SCOTLAND.

The news of the battle of the Alma reached the Queen at Balmoral, by express, on Sunday; and on Tuesday the report of the fall of Sebastopol. The Queen and Prince Albert rode over to the Shiel of Alt sea Guisach on the 2d, and remained there during the night. The Earl of Aberdeen was in attendance on her Majesty ; a post which Sir James Graham set out from London on Tuesday to fill. Among the other exercises of the Royal children, the Prince of Wales and Prince Allred ascended Lochnagar on Tuesday, accompanied by Mr. Gibbs.

The citizens of Edinburgh .and Aberdeen were alike engaged on Satur- day in bestowing the freedom of their burghs on two distinguished Libe- rals, and in listening to the views of those gentlemen on passing events. In Edinburgh, Sir William Moleaworth was the recipient of the gift of honour. The presentation was made in the Council-Chamber, in the pre- sence of the Town-Council, Magistrates, and citizens; the Lord Provost prefacing the gift with a highly laudatory speech. In his reply of ac- knowledgment, Sir Wiitiarn alluded to his maternal connexion with Scot- land, to his education at the University, to his association with some of the great worthies of Edinburgh, such as Sir Walter Scott, Sir William Hamilton, Lord Jeffrey, and others; and, after some remarks on his own career, he naturally came to speak of his connexion with the Ministry of Lord Aberdeen, and the Russian war.

" When I joined that Government, though I was not personally acquaint.d with Lord Aberdeen, I had great respect and admiration for his nubble cha- racter; and I felt convinced that I could become a member of his Govern-

ment without any compromise of principle, especially as my noble friend Lord John Russell, the distinguished, the acknowledged, and justly-recog- nized leader of the Liberal party, whom I had generally followed, and hope to continue to follow in public life, had consented to hold an influential Fad-

den in that Government or have my hopes and expectations been disap- pointed. My respect and admiration for Lord Aberdeen have been con- firmed and strengthened by personal acquaintance. I found him to be a sin- cere, earnest, straightforward, liberal, and highminded gentleman—an ho- nour to Scotland—a statesman of whom every Scotchman ought to be proud ; whose only object in taking office was to promote the good government of this country, and whose chief wish in retaining office is to maintain firmly and energetically the honour and dignity of Great Britain in the arduous contest in which we are now engaged—in the just and necessary war which the responsible Ministers of the Crown felt it their duty to advise her Majesty

to declare against the Emperor of All the Hussies

"Gentlemen, in the immediate conduct of this war, France and England had three chief objects to accomplish : first, to prevent the armies of Russia from dismembering the Turkish empire and marching on Constantinople ; secondly, to prevent the fleets of Russia from injuring the trade and com- merce of France and England ; thirdly, to strike such a body-blow at Russia as would be best calculated to compel the Czar permanently to desist from his designs on the Ottoman dominions. The first two of these objects have been accomplished ; the third is, I hope and trust, in the act of being accom- plished. To accomplish them, magnificent fleets, the like of which the world bad never seen, have been sent by France and England to the Euxine and the Baltic. Armies have been equipped with unparalleled rapidity, and, amply furnished with all the munitions of war, have been transported with unprecedented speed to their destination. The result has been, that the Russian forces have quitted the Danubian Principalities : compelled to do so partly by the valour of the Turks, sustained by the moral influence of the Allied forces at Yarns, ready to bring succour ; partly by the operations of the combined fleets in the Euxine intercepting supplies ; partly by the me- nacing attitude of Austria, the effect of the skill of the diplomatists of France and England. The result also has been, that whilst the merchant navies of France and England are traversing the ocean in every direction without fear or danger, the mercantile marine of Russia dare not appear on the seas, and her men-of-war are obliged to skulk ingloriously behind her granite fortifi- cations. To have attacked those fortifications with ships alone, as some ci- vilians have in their wisdom advised—to have opposed (to use the words of Lord Dundonald, the roost daring of our sea-kings)—to have opposed combustible ships to stone batteries firing red-hot shot,' would have been contrary to the opinions of the highest and most eminent military authori- ties—acts not of judicious daring, but of sheer insanity, of which, I am glad to say, the brave admirals of France and England were utterly incapable. But the most important of those fortifications—Sebastopol—the bulwark and talisman of the power of Russia in the East, is being assailed as it ought to be assailed by the warriors of France, England, and Turkey, under their ablest and wisest generals, and by an armada more potent than any of which mention is made either in history or in fable. If success attend that enterprise, (and it has commenced under the most favourable auspices, and to secure success every means has been employed that wealth, science, prudence, or forethought, could devise,) a body-blow will be struck at Russia, which will undermine her influence in the East, may snake her amenable to reason, and pave our way to a peace alike glorious and honourable. But, whatever may be the immediate result of the attack on Sebastopol, I am convinced that neither the people of this country nor her Majesty's Ministers, whoever they may be, will ever consent to a termination of this contest until the objects for which it was commenced have been accomplished.

