TOPICS OF THE DAY.

THE CONFIDING LIBERALS AND THE SPECTATOR.

THE state of political affairs, which the Spectator long since pre- dicted, is beginning to touch the fears of even the ' sanguine" Liberals. Having by their " confidence in Ministers" and their zeal to " keep out the Tories " greatly conduced to bring about the present Ministerial mess, they would now do what is impos- sible, and restore opportunity that has passed. Having thrown cold water upon our earnest suggestions for vigorous action at the right time, and not always refrained from abusing us for making them, they are now, that the time has gone, crying out for sugges- tions for plans of independent action! A good portion of this class of well-meaning but weak men, are fitly represented in the Weekly Chronicle ; and that journal, in an article of solemn sense without any obvious use, wanders out of its way to attack the Spectator— not upon any specific point, the discussion of which might throw light upon something, but, according to its custom, in general depreciatory remark. According to this oracle- 1. " The Spectator's prejudices often render it unjust as a critic, and unsafe as a guide."

2. We censure men and measures without suggesting any mea- sures of our own.

3. We are " busily engaged in the laudable work of pulling down established reputations, and sneering away the character of humbler political men.'

1. As to what we are either as guides or as critics, it is not for vs to judge; but we may remark, that our criticisms are sometimes

confirmed by opinion, and our predictions by the event. Unless, too, our memory deceives us' this Weekly chronicle N+riter has been obliged to admit, that the Spectator's caution turned out to be more correct than his own credulity. 2. With regard to our censures without suggestions, it would be sufficient to say that it is our fimetion as journalists truly to record

measures and the men engaged in them, and our duty truly to

comment upon them. For example, if the Liberal Ministry choose to bring forward an extravagant grant for Prince ALBERT, and 158 of the Liberal party to vote tbr it,—or if the Reform Ministry choose to perpetrate a gross pension-job, and 212 so- called Reformers back them,—we are not to sink the one matter

in the same obscurity as a turnpike bill, or, against our cons ictions,

to say that the other is a worthy action irregularly performed. If a delusion take place in the recess, again to impose upon the country by a " reconstructed Ministry," and we can find in it neither the elements of increased strength nor of increased promise, are we to give the lie to our reason, and to assist in raising hopes which the first experiment crumbles into nothing, because it is not our function to form a Ministry?

But we have a better reason for not suggesting—there is nothing to suggest. The Liberal party (we speak of Parliament) is in the condition of players in a drama that must be damned: there is nothing for them but to play out the play--unless the auditors furnish a catastrophe of their own. When the piece is going on, and the patience going off', and the more timid are withdrawing,

and the apathetic are getting drowsy, and the excitable are hooting their indignation, it is idle for the pelted performers to call out for

" suggestions." Their time was when the parts were offered them. They could then have declined to run the gauntlet of public dis- grace, even if they offended the malinger, or had to withdraw from the company. It was at this early period, when advice was of use, that the Spectator offered various suggestions to the Ministry and Parliamentary Libe- rals—and we [nay add, before the 11 Whig Chronicle was born. When the Tory Peers, in the session of I s36, began their obstructive tac- tics, the Spectator pointed out three plans ()faction to the Ministry,—

a creation of Peers; a dissolution of Parliament ; a resignation.

Of the three courses the last was suggested : and for these reasons. It was the regular constitutional mode; the Liberal majority in the Commons was eighty ; and that noose of Commons was bound by the resolutions in favour of Appropriation (solemn resolutiotrs were deemed of moment so late as May 16:3(.) For the Tories to

have carried on the government, in the teeth of such an opposition, would have been impossible ; anti how would they have gone to the country ? They must have dissolved with the whole Liberal party

united and determined, and animated by the same spirit which frighted the Lords in May 18:12, \Own Earl GREY roused the country by a similar net of prompt vigour. The 'l'ories must have

