Debates anti littneebings in glarliamtnt.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEER.

Emits or Loans. Monday, July 2. Australian Colonies : Conversation and state- ment by Lord Grey—Audit of Railway Accounts Bill, read a second time—Adjourned at 7b. 46 m. Tuesday, July 3. Audit of Railway Accounts Bill, committed and re- ported—Adjourned at 7 h. 30 m. Thursday, June 5. No business of interest—Adjourned at 6 h. 35m. Pride'', June 6. Prison Discipline Lord Brougham's Resolutions—Rail- way Audit Bill, read a third time and passed—Drainage of Land Bill, read a second tune—Adjourned at 8 h. 38 in.

[Time occupied in the four sittings, 10 h. 26 m.

since the beginning of the Session. 196h. 21 m.]

Fromm OP COMMONS. Monday, July 2. China : Question and Lord Palmerston's atatemeat —Public Business: Lord John Russell's Arrangement—State of the Nation: Mr. Disraell's Motion—Adjourned at 1 h. (Tuesday morning.) Tuesday, June 3; extra noon sitting till 3: evening sitting commenced at 5. Irish Poor-Relief Bill, considered In Committee—People's Charter: Mr. Feargus O'Connor'e Motion, negatived--Ad- learned at I h. 30m. (Wednesday morning.) Wednesday, June 4 ; noon sitting. High- ways (District Surveyors) Bill, read a second time—Marriages Bill, considered in Committee—Copyholds Enfranchisement Bill, thrown out—Mines and Collieries Bill. withdrawn—Adjourned at 6 h. till noon next day. Thursday, June 5 ; extra noon sitting 1111 4: evening sitting commenced at 6. Irish Poor-Relief Bill, finally considered in Committee—Hudson's Bay Company Mr. Gladstone's Motion for a Select Committee, agreed to—Tenant Right: Mr. John O'Connell's Motion for leave to bring in a Bill —House counted out at 7 h. 45m. Friday, June 6, extra noon sitting till 2.30: even- ing sitting commenced at 5. Irish Poor-Relief Bill, report agreed to— Russian Inter- vention in Hungary : Statement, In reply, by Lord John Russell—Notice by Mr. Her- des of a Resolution for a fixed duty on Corn—State of the Nation: Debate concluded, andqdr. Disraeli's Motion negatived—Consolidated Fund Bill, read a third time and passed—Protection of Women Bill, and Highway Rates BIll, read a second time—Ad- journed at 3h. (Saturday morning) till Monday at noon. (Time occupied In the nine sittings, (6 hours extra on Saturday last,) 50 h. 45m. since the beginning of the Session, 762 h. 52 m.]

STATE OF THE NATION.

Mr. DISRAELI based his motion, " That this House will resolve itself into a Committee to take into consideration the state of the nation," upon a statement of general distress prevailing in the country; a distress which, he believed, had been progressive since the formation of the present Go- vernment.

In the year 1846, he found general tranquillity prevailing throughout Europe, and this country in the enjoyment of vast influence; our colonies at least pos- sewed of what no one can say they new enjoy—hope; our export trade at an tua-

Erented height; and agricuitive in a favourable position, not so mach from prices, as from increased production for a sure market ; 'Ireland in a con- dition if not perfectly satisfactory at least not such that her only cure could be found in messages of peace; and finally, a surplve of 8,000,0001. in

