TOPICS OF THE DAY.

STATE OF PARTIES.

DURING the recess, and especially towards its close, a persuasion was entertained that something termed " reconstruction" haa considerably strengthened the Ministry, not merely in " good din positions," but.in the power of realizing them. And this view was not only held by the followers of the Government, and the

sanguine men, but also by more sturdily independent Liberal%

The Spectator gave in to no such delusion : and for this reason. It saw that the essential want of the Government was voting strength,

without which no " good intentions," if such were honestly enter.

tamed, could be realized, or were likely to be put in action; whilst no means of supplying this vital deficiency were apparent.

Well—the session opens, the programme is before us ; the two first scenes are over. Do the facts or indications correspond with the hopes that the faithful were led to entertain ? b there any sign of increased liberality ? or of increasing strength? How stands the Opposition ? How stands the Government with the Court, the Parliament, and the Country ? Let us endeavour to answer these questions by an analysis of facts.

The first act of the Ministry, in the demand for an " establishment " for Prince ALnEav, was improper in its style ; unwarranted

by the necessity or the nature of the case ; without the colour of precedent to support it ; and, looking at the temper of the times and the great distress of the people, highly indecent in

itself, as implying either an indifference to the feelings of the mass or an incapacity to comprehend them. The amount of the requisition was equally censurable. When the battle came to be fought, where were the signs of " increased strength ?" The proposal was rejected by a majority so overwhelming, that, considering it both as a Monarchical and Ministeriatmeasure, it may be pronounced unprecedented, no English gentlemen having been thund heretofore who would subject their Sovereign or themselves to such an indignity. But, putting aside the result, where were the signs of an increased liberality, in the matter of the demand, or the speeches by which it was enforced ? The thing itself displayed an extreme submission to the unwarrantable wishes of the Court : the speech of Lord Jona RUSSELL, where it was not an artful misstatement of the case, and a reference to " precedents from the point," was an insinuation of disloyal motives against his opponents. Increased liberality ! At one time Parliament was a place where men spoke to their party in the country, or at least to their party in the House. The speech of the leader of the " Reform" Ministry was directed to the Sovereign. It said we would have given "the Queen's Majesty" all "site liked," out of the people's pockets ; but we are thwarted by the Tories,—for as to the thirty-eight Radicals who divided with Mr. Husie, we could easily overpower them. Abstractedly speaking, the nth& of Prince Aminwr's precedence is a silly affidr, only fit to turn a period for the moralist or the satirist. But, as the Spanish grandee said to his Monarch, " Your Majesty yourself is but a ceremony." Where the clahn to the Throne, and the whole system of one branch of the Legislature, are founded upon the principle of primogeniture, prudence exacts a regard to that principle from all within its influence. It argued in the Government a "deplorable deficiency of the fficulties for business," to bring forward a bill of this kind without saving heirs apparent and presumptive; for though the latter seem at present of small consequence, yet who could guard against mortality, or who insure the contingencies of the future ? It was something like a fraud to exclude from the title the purpose of the bill ; it was something like a tidschood to say, as Lord .MELuounNE is reported to have said, that all parties interested had agreed to waive their claims, when it came out that the party most nearly interested had never been consulted. A defeat in the house of Lords is no proof of increased weakness in the Ministry. ; but the necessity of a retreat without a battle is any thing but a proof of increased skill, especially on a subject where no sympathy could be excited for the vanquished. It' the conduct of the Tories on both questions has not improved their standing at Court, the result can scarcely have benefited the Ministry ; for it has exhibited them weak and naked to their Royal Mistress,— willing, no doubt, to serve her purposes ; but princes are not types of fidelity, or prone to take the will for the deed. All history teaches us that a tool which can no longer serve a royal turn is no longer cared for. Favourites, ministers, minions, or friendsWOLSEYS' WENTWOETHS, CARES, 01' SHERIDANS—the moral is the same : and the inquirer will be tempted to rOcho the mournful exclamation of STRAFFORD, when his gracious master sent down an apology and a death-warrant—" Put not your trust in princes." The division on the vote of censure is trumpeted as a glorious victory. We perceive little ground for triumph, whether we regard positive facts, or the circumstances which colour and give character to facts. The motion was one of an extreme nature ; ahnost trenching on the exercise of the prerogative. It was, to use an expressive Americanism, going the whole hog ; shutting out all politicians who might oppose many single Ministerial measures, letting in none but the sworn soldiers of the Tory party. It was not a compulsory fight on the part of the Tories, like the amend

ment on Sir WI ma Am MoLesw merles motion in 1838 for a censure on Lord GLENELo, or the demand of Irish confidence in 1839 :

it was a spontaneous attack. The. time was not advantageous ; instead of waiting till the mirage-like hopes Nthicle an opening session seems always to raise only to dissipate in its progress, the