dissolved, not upon an Education Bill, or a Church Bill, or any one

bill, but upon this simple proposition—" Constituencies, we are de- termined to obstruct the working of the Reform Bill." What the result would have been of such a resignation, cannot be told; but, looking at the triumph of Earl GREY in 18311, and the present manifest difficulties in a Tory accession to office after four years' Ministerial defeats and disgraces, there is every probability that the Lords must have been brought into harmony with the Relbrined House of Commons—not then dragged through the mire till the Boroughmongering Parliaments look respectable in comparison. Well, this suggestion was scouted by Ministers and the " Libe- rals." Did the Spectator do nothing then but censure ? No. Pro- testing against the decision, and predicting its probable result, we cast about for a remedy, and immediately suggested " Open Ques- tions." Not to be confined to the Ballot only—but to extend to the main questions on which the Whigs and the bulk of the Radicals differed. Not to be delayed, obstinately, insultingly, and injuri- ously, for four sessions, and meanly yielded at last as the only chance of retaining place—but granted whim at least apparent free- will as a graceful concession to the majority of their supporters, and a disposition to rely upon reason and discussion. Not either to be granted, be it observed, as an end, to facilitate pledged Li- berals getting into office, or to enable them to vote against the and to enable a new line of action to be taken up against the fate of the other. The session of 1837 passed in a series of per- Ministry without offending Ministers—but as a means to unite the Liberal party, divided by the Ministerial submission to the Peers, Tories—to "ripen the pear by Easter." This suggestion shared the plexities, disgraces, and all but defeats : the death of the Ministry was daily expected; but the King died instead. Even then, did the Spectator cease suggesting? No. Admitting

the difficulty, perhaps the impossibility, of rousing time constitu- encies, it suggested the Ballot as the most probable means of a

rally. In answer to which, we had .lon Addreb8 to the Electors of Stroud, and 1.(•rd 1)1 nilAN14, Letter to Butvi.ny, and the .discouragement by leading Liberals of all agitation for organic changes. " We have now," said they, " the Court with us." " We have a virgin Queen." " 1Ve have," said the Irish in addition, " a tnvuty,11. Qncom." " A great responsillility is thrown upon Lord Melbourne, good ninth" And in s7tort, the Court went to the country, and the l'Ech Parliament majority of 60 sank down in the MI:mine IINE to the encert«in vantki discoverable only byevolicular experiment. Even then the Sp..t.tt,./. offered suggestions. Admitting that organic questions could nt be carried, we suggested the experi- ment of Practical Measures—subjects to improve the wellbeing or the people—either administrative, to be executed without Parka- meat, or such asParli•le;yet could not oppose. At some expense of time, and labour, .m n,1 1;:•mey, we prepared several supplementary

expositions of the mo,.1 subjects. Our first was answered

by the scandalous of the Civil List. The Spectator's; idea of the Pensin,nitie: System may be read in the second Of Our " Practical Mea-Jr, t'le Minister's netion may be found in the NuweonT-3.1...TrA, ■h. We C0111111elleed the subject of Mili- tary Expenditure :1:: .. '!uinistration : but the \vars and rumours of wars with whi..1) th,. co:nifty was threatened during the latter part of Whig inten.,.e‘te. -at. rendered it useless to pursue that branch of economical retbrtn.

After this we ecased to suggest plans of action to the Reform Ministry ; but whit the Finality doctrines were broached, we threw out hints, and soinctituos more, to those calling themselves Radicals, that it was thin; they adopted an independent line of conduct and set pp as a (liti,ict parte. But the Parliamentary Itadieals prefert.,. • :7.• I thr..ugh the dirt at the heels of

Ministers; am we have ceased to offer sug-

gestions. We . . of 1.1..ag..;:ng and bombast, that the iiievitably be &wined ; that the " rogues niOrk-Ilerole and that 1100,1111- beyond narrzttive and

must play out th.

comment con! ! till the curtain ...ropped. 1.Ve have not, however, ce;;:,•,1 suggest upon par:icular occasions. Prince

Ar.urtur's for example : on ,,1.1 11,, whole press was silent, as t'.;;;e.; ;orolntsetl. tbr, pass,

3. The '• • • eint•••••.• • l'•• !1", • /.1zi Chrodele, "in

pulling (1,,,,,-!• - • • i'•,•.l ••.., must be permitted to obsc."....., ;•-• ' .,:an can he written

down by : Th,• I at' the remark,

however, is t h 11 11.-11 IJ /,•• wt. can discover it, without fear eeil

assailants ;;,,, 1

" Liberal." we ;12 mm Pat lie is a swan.