the Exchequer. Contrast that state of things with our present

European tranquillity and English inflnence gone ; our colonies, min, of them ruined, all discontented, some in insurrection ; our foreign trade declined 7,000,0001 in declared values;. agriculture prostrate ; 'meta in a elate of social decomposition; and: uuz surplus revenue succeeded by an equivalent deficiency, which, hoe been. terminated: not by the skill of Mi_ Diatom, -but by ar vote of tins Reuse; in the midst of all, Government called to reduce public expenditure: by the hysterical shriek of " financial reform:, Absorbed in the rivalry of political systems, few Members paused to take a neral view of affairs—few were conscious of the changes passing around till results were realized. Mr. Disraeli solicited attention to one of those results, of a startling character—the increase of ablebodied pauperism since 1846; a result proved by authentic records, which he hoped would not be controverted on slight grounds or supported by factitious statements and anonymous letters. The report of the Poor- law Commissioners shows that since 1846 the increase of ablebodied paupers is 74 per cent. The poor expenditure has swelled 25 per cent—from 4,954,2041 to 6,180,764/. It is unavailing to allege that manufacturing districts have suffered from immense pauper immigration from Ireland ; for, putting aside the counties peculiarly exposed to Irish immigration, the average increase of rates is 25 per cent throughout England—in the exclusively agricultural Herefordshire it is 21 per cent, and in Buckinghamshire 22 per cent. Glancing at the amendment notified by Mr. Hume, and at the objection to his own motion that he proposed no resoln- firma, he maintained that his course was constitutional, and justified by the pre- cedent of a like motion made by Mr. Tierney in 1813.