" We ought not, however, to be disappointed if those objects are not oc- complished as speedily as we could wish. We ought not to murmur if important events do not occur as rapidly as we could desire. We ought to bear in mind, that in all ware the remarkable events that are chronicled in history—great battles and important sieges—have been few in number, separated by considerable intervals of time, those intervals being occupied by minor and less important events of which history makes little or no mention. We must not expect that in this respect there will be much dif- fer:nee between the present war and past ones. We must not expect because the steam-vessel and the electric telegraph has almost annihilated distance—because in annihilating distance they have almost annihilated time, which is the measure of distance—that the important events of which we now receive intelligence with the speed of lightning will follow each other with the same rapidity. Therefore we ought not to be unreflectingly impatient for action, which, if rashly engaged in, may occasion unnecessary loss of valuable life. Bear in mind, that nothing can be or ought to be more precious to France and England than the lives of their sons, but that nothing is less valuable to the Czar than the blood of his serfs. Bear in mind also, that in a prolonged conflict, the wealth and resources of France and England must insure our ultimate triumph over the poverty of Russia; and that Russia's only chance of even temporary success lies

in rash and ill-considered action on our part. Therefore let us not be over-impatient for results. This war must give birth to events of immense importance to the civilized world. It has already pro- duced two results which will make it memorable in the history of nations : the one is the frank, firm, cordial, and hearty union of the people, the go- vernments, the armies and navies, of France and England in the same cause,—a union which I hope, for the sake of both countries and of man- kind, will be everlasting ; the other is the mitigation of the evils of war by the establishment of the maritime rights of neutrals on the firm and solid basis of reason and justioe,—a step in civilization the importance of which can scarcely be over-estimated. If ere long, as I hope and trust, Sebastopol shall share the fate of Bomarsund,—if its fortifications shall be razed to the ground, its fleet destroyed, and the Euxine set free from the incubus of the might of Russia,—then I say that the first campaign of allied France arid England will neither be aimless nor eventless, nor inglorious, nor unworthy of the reputation of two nations renowned for military and naval exploits. Gentlemen, though in war much depends oo causes beyond human control— on events which the most sagacious cannot foresee nor the most rudent guard against, yet I feel most sanguine of the success of the ex icon to the Crimea, because the preparations for it were most complete, e soldiers and sailors of France and England are unsurpassed in valour, their com- manders are most competent, and, above all, because our cause is a just and righteous one." (Much cheering of course.)

The scene in the Council-Chamber of Aberdeen was similar to that in Edinburgh. Mr. Hume was presented with the burgess-ticket by the Lord Provost, and it was tied to his hat with a flowing scarlet riband. Mr. Hume's speech embraced a wide range of political and social topics ; but the two salient paragraphs related to the war and the Government.

"If there is in this assembly a man who detests war with all its con- sequences, I am that man ; and therefore, when the question arose how far it was right and proper for the Government to take the course which they determined upon, looking at the consequences likely to result from the over- grown military despot carrying by force his designs against Europe, I thought there was danger to the civil liberties of Europe, and I, without hesitation, as far as rested with me, afforded to Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet my best sup-

port. And I do not regret it. On the contrary, the disclosures which after- wards came out have only strengthened that opinion. I do believe, however much the Government, and particularly Lord Aberdeen himself, has been unjustly attacked and misrepresented, I firmly believe that when the whole of the details connected with the policy of the grasping and powerful despot of Russia comes to light, it will be seen that we have been fully justified in taking this course."