For example. ;;.-h •;.•-•l■ broke down ia time Colonial ( ) '; .•..e'• I • 1,r,Iriele, that

lie did nothie • ..;thing. bccou.se

lie was only C.;, ;.;•.; : " for vi' disbe- lieve the liter. •.; • d because he was incapable ; eust him. Again,

when the " rec..; • ir. %Lou such hopes

were entertain, .!. it established reputation" to .:.•:• • V.,. 111 11,-;- 1.4. truth, to vouch that a combinto i m:me mmmi Di.■,■••-mi I \mms had arisen to as- tonish the world :- The sin is e;;,-. ,.r. l'runi which the Tree/ay Chro).1.'!,' is IL mu soh' iive. V. tintper and of' caste, and inany th.-; of the 211init3try is Lord .1.e. 11 :r 11( :11 I'm,- ItiOlIS who ;Tr.. to inl-s,:ss )11•::, • . CO;) :■ ution al knowledge, a-lteaslon of vlew. ,t-• it may Lord Pat.)irks m's In; ext.epted- t!. ; Clat there is any thing besides the F. Jon,: RUSSELL, time Ministry could not ;.;,ct on r, trim P. Yet it mas not long inee gravely proposed by the 117-el-1;/ that Lord JOHN'S dis- missal should be a sine ipur moo: ‘;'.' iZzolii a! support.

As to " sneering away the eh:Ira:ter of humbler mon," we pre-

* The (+ergo. had 'it been 1 svoi•ht letve voino "tim an ill grace from

the itTeekiy Sm -'h im..nti7otidly orvimpied, sno nt.■re, in mining mum, from the article commented on, that the allusion is to Messrs. We KLEY and WARD. Mr. WAK LEY we characterized as a "dubiety;" which we believe him to be—a man who makes his OMP purposes the rule of his conduct, and is therefore ever slippery and unre- liable. Mr. WARD we called. a " sanguine politiclan ;" which he is—had we been disposed, not to sneer, but to judge we must have designated him in a much less goodnatured way. 111r. WARD is no doubt a very worthy man, who means well : he has much in- dustry, a sufficient acquaintance with business, not bad powers of statement, and a judgment which enables him to form a true con- clusion upon a single question when fully brought before him : but he is quite incapable of taking a comprehensive view of many sub- jects simultaneously existing in various stages of' progress, or of forming, and still less of pursuing, a consistent line of conduct. Ever anxious to do, without knowing what, he very often does mischief; nor is it easy to name a man who has more injured the Radicals in Parliament by bringing on them the contempt which invariably attaches to vacillation, or who has more injured the Ministers by preaching mutiny openly in the camp, both creating weakness and encouraging enemies, and all without result or even plan. When Lord Jolts Russet-a made his first Finality speech in 1837, Mr. WA en took upon himself the character of a seer—be gave Lord Jonx a solemn warning : in a little while he was found in the Ministerial ranks as docile as a well-drilled mer- cenary. When the Ballot came on in 1838, he gave Lord JOHN another solemn warning, mul threatened hint with a "new combi- nation of parties :" the new combination " did not take place, but :Nit% Waun's submission did. 'Mien the Appropriation- clause was abandoned, the Member for Sheffield gave a third solemn warning: but a third time he thought better of it. And besides various warnings of a minor kind on other occasions— as if' he fancied he had a special call to preach—he gave another solemn Warning this winter, that last summer he would not have voted his confidence in liters. Any thing more silly in itself or snore mischievous to coajtitors than this succession of idle vapour- ing and weak submission, is inconceivable. We can understand a man who, distrusting the :Ilinistry, professes no care for them, op- posing or supporting their measures, not them. We can understand a man whom dread of the Tories, and a low estimate of the spirit of his countrymen, have demented, and who holds that the Whig Ministers are the sheet-anchor of Britain ; and we can conceive him taking his own course upon questions where he differs from his leaders, by vote, and by argument if he can argue. But to repeat solemn warning after warning, when all arc treated with contemp- tuous indifference, and after each threat to succumb, seems to us alike deplorable in spirit, police, and taste. Nor is this new doc- trine in the Spectator. The Ministry and the Ultra section of the Ultra Radicals, at least, will remetnber, that as long as the Whig Government was a governnient, and could give effect to its own purposes of reform, we avoided all irritating differences as much RS possible; not compromising our principles, not needlessly ob- truding them, and quite willing' whilst some practical objects were obtainable, to be satisfied with the power of advancing our own views by reason, leaving the same right to those who seemed honestly acting with us on points where we both agreed. Nay, we firmly opposed, and we believe with an effect which no mere servile of the Ministry could ever have produced, the scheme of Mr. Roznues and of thousands out of doors for bringing forward what they called questions to test the Ministry. For we are as willing as Mr. O'CoNNELL to take an instalment; but, saying no- thing of character and priniple, before we indefinitely postpone or risk altogether the whole sum, we like to have security that we shall get the instalment.