Why, then, had the people of England deteriorated? True, the present 1E- nisters are not formally responsible for all the measures of 1846; but they would scarcely shrink from the responsibility of the measures which they accepted and supported, ("Bear, hear!" from the Treasury Bench.) The cause cannot be one that has been alleged—the " Continental convulsions"; because, notwith- standing those " Continental convulsions," we hare exported a largely increased quantity of manufactures. But the large quantity has been exported at a reduced price; our exports are equal to the amount of 1845 and 1846, lint their declared value has been 6,500,0001. less in 1848 than in those years. The famine in Ire. land was not sufficient to disturb the peace of Europe, or ruin and depress our agriculture or exhaust .our finances. Railway investments went on for a long time, and' no one expected any but beneficial results from them ; but now those who praised them abused each other, and heap the odium of the &S- tress on the railways: yet scarcity of capital could not contribute to the evil, for any man with good security can now get as much money as he wants. These, then, are not the cause of our declining prosperity. He quoted returns to show, that while our export of staples has in- creased, the declared value has decreased by 500,0001 Upon forty-one out of sixty-five articles of export enumerated in the Board of Trade tables, there has been a great depreciation in the declared export values; while at the same time there has been an appreciation in the cost of imported raw material. These facts show that in our recent legislation we have mistaken the principles of profitable interchange between nations; and that it is the 'hostile foreign tariffs which are aggravating our distress. He took a gloomy view of our foreign commerce, and could not regard an increase of exports at prices which diminished the profits of the labouring classes as a source of renovated prosperity. But another great cause of our distress is the diminished consumption of the home buyers. A million of peasants and two or three hundred thousand farmers have come to barter with the manufacturer and the trader, with 75,000,0001 in place of 100,000,0001; there having been a depreciation of 26 per cent in the value of agricultural produce. It is this withdrawal of 25,000,0001.—one half the rains of our whole exports—that has paralyzed the agricultural towns, and overloaded even the great and wealthy metropolis with embarrassment and ruin. What con- solation is there for this depreciation, in the authentic tables of the Poor-law Commission ? They state, that in the seven years 1834, 1835, 1846, 1844, 1837, 1846, and 1843, when wheat was lowest, the cost of maintaining the poor was 900,0001. more than in the seven years 1839, 1840, 1811, 1848, 1842, 1847, and 1838, when it was highest. Passing from the question of pauperism, to the special point of Irish distress and immigration, Mr. Disraeli arraigned the Ministers' treatment of the Irish diffi- culty—the patient was in a state of exhaustion and the physician had recourse to depletion. Instead of stimulating the industry of the country by the sanction of the state, or availing themselves of emigration, for which the time was singularly opportune, all the Government did, was to administer a Poor-law so ingeniously exhaustive that it has almost succeeded in resolving Irish society into its original elements. Instead of a great portion of paupers timely removed to a rich land, they had now a spontaneous emigration of persons who left the country to save what they possessed. Then what was their management of finance? They sup- plied Ireland by loans, so the Exchequer did not bear that weight; yet only a year ago, having been left with a full exchequer, their only preparation amidst the storm of European politics was increased expenditure and increased taxation. Mr. Hume, indeed, the foreteller of the renovation of his country, comes forward with an amendment: but that honourable gentleman promised a domestic saving of many millions by the repeal of the corn-laws alone: he should be ashamed to come forward with his petty savings, and cheeseparing policy, after the visions of El Dorado which he once indulged. Dropping his delusion with a charac- teristic and graceful amiability, he exclaims now, that financial reform is a safer card than further experiments in free trade. But Mr. Disraeli protested against being held up as the advocate of extravagant expenditure: he agreed with his lamented friend Lord George Bentinck, that we should propose a reduction of 25 per cent on all public expenditure if the House persisted in the measures it was adopting. " I do not acknowledge that your schemes have succeeded. You brought them forward as experiments: as such I have analyzed and criticized them; and as experiments only you vindicate them and defend them. I will not agree to accept them as what, to use the slang of the day, are called accomplished facts; and I firmly believe that the great body of the people will ultimately repudiate them. But I shall not join in your plane of retrenchment until the doom of this great country is sealed—until it is precipitated into that course which would change a first-rate monarchy into a second-rate republic." Mr. Disraeli rapidly passed over the state of the Colonies; quoting the opinions of Sir Stephen Lushington, a strong Free-trader, that the new Sugar-duties mea- sure gave the deathblow to our Sugar Colonies, and the opinion of Sir Charles Grey that the planters of Jamaica have before them the blank prospect of hope- less ruin; and referring to the obstructive efforts of Ministers against the endea- vours of the Colonial Legislatures to amend their position by measures of re- trenchment. He wanted to know also, whether the Ministerial policy has not been one of the principal causes of the " Continental convulsions "—their apparent terms of communication with the discontented party in every state. With what face can our Ministers now conned the Courts of Austria, Rome, and Naples, when all these powers know that it is entirely owing to their own conduct that they have not lost their thrones, and are not now exiles in this country like other crowned beads. We have no influence in any part of the world except PanS. Ministers have not, however, more influence there than their predecessors; nor 15 it possible to conceive any sort of government which should not be on a ford's' understanding with France. A good understanding there is no compensation for not possessing influence in any other country. In conclusion, Mr. Disraeli allowed that our calamitous condition is not to be ascribed to one particular cause. He admitted that casualties and conjunctures must occasionally defy the prescience of every statesman. He did not look c.gt, the Irish famine as a Cabinet measure; but, taking a general view of political ISO in the peat three years, he did recogn,ze a predominant cause in the character of our legislation. Reviewing the structure of English society three years ago—the creditable position of the wealthy and trustworthy English merchant, the skilful repute of the English farmer, the preeminence of English manufactures, the pro- verbial ability of English sailors and chivalry of English soldiers, the eminent position of the English professional talent,—he said he had heard it stated that the superiority of these classes was obtained at the cost of the lowest class in the great hierarchy, the labouring population. He did not hesitate to give his opi- nion that in no great community since the fall of the Roman Empire have the working classes been placed in so advantageous a position as in this country—in greater enjoyment of civil rights, or greater command of the material necessaries and comforts of life. This state of society, based on the aristocratic element in its highest development., it has been the aim to change: instead of the best, the want now is for the cheapest. But the economic principle is fallacious, because the wealth of England is not merely its material wealth. "Neither is it the well-cultivated acres of England, nor our havens full of shipping, nor our ingenious arts and unrivalled manufactures, nor the intrepid industry of our mines, that formed the sole or principal wealth of this country. We have, in- deed, a treasure mom precious than all these, and that is the character of the people. That is what you have injured. You have destroyed, in destroying what you call class legislation, that noble and indefinable spirit of ambition, the source of our greatness, prosperity, and power. I know nothing more remark- able at the present day than the general discontent which prevails, accompanied on all sides by avowed inability to suggest a remedy. The features of the present day are depression and perplexity. That English spirit which was supported and maintained by your old system seems to have departed. It was a system which taught men to aspire, and not to grovel;, which gave strength to the subject and stability to the state—which made the people of this country endure adver- sity with a higher courage than any other people, and at the same time animated them in times of prosperity with a vigour nowhere else equalled. I pat it to the recollection of every honourable gentleman—I care not into what social circle or political' arty he may enter, whether there be not now only one universal murmur of suffering without hope. ("Hear, hear!" and a cry of " Oh!") An honour- able gentleman seems to be of a different opinion, and perhaps be will favour the house with his more consolatory views; but every man, whether frequenting the exchange, the ports, or other haunts of industry, tells me the people are suffering and they see no hope. I was reminded the other day, in reading a pas- sage in a great Roman statesman, that the present is always the reproduction of the past. He said, in the last year of the great Roman Commonwealth, that a new disease has fallen on the state; that all men, of all opinions, and in all con- ditions, denounce everything that is done; they complain, groan, and openly la- ment; the complaint is universal, but no remedy is offered; and it seems, he says, that there is a general idea that resistance against what they all disapprove without some fatal struggle is impossible, and that the only end of concession is in the death of the republic— 'Nene quidem novo quo- dam morbo civitas moritur. Et cam omnes ea gum suet acta improbent, gua- rantor, doleant, aperteque loquuntur et tarn clare gemuot, tamen medicini nulla afferatur, neque resist' sine internecione posse arbitramur, nee qui finis cedendi videmus printer exitium." I know not what advantage there is in the study of recorded history of the past time, if it be not made to guide and instruct us in the present. The honourable Member for Sheffield seemed by his observation to suppose that we share the lot of those who, conscious of the depression of the commonwealth, are not prepared to offer any remedy. He mistakes us. It is be- cause I wish to offer a remedy that I have presumed to call on the House of Com- mons to exercise the highest privilege with which the constitution has invested it; and it is to offer that remedy that I now place in your hands, Sir, the resolu- tion of which I have given notice, because I believe in my conscience it is the best and surest means to save a suffering people and sustain a falling country." (Cheers.) When Mr. Disraeli resumed his seat, it was expected that Mr. Hume would proceed to move the amendment of which he had given notice: but he did not rise; and after a considerable pause Members began to laugh and cry " Divide!" At length Sir CLUELES WOOD rose, and proceeded to address himself directly and solely to Mr. Disraeli's motion.

