8 OCTOBER 1853, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE Sultan has declared for war, and the Czar has declared for peace,—such are the two announcements which constitute the most important news of the week ; but they must be received with very great qualifications, especially in regard to the declaration imputed to the Emperor of Russia.

In Constantinople the fact is, that on learning the apparent termination of the friendly intervention, the Sultan had summoned his Grand Council—a body loosely representing the most important ranks of the Turks ; and the Grand. Council had advised him to declare war against the invader of the Principalities. The re- port that he had actually done so, and had formally signed the declaration, appears to be one of those anticipative announcements which are hazarded by newspaper correspondents. But there is every appearance that the Sultan would yield to the advice of his Council. It is represented that he yields because the feelings of the populace and of the army have become uncontrollable : but, from the absence of disorder in Constantinople or in the army, that rea- son would not appear to be well-founded. It is more probable that the Turkish Government, having so long yielded to the dilatory advice of its allies, having suffered the conduct of the negotiations to be conducted by those allies, and having seen them come to a conclusion universally admitted to be unsuccessful, had at last ar- rived at the opinion that the hope of a pacific solution was at an end. If the general body of the people had become uncontrollably impatient, as almost any people in the world would be—as the Eng- lish would be, for example, if some foreign power had taken possession, say, of Munster and Connaught for a " material guarantee,"—it is no cause for surprise that the Government should defer to a na- tional feeling, as every government must. But we have no evi- dence that the sentiment imputed to the people is not equally shared by the Grand Council, the Divan, and the Sultan himself ; as it must, in the Mussulman view, be supported by very strong practical reasons and by recent experience in ample quantity. War, theiefore, was probably on the point of being declared in Constan- tinople when the last despatches were transmitted, but actual hos- tilities had not commenced.

The declaration ascribed to the Emperor of Russia is said to have been made at the military meeting at Olmfitz. It amounts to an assertion that he had declared himself in favour of peace, and that he had expressed his readiness to admit such an explana- tion of the conditions intended to be put upon him by the Vienna note as was conformable to the views of the French and the Bri- tish Governments, provided only that his acknowledged rights were still.maintained. If this report is true, probably none of the European Governments would undertake the responsibility of alighting so remarkable an advance ; and accordingly, the same Journal which gives circulation to this report represents us as having entered upon a new stage of conferences. Russia has already gained one campaign by drawing on the Powers of Europe into the dilatory process of negotiating, and we cannot but sus- pect this new Imperial invitation. Those Powers which consider themselves responsible for preserving the peace of Europe must understand well the footing upon which this new act of arbitra- tion Is to be placed. In the face of recent experience, it will not a, to resume negotiations upon the plan of bandying suggestions, alterations, and reconsiderations, for another four months, until the season be open to Russia for movements of a different kind. None of the Four Powers can be so inexperienced as such a course would imply. The French and British Governments will pro- bably. perceive also that the position of Austria disqualifies her for taking any leading part in this new stage of negotiation. She cannot be independent, she can scarcely be sincere, she has not Placed herself above suspicion. If the Western Powers reply at

all to the specious but questionable invitation of the Czar, they must do so upon the understanding that they have no longer to suggest, but to dictate, the terms upon which this unhappy quar- rel should close. They may do so. They are now freed by the misconduct of Russia from some courtesies which embarrassed them at an earlier stage. They now have full knowledge of Rus- sian principles, motives, and methods. They are in position, there- fore, deliberately to consider the terms, not of a note to " conci- liate " either side, but of a judicial award. Settling the quarrel on its own merits according to the interests of Europe, they may succeed in preserving the peace.

If they can, they are bound to do so. Our own Ministers have been sitting in Cabinet Council, and have been the object of much presumptive criticism, and many reports injurious to their sin- cerity and their firmness. Party opponents, and others from im- patient zeal unburdened with responsibility, assert confidently enough that some other course than that actually taken would have been more judicious and more successful. It is easy to be wiser after the event; but who can presume the proof of success for a course untried ? As to the rumours of duplicity or vacillation, there is not a tittle of evidence in their support. They are probably derived from the evident fact, that the British public, however it may dislike injustice to Turkey, would also feel an irresistible re- pugnance to a doubling of the Income-tax for the sake of Turkey ; and Ministers could scarcely invite the British public to increase its contributions to the Exchequer for any refined arguments in favour of propping up the Ottoman empire. The dispute, how- ever, has ceased to be mainly between Russia and Turkey. Russia tramples upon public law, and menaces the future independence of Europe. Our honour, our largest interests, are thus at stake ; and while English Ministers arc bound, if they can, to avoid any ne- cessity for so hurtful a process as war, they are also bound to bring that power which endeavours to override the public law of Europa to a distinct and prompt understanding. They will no doubt see the necessity of rendering their own position perfectly clear before they venture to call upon the British public for that support which will only be given on proof of necessity, but which, on such proof, will be given without stint or grudge.