Opposition gave battle at on i ce, n defiance of this disadvantage, and the prestige of the "reconstructed Ministry." Were there any symptoms of increased strength ? On the contrary, it was the weakest numerical majority the Whigs have yet had on a similar question. In March 1838, the Ministerial majority was 29. In April 1839, it was 22. In 1840, under all the advantages we have stated, the majority of the "reconstructed Ministry" was only 21. For the curious it may be worth while to note the steadiness and discipline of the Tory phalanx. In March 1838 their division amounted to 287, and 287 was their number last Saturday morning : the falling-off of 8 was with the "strengthened" Government. Turning to the debate, the victory is with the Opposition, whether the speeches are considered as immediately telling upon the House, or in their permanent effect upon the reader. From temper, fatigue, or some other cause, the speech of Lord JOHN RussELL was inferior to his reputation and unequal to his position —remote, flippant, and matterless. It is possible that the length of the debate and the lateness of the hour induced physical and mental weariness both in the speaker and the reporters ; but,

judging from internal evidence, the thing is homogeneous, and looks like the indifference of a man who has had notice to quit. Mr. MACAULAY'S set oration is admitted by his friends to have tidied. The best speech of the four nights, Sir GEORGE GREY'S, though smart and flourishing, was rather adapted for the House of Commons and strong partisans, than to influence cool and thinking people. His chief points, the attacks upon PEEL and DAWSON, were dexterously put aside by the Tory leader ; and even had they not, the mere planting of hits upon opponents, however bard in themselves or cleverly done, is not enough to form the staple defence of a great party, or of a Ministry in the position of the Whigs. Defined principles, firmness of purpose, profit from the past, and promise for the future, are what is needed, but what Sir GEORGE GREY had not to give.

There was no oratory on the Tory side any more than on the Whig; but the best speeches were loftier in tone, more weighty in matter, more real, and more readable. The debate, too, showed the improved discipline of the party: there was no religious fanaticism, or political 'violence; the Saints were silent; and Mr. BRAD-. SHAW, having previously stood fire, confessed his fault. Sir JAMES GRAHAM was ponderous, skilful, and mischievous ; not unanswerable, but not answered by any Whig speaker, least of all by "the Cabinet Minister," who seemed to undertake the service by rising after him. LordSTANLEY displayed his peculiar faculty of forcible and stinging attack, with less of his usual petulance, and a prudent abstinence not often displayed ; whilst he avowed distinctly that the tactics of the Conservatives would henceforth be changed,—that they were prepared to take office, and the Government must be prepared for an active opposition. But the crack speech of the debale was PEEL'S. It had all his wonted artifice and skill, sobered and subdued; it had more matter than is usually found in the orations of the Tory leader; and it possesses an interest apart from the occasion of its delivery and the temporary purpose in view. The bits at the upstart vanity of the "first Cabinet Minister" and the visitant of "Windsor Castle," were well-deserved ; the exposition of the weakness and division of the Government were true in themselves and effectively clone; his narrative of the difficulties attendant on carrying the Catholic question had an historical interest ; and his argument on the subject of open questions made a nearer approach to the capacity of solving a general principle than PEEL had before given evidence of. It is not, however, so much as a speech, but as a manifestation of purpose, that the Tory leader's address is to he regarded, lie took the first occasion of undoing, so far as lie could, what the violence of the Ultras had effected during the recess, by laving down the future policy not only of himself but of the other leaders; • and he took the opportunity, under the veil of an attack upon the submission of' the Government to " the Tail," to read a lecture and a warning to his own followers. The Whigs chuckle and say that the liberality of his speech has separated him for ever from his party ; but we see no signs of it. On the contrary, every thing bears the aspect of a plan and concord—the silence of the Ultras, the recantation of BRADSHAW, the cheers which accompanied the speaker, and the two Inaufred and eighty-seven who recorded their votes.

Upon the whole, theretbre, the "no-confidence" motion has exhibited the Ministry weaker than they have yet been, whilst its tendency appears to be of permanent benefit to the Tories. These things regard the past. In the future there is little sign of "good dispositions" in the "reconstructed" Ministry, or prospect of public advantage from them. As a sign of "dispositions," they have fashioned the Irish Corporation Bill to meet the pleasure of the Lords. And the last topic of difference between Whig and Tory being in a fair train of settlement, we can perceive no means by which the credulous may be deluded into groundless hopes, unless by frequent Ministerial " reconstructions,"—a schemt, however, which must soon exhaust itself Let us recapitulate the substance of what bas been said as regards the dispositions and strength of the Whigs; taking positive facts, and probable conclusions.

I. The reconstructed Ministry has exhibited a servile submission to the Court, and has been ignominiously defeated. 2. The Ministers have fought tbr existence under every artvantage; and their majority has been the weakest they have yet had on a similar question. 3. After keeping up a delusive struggle for six years on the Irish Corporation BA they have framed a measure to the last dictation of the Lords.