As the avowed leader of a great party, Mr. Disraeli had no need to apologize for stating the views of that party; but with those views, so far as they represented gloom and distress to pervade every class of society, Sir Charles could not agree • and as to the remedy he doubted whether either the manufacturers represented as distressed, or the agriculturists who are really in that condition, would think that the honourable gentleman, by his motion alone, without some more specific proposition, had done much in their cause. Elsewhere, in the resolutions of an- other meeting, must be sought the more specific proposition which it was intended to advance; and he apprehended that if the Committee were granted, " just pro- tection" against the competition of other countries would be the remedy pointed out. As Mr. Disraeli had made the domestic state of the country the staple of his speech, Sir Charles would but advert shortly to the other topics' leaving his noble friend (Lord Palmerston) to deal more appropriately with the foreign affairs -if indeed there was much that called for a reply. Sir Charles first disposed of the colonial points. He knew of no grievances of any extent that were owing to the Colonial Office and not to legislation: as to free trade, slavery-abolition, and the attempt to ameliorate the condition of labourers in the West Indies, they were matters for which successive Parliaments were responsible. On one point, refer- ring to the attempts of some colonies to reduce expenditure, Mr. Disraeli was mis- taken. Sir Charles said—" An honourable Member, whom I see opposite, moved early this year for a Committee upon certain colonies, and read to the House a list of salaries which seemed preposterous in amount, and the putting of which upon the civil list be attributed to my noble friend: will the House believe that not one of them was put on the civil list, and every one of them was in the power of the Assembly?" As to the effects of the sugar measures of 1846 on the West Indies, he was ready to abide by the result, whether the possessions were taken in a group or by individual cases. From 1841 to 1844 the average im- portation of British West India sugar was 120,000 tons; in the last four years, since the measures have been completed, the average importation has been 187,000 tons. Take Jamaica separately : comparing 1881-40 with 1841-8, the average yearly importation to this country fell from 54,000 to 32,000; but from 1841-4 there was a rise from 81,000 to 33,000. A rise of 8,000 occurred also in the case of British Guiana; and there were similar results in the cases of Trinidad, An tig", Barbados, St. Vincent, and Tobago. In fact, there is no instance in which the importation from these colonies has not been greater since the measure of 1846 than in the two years preceding that measure.

