ELECTION TALK. •

BATH.-Mr. Roebuck the barrister, a man according to. Mr. Hume's own heart, and on of our cleverest political writers, his started for

this city. . . • . • • COaxwati.—Sir Richard .Vyvyan has declared that he has no.in tention of standing for the Western division, as reported. • Dtiamt.m.-,-The Marquis of Londonderry has declared against Mr. Pease. This is very terrible.

GUILDFORD.—The enemies to the present Ministry, and friends of the Tories and Mr. C. B. Wall, are using their utmost endeavours to oust one of the Reform Candidates froni the little borough of Guildford., Notwithstanding the public declaration of one of their sapient leaders, " that Mr. Wall's long.purse should never purchase the borough with his consent,'' he and his party are now conniving at if not assisting in selling that borough, by bribing the voters, many of whom are willingly caught in their trap. .• Their mode is-by inviting some ten to twenty of them to take supper, &c. atcertain • publichouses (principally at those which belong 'ton brewer), which • Supper, &c: is paid for by and technically called a little go.' This has been going, on three or four times a week for nearly a-month past, and is expected to continue up to the election ; and although the greatest disgust at it has been manifested by nearly all the respectable part of the inhabitants, there yet are some few, who, although possessed of thousands, are willing so to debase themselves and hill their unholy orgies. One of these worthies the other night (under the influence. of what star 1 know not), well knowing that the blow-Out was . the price of his independent vote, had the effrontery to: propose,. by way Of toast, " Independence to the town of Guildford." From suck independence, .good • Lord deliver'us ! A parson's ChinchiVaiden makes a conspicuons.figure among them. To Whermiserable 'shift will the party he put next to secure the Weymouth Warming-pan's election ?—From a Correspondent.

HEnTronn.—We have heard with mare regret than astonishment of the doings of the Conservative. party in Hertford. Turning persons out of their house's who pledge themselves to support the popular can-. dilate, and serving.notices to quit on others, is of all others the way to bring about a conviction of the necessity of that Which the aristocratic party in that town declare themselves so much averse to—we mean the ballot. The contest in Hertford is every way one . of principle, and should be conducted accordingly. It threatens, from the aspect it has assumed, to be a rupture between landlords and tenants, brought about by the former, and which they probably lead to one of those combinations of the latter which have inflicted so much mischief on the sister country. We have, however, every reason to hope that tile aristocratic combinations will be defeated both in the town and county of Hertford.—Globe.

.LEEDS.—The three candidates for the representation of Leeds addressed the, electors, on Tuesday, at the Cloth-hall. . Messrs. Macaulay and Marshall have made no Personal canvass in the town. Mr. Sadler has gone from place to place,,in the old-established fashion, besides.. taking advantage of the arrangements of his opponents, to. address the electors in mass. On the evening of Monday, he made a.sort of processional entry ; which is described as a poor piece of business by one party, and as a magnificent one by the other—of course. The Liberal candidates. were on .Tuesday entertained at a 'public, breakfast at the large room in the Commercial Buildings. They proceeded to the hustings at the White Cloth-hall, about half-past nine o'clock ; and at ten the business Of the day commenced. Mr. Macaulay having been introduced by Mr. Bower, spoke at considerable length, and on niost of the topics on which he had touched in the letter from which we gave two weeks ago so ample extracts. We pass his general remarks on the necessity imposed on the People to give effect to the Bill,,-and on freedom, religious, political, and commercial,—to come to a subject which has been a good deal discussed in Leeds and elsewhere, and not always in the most convincing manner or with the purest Motives : We mean the employment of children in factories. Mr. Macaulay's sentiments on this question are worthy of being preserved. He 'stud I am for a system under which we may sell where we can sell dearest, and buy where we can buy cheapest. I firmly believe, that by just legislation on commercial subjects, a great part of that distress which the people of this country labour under, . may be alleviated or removed. And as I am now speaking on commercial subjects, I

• think it right, without waiting for any questioning, openly and at, once to tell you the

• state of my mind with regard to the question which furnishes mottoes for some of the flags. Gentlemen, when '1 last appeared at Leeds. I said distinctly, that in my opinion the employment of children in factories required legislative regulation. I said at the same time, that until there was beforeme the evidence as to the extent of the evil and

• as to the nature of the remedies required, I would give no opinion upon details. GentleInca, as that evidence is not yet printed, it is out of my power to give a positive opinion

• as to the extent of regulation which the factory system requires. (Groans mod hisses, answered by:loud applaure.). • But, Gentlemen, permit me to say, that though I distinctly • admit that the employment of children in factories does require regulation, can by no 'means admit that those topics which I base so often heard advanced on this subject have in them any soundness; and I do say, that if there should be great expectations • of relief from this measure by the lower orders—lower! I ought to apologize for using the word; for they are lower only because Providence has decreed that some of us should earn our bread by the sweat of our brow,—if the labouring classes expect great relief from an practicable measure of this nature, they are under a great delusion. (Cheers with a few hisses.) They are confounding the symptoms of the disease with the disease -itself. They are acting much in the way that a man would act If, when he had a fever and felt hot and uncomfortable, he should think merely of plunging into ice-water in -.order to get relieved, and should thus make the fever worse, and carry it on to death. I believe the over-working of children, as far as it exists, is not a cause, but an effect, of • distress. A bad system of legislation, excessive taxation, wars imprudently commenced mtal imprudently carried on,—these things have brought this country into a state in 'which the labourer and his family cannot live as they can in the United States. I say that if, under these circumstances, instead of falling on the real causes of the evil, and depending onjudicious legislation With regard to trade, and strict economy in the public .expenditure, you attack the symptoms, which are not the disease,—if you merely make .a law to say, when laws which now exist render it difficult for a child, by working ten hours a-day, to obtain a subsistence, that it shall net work more than ten hours a-day, —you are in effect beginning at the wrong end. Against cruelty, against oppression— against the immoderate working of children of too tender an age tojudge for themselves,—I have as firm and fixed an opinion as any person ; and a measure which shall protect them against the rapacity of either master; or parish, or parents, I am determined to support."