4. They are threatened by the Tories with an active opposition. These arefacts, which cannot be gainsaid or explained away : the following are only probable conclusions.

I. That the Ministry's incapability of gra tit:ming the Royal wishes, whether in matters of substance or matters affirm, is not likely to strengthem them at Court.

2. That the majority, such as it was, was produced only by hopes

that the Ministry appear to have no means of fulfilling. If they do nothing, they will alienate, not only some sturdier though trusting Radicals, but politicians of the WARD and WAKLEY school. If they recur to the old sham of " preparing measures for rejection by the Lords," it is more than probable that what Lord HOWICK calls their " most respectable and steady supporters" will " drop off," by more than " one or two at a time," and the measures be rejected in the Commons.

3. With every advantage of Tory quiescence, they have not hitherto been able to avoid being beaten upon single questions ; and they have always exhibited what the _Ells/miner called such " a deplorable deficiency of the faculties for business," that Parliamentary affitirs by the middle of the session have been in a state of confusion as inextricable as disgraceful. Will this be mended by an active opposition, which shall lie in wait for the blunders and errors of the Ministry?

4. These filets and reasons would seem to promise a speedy dis solution of the Whig. Goverm»ent : notwithstanding which they may linger for some time longer. The mass of men cannot foresee consequences in their causes ; they must wait till the consequences come. The Government delusion of "reconstruction" will not be made palpable till towards the el.m:e of' the session ; and accident or trick may then float them over, till the recess gives theta half-ayear longer of pay, and leisure far hatching some new contrivance. On the other hand, an unfitvourable accident may suddenly destroy them. They are stricken with a mortal malady, but it is impossible to fix the date of their deeease. As tile phrase is on these oc casions, they may "last softie time yet," or they "may go oisuddenly at last."

The result of this examination leads to the conclusion, that the Whigs stand no better, at :my sate. than they did, wftli the Court, the Parliament, or the Country. I )0es it mit also justify time Spectator in cautiously avoiding all encouragements to that delusive hope which has imposed upon the sanguine Mr. WARD and the dubiety Mr. WAKLEY How stand the Tories ? Not so well as when they were tricked out of office by the Bedchamber intrigue. The dragooning doctrines put forward by the Duke of ‘VELUNGTON m the Lords, the furious opposition to National Education, the insane fanaticism about Ireland and Popery. have disgusted men whose feelings are Conservative though they meddle not in politics, and frightened many who were full willing to be ritl of the Whigs. Their organs, too, have done them bad service during the recess, both in the dunce and in the treatment of topics. Instead of statesmanlike \laws of the condition of mthirs, the Quarterly was exaggerating personal antipathies into impirtffice, and superadding elaborate dulne,ss; to impoliey. The Mornisg Post was making furious attacks on the Cheap Postage, Vr hidi WaS no more Whig than Catholic Emancipation was Tory. but was enffireed by the milted voice of the country. The Tim-s. was Ilr‘albat against O'Cox NEL!, Ireland, and Ireland's religion; in a style which it Would have tasked O'CoN sass himselfito •\ mi almost all their papers indulged

in the insolent style of mu domination, v hich reminded men of the times of CasTm: s! \ • .• s •sith• fat the .,Ylitv which theu set it off The conduct is' 1 , • s :la •,• ! .1;ate. and the

speech Of PEEL, have (bole si•,..,•ii1;1,st sin. 'hostility, but not enough. If they vant office, they must /voile °for it, mu '.1 pay earnest-money to hoot. 1st them stop jobs ; remedy

blunders ; lick aborth. .; • • ..shape : entl free economy and, not content with flit some measures or Practical Reform. Two things, ;ml. osly already point to,—

they preserved the constitution of daustica Ii, rim (1,•t ruction by the Whigs, who arc always for cutting knots they e themselves tangled ; and they have saved the country six is; , sa hundred thousand pounds by their rote on Prince A.r.nsfuris ,mace, But '6 one swallow makes no summsr"—if they wi-11 the country, they must give the r. ii ,2;0■1111ti 1:1 , hail for these ten years, some of the ;III

How stand the Radicals ? As a parts ' Radi

cals 1::1,11y —i

cals are non-existent. ss the lowest deep, till they opisi 11,s them,' s . s It is difficult to point to a man who, when a general eltsaion s • ., s. will be able to go to a constituency upon tile broad ground of ;, conduct and public principles strictly upheld. lislividuals. ; very pos sibly, may be reflected, but it will be and a•sl --: not poli

tical grounds ; and let an adverse comins• , „ rwIrat are accidents like these to rest upon? fl',.• ,,f substituting private or unintelligible motives tin' pablic Finciples—of acting with no other reason " confidence in 3 linl,ters"—of voting with no other motive ti mu a " keep out the Tories."