The following information on Swedish politics, written at Stockholm about
a month ago by a resident of distinction, thoroughly well-informed and trustworthy, proves a very timely contribution- to our columns.
"You want to know how we are getting on now in Sweden in a political point
of view. My last communication to you on this topic was, I believe, in the be- ginning of 1846. Since then, I have not had reason to change my opinion es- sentially in regard to our ling. He is still the same mild, benevolent, hard- working, frugal, and virtuous man. He has continued to give us, during the last three years, a great number of very important legislative reforms; among which I shall mention the following: the law of the 19th May 1846, by which it is enacted that man and wife are to have an equal share in their common property, and that all children, sons and daughters, are to take equal shares in the inheritance; the law also of the 19th May 1845, by which the regulations about the registration of real property are materially changed; the law of the 20th November 1845, con- cerning expropriations of land for public purposes; the law of the 27th April 1846, containing new regulations about the iron-works; a new law about 'lea liberes et les gene sans aveti,' or what we call ' fdrowanlosa; of the 29th May 1846; new laws about internal commerce and trade, of the 22d December 1846; and the new poor-law of the 26th May 1847. AR these are framed in a liberal spirit. I believe that each of the laws is in accordance with the opinions of the great majority of the nation; but this majority, again is differently constituted in the case of almost each law; and there are several laws which have given offence to large and influential classes of society. The nobility, for instance, is very angry with the new law of inheritance; the clergy is dissatisfied with the poor- law, by which their influence has been somewhat diminished; many of the trades- men dislike the law by which the old corporations and guilds have been abolished; the merchants, the gentry, and part of the peasantry, (that is to say, those who are most given to Democratic ideas,) seem inclined to think that several of these Measures do not go far enough: besides, they are of opinion that the Government was wrong with regard to the tariff, in yielding too much to the Protectionist ma- jority of the Diet of 1844; and that Government has been too lukewarm on the question of our representative system. On this last question, the real opinion of the Ring and of the Ministers is hardly known, and the members of the Ministry are supposed not to agree. A committee on the subject was appointed to sit du- ring 1846 and 1847; but the members of it were of such different opinions that their plan is generally considered as a patchwork, satisfying nobody, and has been left to the present Estates by Government without any expression of the Govern- ment's own opinion.
"Such were the circumstances under which the Diet assembled on the 15th November 1847. The King having worked very hard and most conscientiously for the good of his people, expected, I believe, to meet with the approbation of the Representatives; but, so far from that, he and his Government were over. whelmed with abuse; most people being dissatisfied with one thing or another, and hardly anybody taking, the trouble to defend, still leas to praise, the measures of which they approved. I have told you before, that the nation cannot properly be said to be divided into any distinct parties, and that the great majority of the people do not recognize any political leaders. I called this mcjority, only for the sake of distinction, the Centre. I have also mentioned that we have two more distinct parties—the Ultra-Conservatives, and the Ultra-Radicals: the latter continues to form a small fraction, headed by some ruined newspaper-editors. It has no weight in the representation if not by ruining the reputation of some antagonist by constant abuse. The Ultra-Conservatives are stronger than they were; their leader, Mr. Hartmansdorff, having got a good many new adherents through the dissatisfaction with the new law of inheritance. At the beginning of the Diet, the Conservatives played their part very cleverly: they found the King rather disgusted at the clamour of those on whose sympathy he bad calculated, and at the unexpected resistance to an increased apanage for the Prince Royal, (from 2,083g to 8,333F.,) and some not very large demands for the Army. Now,
as that- never cares about the public purse, Mr. Hartmansdorff and his friends nstantly stepped forward as warm supporters of all demands. The apanage is now, partly by their aid, granted; and so will most likely the grants for the Army: but, of course,. they want to get something for their trouble. They expect the King to dismiss a Ministry which has, they say, satisfied nobody; and they hope that the King will not pass some of the liberal measures laid before the Estates,--such as the criminal law, the 'orison law, the new tariff, and the new regulation about levying the taxes on real property.
"Thus far are we come. It is generally supposed that the Wing as yet is rather undecided as to the course to take; and, with a representation such as ours, not at all representing the opinion of the country, but still having the disposal of the i
public money and part in the legislation, it s not very easy to know how to lay the rudder. Some of the Ministers seem to think " qu'il taut teenier pour mien' seater." Many people believe it impossible to carry on government, as now, with.. outs Government newspaper, and without a leader of the party (the Centre) whose opinions this Ministry represents. The King does not allow this, nor of any jobbing in giving away public places. (Oar Government is the reverse of M. Guizot's.) High commands in the Army are given away to violent antagonists of the Ministers. The Court is fall of Ultra-Conservative courtiers, who con- stantly vote against the Ministry. The Royal Family seems very anxious to show political impartiality; so that there is rather more civility shown now at the Court to the Conservatives than to the Liberals; so much so, that some of these, who do not know the King, suspect him of secret sympathy with the Conservatives. Few men are free from envy or vanity; and thus many friends are growing luke- warm, while enemies get up their courage and become impudent. "The question is, what will come next? The answer is not easily given; but you know that I am myself rather inclined to look on the bright side of things. I believe that the opinions of the King are still in perfect harmony with those of the great enlightened middle class, and the best men in the country. He will never give up any prerogative of the crown; and no sensible man wants to weaken the executive power: but he will consent to a better representation of the coun- try whenever a sufficient majority has agreed about the details. In the mean time, we shall fight for legal, financial, and commercial reforms; and we shall have them at no very distant period. One thing may be necessary, and that is a better organization of the Centre party,—not a very easy thing in calm times, but when it is necessary it will be done, and then that party is all-powerful."
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