[The workmen in the United States are, by the by, not quite so easily satisfied as ours are : if we may trust Mr. Ferrell, they demand not only that their children should not work either for ten hours or one hour, but that the state should educate and feed them for nothing.]

The next point touched by Mr. Macaulay (after vindicating himself from a stupid charge of having written or spoken injuriously of Mr. Sadler), is one on which much confusion of ideas prevails wii% the public and-their instructors also. One man from the crowd having exclaimed that the People of England paid Mr. Macaulay 1,200/. a-year, he took the opportunity to discuss the question of payment to Governraent officers. ' Gentlemen, the only imputation against myself which I conceive, from the cries! hear in the meeting, to have gained any credit, is, that I have a place of 1.`200/. a-year. Now, gentlemen, will you consider this I suppose we are all agreed on this point— that We must have a government. Now, gentlemen, it you choose to make a law, or wish a law to be made, that all persons who hold offices should hold those offices gm. tuitously, consider what you are doing. I believe you will all agree with me, that if the people of Leeds should send a pitmen= to Parliament, public liberty will be a greater gainer by such a connexion than the Administration. I believe that it is desirable that the legislative and the executive Government should he united in this way. I have no fear for the result when you have popular constituent bodies, when you have none but efficient places, and when such places are only paid according to that rate by which la, hour of the same kind is and must be remunerated in the present state of society. If a law were to be made, enacting that the public service should be gratuitous, consider What would he the effect. The offices of state iotmll be exclusively occupied by great proprietors, and no avcame would be left, by which men who spring from the peopfe,— and spring from the people ; as a diet ingnished statesman of the present day said, I have always stood, and will always stand, by my order,—I do say, that if you make the regulation, that no man shall hold office except he support it out of his private fortune, no man who has not a large private ffirt une can be a member or Government. Under such a regulation, we should never base seen such nien as Lord Brougham, such men as Mr. Fox, taking office. I put it to the People of England, whether it is their wish to be governed by Governments in which there shall be no democratic mixture—in which there shall be no men who have sprung from the people; whether the payment of 4,000/.,•5,000/., or 6,0001. a-year is not cheap compared with the eilltet of having no man it, office who had not 3,0001. or 4,0001 a-year of his own. Rely upon it, all attempts to take away just and reasonable remuth•rat ion from public servants, have an eft:et opposed to 1.104 to liberty and to democracj."

• He afterwards remarked on the onerous nature of the duties about to be imposed on members of the Board of Control by the approachingdiscussion of the East India Company's Charter ; by which Company, be added, the salary was paid, and not by the People of England, as the elector to whose exclamation Ile was replying hind imagined. Mr: Marshall afterwards addressed the meeting, and was exceedingly well received. The only amendment he contended for in the bill of Mr. Sadler for regulating infant labour, was the substitution of eleven hours for ten,—no great change certainly.

Mr. Sadler also, addressed, the meeting, but his reception seems to i have been but indifferent, and the' speech s not reported. NoRTIIAMPTONSHiRE.—The Earl of Euston has resigned the contest for the Southern division.—Courier.

TOwEit HAMLETS.—A meeting of the electors took place at the Eagle Tavern, Mile-end Road, on Tuesday. Only two of the ten candidates attended. We suspect these people meet with a view to guzzle. • What mean such repeated invitations to candidates to come to publichouses ? The sentiments of every one of them are known.

WOLVERTIAMPTON.—Mr. Fortunatus Dwarris has addressed the electors of this borough. The Times describes the address as "one of the most sound and manly expositions of the political prineiples of a candidate': it has yet seen. Such a commendation demands an extract. Mr. Dwarris says

" To travel with, and not he left behind by, Tithe; to penetrate the spirit, and to comply with the demands of the age, without 'consenting to wrong or spoliation ; to redress injuries, but not by inflicting injustice—this is the rare wisdom of political crises, for which you are, in part, called upon to provide. "

Reform to prevent revolution—reform to uphold the Throne—reform to save the Church—reform to restore animation and enterprise to our languishing trade and manufactures—the preservation of peace, with honour, the extension of our commerce abroad, internal improvements, and the education and amended condition of the people everywhere; these, combined with a just .economy in the management Of our resources, form the leading principles of that system of policy which I should. alone he found to support. I would reduce the burdens of the fernier, that he should not stand in need of artificial protection, and aim that the agriculturist and the manufacturers should thrive together.

" West India bondage I hold to be a national delinquency, to be expiated by national sacrifices, and am most decidedly friendly to .the present amelioration, the gradual decay, and the final extinction of slavery.. To the many other momentous questions. impending or at hand. I pledge myself, to bring an unprejudiced mind, steady application, and an honest purpose. These are my pledges, and I will give no other.'

We don't doubt the honesty of all these fine sayings, but they are extremely indefinite ; the style is of the Head-achy school.