable gen- tlemen who so dared to insult the as,eniblid wisdom oh the nation, were perhaps those who had no sincere and honest conviction of what their own political .1 rnteip!ss were, and who would say one thing to an elector one day told :mother thing to another on another day."

Sir William referred to the support given by the House of Commons to tin. Irish Munisipal Bill, as a proof of the desire anti determination of the Lilicrit!, to eu justice to Ireland ; mid declared his firm belief, that if the Tory project of sending the Duke of Wellington to Dublin It rule Ireland by force were put into ex, (anion, not only the Irish but thouaulds of Englishmen would risl: their lives ill resist:owe to the oppte-sors. But he was not merely in favour of justice to Ire- land, but demandel justice fur the Colonies, and for every part of this great empire.

" It is, therefore, gondol:ten, with fealing4 of deep pin and intense sorrow that I now refer Oil iiIstoire which is Alma to be introduced into Parliament with 1. t..i•a to the Colony of Lower Caltada. A few simple facts will prove to stair I. hotW deep an injury, how ;stoss a motet, propttsotl to he done to th.t You know, perictr, that we some fiai-. ago granted a to that 4210 ow, sitett ir iti Itlatly respect, to what we have tim Uing- tve tf:.etti a I louse of Commons, w ith powers and iv m Ii privileges Itl Homo of Commons. They have long 4iiiLli it el taint thoit•,resentatives M. the FoopItt, Irt% Mg in vain pfleitipti 41 to • I c.- Meaner's, hay,: adopied the perfectly constitutional Atel mow it is proposed to got tut art passed Ii) take the motties of tile poople out of their ;1a 1 fhoir 1101reselitativos; thtts violatitig the con- tmstitutitoi espte,,ly IV, money shall

t , .-, too se:Let:on of the people. Gentlemen, this evil thing is not

■ .• „ier h te has yet Inca given upon the moasare; lii. Alajo•ty's ty ti tetrace their :taps with pet it lonloar to themselves, it they be int:u it to 4ii•taiu from s gra,o an evil !

may C.... •..., t., jots, to the saielatt and eaciese entroatiea of their best

and trot,: framd. : may- they be intlintod t ah.tami fmor so gloss an act of op- pres,ion, from so foul a blot upon the11 fair fame, and it 41i-grace their literal • -• e •' I .1 hy such a loot:ceding. Gondola:en, I know how little it e ti. one colcitry gonorally take in those matters which relate 14, the 'a o, ii r ; noverthelo-s. I( ai appeal to your notions of tight and writ. ysei nstian, sf it 'e, and to your noblc and generous fef.":eg, When I tall upon )au to tutiuc t,part of the Canadians, and to aid them et iv meal, in )our power ; pod, as you litre demanded justice for Itela nth tot. gortioltien, tit, you fit:mind jostiee also fi,r the inhabitants of Lower Canada." , co/spina «ll rusw and cheered enthusiastically.]