" There have been great complaints made against the present Government, and a great desire shown to attack and render their administration of little value. I think it of vast importance that the Government should be sup- ported. On the termination of the Derby Government I, as on the spot, I knew every man fit for business on both sides, and, had been called upon, I should have found it most difficult to make a selection. Nothing but a compromise such as took place could have secured anything like a Liberal Government. The Peelites have been blamed for joining with the Whigs. On the contrary, I give them credit for it. They gave up a portion of their views to meet the Whigs, and the Whigs gave up some of theirs to meet them. The result was, a Government formed to carry reform, economy, and retrenchment, such as the Government of this country ought to be. Except Lord Aberdeen—blamed and attacked however he may be—I know no individual who could have formed parties as he has done. He it is who keeps the Cabinet right ; he is the man, in my opinion, who cements the Cabinet ; and if he were removed I know not what the consequence might be. At this moment I would deprecate a change; involved as we are in a war nothing could be more disastrous. I do trust, therefore, they will get fair play. Wait the result of their labours, and not, as I see some prints of the day are doing, unmeasuredlv condemn them."

Mr. Hume remarked, that little as the labours of the last session of Parliament were thought of, they would have done for ten sessions when he began his Parliamentary career.

Mr. Murray Dunlop, Member for Greenock, met his constituents on Monday, and, in accordance with annual custom, delivered an address on public affairs. The news of the victory had arrived, and that formed a prominent subject of comment ; in the course of which he vindicated Sir Charles Napier from the charge of unnecessary inaction in the Baltic. Next he spoke of the late Reform Bill, its withdrawal, and the small results of the session ; which he was inclined to impute to the willingness of the House of Commons to grasp at the excuse of the war for the pur- pose of hindering legislation.

" Now, while acknowledging so far the blame attaching to Parliament, I think the failure of legislation in other respects was not so much owing to ,anything in the House of Commons, as arising almost necessarily from the circumstances in which we were this year placed with a Coalition Ministry not yet thoroughly fused together in principles and interests. I hold a Coalition Ministry absolutely essential at present, because no party in the .state is sufficiently stropg to form a Government of itself; and therefore I do not object to the Coalition at all : last year, when engaged on finan- cial questions, in which all parties entirely agreed, the evils were not felt; but this year, when we got into points in which they somewhat differed, they had, in framing their measures, almost an absolute necessity to make com- promises, one side yielding one point, and another another, and making thus, as it were, a half-measure, which could never obtain the cordial sup- port of all the sections, or of any section, composing the House of Commons. Then, there was a worse result from it than this. Not only are they not yet thoroughly fused in point of principle and opinion, but there is an im- pression—I hope not a correct one—that they are not yet thoroughly fused together in point of interest, and that the two sections of the Cabinet are looking forward to the time when they will separate. Whether that is true or not, there was that impression; and therefore a large body of Members, instead of rallying around a united Ministry, whom they expected to remain united, always looked forward to the time when it would separate, and calculated how they would commit themselves by such and such a vote in regard to the side to which they ultimately adhere, when they had not made up their minds which to adhere to in event of a split. I hope, by working longer together, and by having been in office together, when we shall achieve a complete and glorious victory over a common foe, I trust by their common victories and action they may be led to a more perfect union and better fusion of principle, and above all, to a more complete fusion of interest : and if that be the result, I think I may say they will receive a most cordial, thorough, and united support in all measures of progress, reform, and ad- vancement for the general good and welfare of the country. Now, the great measure in which we are engaged, and which was made the excuse for not entering upon others, was the providing the means of carrying on the war : and I think all parties in the House united together, cordially and readily, and put it in the power of the Government, by offering them at once the supplies necessary, to carry on the war in a way worthy of the country and i

the contest in which we are engaged. I believe in no former instance, in so short a time, has a fleet and an army been equipped and despatched with such promptitude and in such perfect order. In some things we were defi- cient, such as light craft for the narrow channels of the Baltic and Danube : and I doubt if we bad time at all to prepare for that. But in other respects, I can say, I feel convinced that no Government ever made their preparations with more ready energy, or with more thorough and complete success ; and -that they deserve all the credit and thanks of the country for the manner in which they employed the supplies which the House so cordially and readily voted."

But Mr. Dunlop was not so well satisfied with the ground on which -the Government had placed the contest—that of preserving the balance of power.

