German Unity
THE tirtle' for once, is a trde description, Of this book's 450 pages more than half are given to the history of Germany before the death of Frederick II in 525o ; and less than a hundred to the four centuries between the election of Charles V in 1519 and the estab- lishment of Hider in 1933. The subject is mediaeval Germany, not explored for its own sake, but in order to " cast a clearer light on present perplexities and problems." Professor Barraclough "had the privilege of studying in the University of Munich," and his book is decidedly a German version of German history, painstakingly intri- cate, rather- cantankerous, and with an impressive array of (German) authorities. Even the style has a ponderous German ring, enriched with the exhausted metaphors which are the occupational disease of English writers of history. History has a " seamless web "; " the fierce light of publicity ' blinds ; Germany is thrown into " the melting pot "; the princes " climb into the saddle."
It would not do to deny it also the virtues of German scholarship. The tangled story of the mediaeval Empire is told with a mastery not equalled since Bryce's Holy Roman Empire, and with a good deal more than Bryce's knowledge of the essential sources. This book will remain central reading on mediaeval Germany for many years to come. If there is a historical fault, it lies in the exaggeration of the elements of purpose in human affairs. Every German Emperor is credited with as much persistence and clarity of vision as Professor Barraclough possesses himself ; even the German " masses " of the eleventh century are presented as eager for the establishment of monarchical authority on a national basis. Yet perhaps chance and human weakness had- more to do with the failure to unite Germany than Professor Barraclough would allow, and perhaps less blame must be ascribed to the foreigner.
For, despite the historical merits of the book, its political lesson is highly contestable. Professor Barraclough believes that the Germans have been striving to achieve national unity for a thousand years ; their failure, Teutonically enough, he attributes to the inter- ference of others. His concentration on the early Middle Ages, and his relative neglect of the early sixteenth century, enables' him to present his case in this way ; for the failure of the time of Luther, which was indeed decisive, cannot be ascribed to other than German causes. As it is, Professor Barraclough finds two villains of the piece : first the Pope and then the French. That both Pope and Emperor lived in mediaeval times and thought in mediaeval terms, following a common pattern clear to them though remote from•us, is not admitted for a moment. The Emperors were patriotic Germans ; the Popes jealous and malignant foreigners.
But in good Munich fashion (for the University and the beer- cellar are not far apart), the harshest words are reserved for the French. Thus the French desire for the Rhine frontier (which Professor Barraclough, unlike recent French historians, detects as early as the fifteenth century) is described as " the most potent cause of war and international instability throughout modern times." Of the treaty of Versailles : "Once again, as so often in the past, the possibility of lasting European peace was sacrificed to the national interests of France." Or again, German national unity "even after 1871 has never been secure against the machinations of French policy." On the other hand, the German "masses," especially in the form of the German Social Democrats, are presented as having been always pacific and harmless. Even Hitler is blamed on the foreigner ; in 1938 " it was the intervention of the English Premier, Chamber- lain, which saved him from deposition by the German army." The moral is clear ' • the harmless, pacific Germans should be given the national unity for which they have always wished. In fact, they should be given national Socialism, but real Nationalism and real Socialism, not the imitations with which Hitler (the agent of " power- ful reactionary elements in England and France ") cheated the harm- less German people. Professor Barraclough concludes that the only 'lasting settlement is one " which, removing the age-old bars to German unity and German democracy, permits the German people to take its place as an equal partner in the comity of European nations." If only the German people would take their place as equals how nice it would be ; even Munich might become, in time, quite a civilised
Previous page