Lastly. After all the carping of the 1Veekly Chronicle, it comes to a more discouraging conclusion than the Spectator touching "the state of parties," or the prospect of purely Radical questions— those questions which distinguish Radicals from other politicians.

" It seldom happens that, within six weeks after the meeting of Parliament, we have to complain of such an otter want of interest—such an absence of ex- citement, or even of discussion urn' great national questions—such a singular stagnation, in short, as that Welt now prevails. There is 110 lack of party spirit, or party motions, or jealousy, or uncharitableness, God knows. All these we have in perfection; but no party seems to be able, or inclined, to act up to its cwn principles. All ow 1,.ore or less in a false position, All feel them- selves compelled by a power, twhich they cannot struggle, to do many of those things which they oin,711i: not to have done, and to leave undone some of those things which they onOn to have done, (according to their own avowed opinions,)fiaj'eue of breaking up hopelcssly the crazy vessel in which they feel themselves embarked.

" The Tories and the Radicals may, with equal justice, be accused of com- promising with their own consviecers in the course which they are pursuing. The Tories dare not go back. Tlw Radicals dare not advance. The Tories, if honest, ought to part company it lilt Sir Robert Peel, whose temporizing policy every organ of the party out of Pailiament denounces as discreditable isnd istimift, while in Parliament not a man amongst them dare whisper the dis- approbation it hieli the Standard and the Times unheAtatingly proclaim. The Radicals, upon the same principle. ought to part company with the Whigs, or, at all events, to tnree from them by sonic overt set the recognition of that prin- ciple of Progressive Rethrm, upon which they rest their justification of that support to which the Whigs are indebted for their tenure of power."

*

" Upon the repeal of the Corn-Laws, and Systematic Emigration, we still believe the fate of the country to hiiui. We see nothing else that can serve aa a A...03.-valve, or improve t!.e cowlition of the mass of our population at home. we accomplish th;s, iLe Fr«nehise question willbeftaught with diffi- culties, a change in property being sought, (and perhaps riAed,) by every change in the balance of power. The Ballot will be again denounced as a step to Universal Suffrage; and every amelioration of our system opposed, upon the plea of danger to property from the increase of political rights.'

We need not inform the constant readers of the Spectator what our opinions of the importance of the Corn-laws and Emigration are, or boast of our exertions in their favour. But we may tell this labourer of the eleventh hour, that the Spectator was employed on these subjects, and especially on Colonization, before even the Reform Bill was thought of, and long ere lip Liberalism was a profitable trade. Yielding to no one in an estimate of their importance, or in wishes for their success, we have too much regard to truth to hold them up as political party questions. The Corn-laws is not a ques. tion of party, but of class : Tories are in favour of a change, not because they arc Tories, but because they are merchants or menu. facturers ; many Whigs oppose it, not because they are Whigs, but because they are landlords. " Systematic Emigration" to a great extent rests entirely with the Executive. Parliament is not likely to thwart a comprehensive and well-digested plan, and could not if so disposed : but if Parliament were unanimously to make laws in favour of Systematic Emigration, an incapable or a treacherous Government could always mar their execution.