" The real question on which the balance of power of the present day de- pends is, on which side, whether on dynastic despotism or constitutional li- berty, the greater power shall impend ; and the whole honour of this war, I believe, is that it shall be a deathblow to the cause of dynastic despotism. What we want to secure is, that the balance shall be turned in favour of constitutional freedom. That is the ground on which we are called on to fight—not as to whether Russia in the abstract shall have power over Mol- davia and Wallachia. That is a matter of indifference to us. But whether Russia shall dictate to other nations of the Continent—whether, when revo- lutions shall be formed among the subjugated peoples of the suppressed dy- nasties of the Continent, Russia shall trample them down in future or not— whether there shall be a free course to freedom among all the nations of Eu- rope—that is the only ground on which I think this war can be carried on. Now, the Government have never yet put it on that ground ; and I -own, that the absence of any declaration of that kind has made me particularly jealous of our dealings with Austria. I would not grudge at all an accession of strength to Austria, but rather desire it, if we could enlist her on the side of the constitutional monarchies of Europe. But what is it to us if she is to remain on the side of dynastic despotism ? She may resist Russia in endeavouring to get more territory ; but when the question comes -^whater umititutional freedom or despotic government over Europe shall gain the day, 'these two, instead of being opposed, would be joined hand in tirid -ether ;'and by adding to the strength of Austria while she remains e of despotism, we only add to the strength of Russia in the matter 7. we most fear as the enemy of constitutional freedom. Therefore I would say to Austria, 'If you will frankly join us, give a constitution to Hungary ; give liberal institutions to all your own people; set free the Italians, whom you trample upon : then we will hail you as our friend and brother, receive you into our alliance, and give you every help to strengthen you, and enable you along with ns, to oppose the Czar in his crusade against liberty. But if you will remain the friend and ally of the Czar in the matter most dear and im- portant to us, not one additional acre of territory, not one additional man in strength, shall you receive at our hands; we will leave you to your own re- sources, and let you struggle as you beet may with the difficulties of the war; from us you shall receive no countenance by alliance ; by our own strength, and with the blessing of God on our arms, we will maintain our own cause.' And if the Government will put it on that footing now, even though no im- mediate result should accrue from the victory we have achieved,—though we may be destined to wage a long war, for I can conceive that the Czar, from the difficulty of touching a vital part of his empire, may wage a long war, hoping by wearing out the people of this country with taxation, delay and in- jury to trade, trusting to changes of Government, or the vacillations of what he may consider a fickle people, may continue the war ; and if not put on a right footing, I believe we may get tired of it : but, I repeat, if put on the right footing, this nation will rally around the Government with an energy unprecedented,. and courage which will enable them to wage a glorious war, and win a glorious prize—' break the yoke of the oppressor, and bid the op- pressed go free.' "

These views were warmly received as a true expression of the senti- ments of the audience.

The National Association for the Vindication of Scottish Rights bad a dinner at Glasgow on Wednesday, for the purpose of entertaining the Earl of Eglinton, their President. The Duke of Montrose filled the post of chairman, and proposed the health of the President with many com- pliments. Lord Eglinton reciprocated the compliments ; complained of unfair treatment of the Association; and set forth its well-known de- mands.

A somewhat novel Convocation of a section of the Scottish Episcopal Church was held at Inverness on the 20th September—a Convocation of the Laity of Moray and Ross, summoned by the Bishop. It was resolved that the Bishop has a right to summon the laity when he sees fit ; and that such a meeting of the laity is not inconsistent with the Word of God. It was also agreed that rules and regulations should be drawn up by, the Bishop, pending an adjournment of one month.

Government has resolved on placing Orkney in a state of defence by the erection of a fort of sufficient size in the neighbourhood of Kirkwall. For this purpose, a party of Sappers and Miners will be immediately sent down to Kirkwall, with materials for proceeding immediately with the work, which is expected to be finished in a few months.—/ferflarn _Ensign.

In the North of Scotland the harvest is not yet above half got in. Last week the weather was wet, with heavy gales of wind, exceedingly un- favourable for harvest-work. The yield of the grain crops promises to be good.

Mr. William Ening, an insurance-broker at Glasgow, has, generously contributed 20001. towards the completion of A sailors' home, besides undertaking to collect 500/. more.