He came to the main topic, the state of our domestic affairs. If, as Mr. Die- !aeli would have the House believe, the home market is that upon which our trade mainly depends, and the prosperity of the agriculturists depends upon a high Price for corn, there has not for some time been a year in which the borne trade should have been so good. In proof Sir Charles adduced an immense masa of evi- dence collected from all sources in the kingdom, showing that at the present thee manufacturing industry is universally active, trading operations both home and foreign moat encouragingly large and remunerative, and the labourer in a

position n of unprecedented comfort from regular work, steady, increased wages, ,..'114 cheapened cost of living. From Wiltshire and Somersetahire partied replied to am inquiries, 'the fine wool-mills about Trowbridge were nevet better employed, tild the mills of Wootton-under-Edge are at full work. At Kidderminster and at Norwich things are tolerably brisk; at Leicester never so favourable for several rears paat,—especially the out-door and in-door pauper relief lower than any time 'ince 18451-at Nottingham the operatives axe striking for Wages,—a sure sign of improved times; and the canal and railway returns of the past month are 25 per cent more than last year. Birmingham cannot certainly be put down as generally prosperous, her iron and hardware trade having somewhat fallen off; but even there the pauper expenses have diminished in comparison with 1848. The con- dition of things in Yorkshire is remarkable—and in looking at the facts from that district, the reduction of pay consequent on the reduction of the hours of labour caused by the Labour Act most be remembered. In Leeds, the wages paid by one firm have increased in the proportion of 1,4051. in 1848 to 2,0421 in 1849, for similar periods; and the general pauper relief has fallen in the ratio of 8,0081. to 5,8471. In May 1847, the withdrawals from the Leeds savings-banks were tb the deposits as 49 to 31; in 1848 as 68 to 31; but in 1840 they are only 37*tb 34. Huddersfield presents similar facts of increased work and rising wages, with cheapened food, and consequent reduced pauper relief. The favourable con- dition of Manchester he would leave to gentlemen more immediately connected with that great industrial centre; remarking only that the weekly consumption of cotton there had risen from 24,000 bags last year, to 32,000 bags this year; and generally it is shown that everything is ratuming to its regular channel, confi- dence is increasing, profits in the home trade are "satisfactory though moderate," and in some foreign trades—especially East Indian and American—are " un- questionably good." The Glasgow factories are at full work ; and in Belfast the people are working full time and enjoying more comfort than for two or three years past. Our imports of raw materials have largely increased. Mr. Disraeli's assertion that the value of the exports is reduced, is not borne out by the latest returns: the declared value of the exports for the first four months of 1849 is 16,836,6471., compared with 15,239,861/. for the same months of 1848; and for the first fire ininths the comparison is even more striking-21,191,973L to 18,944,6441. Sir Charles showed by quotation of prices the material reduction which has taken place in the cost of the necessaries of life,—tea fallen from 5r. to 4s., sugar from 7d. to 4,}d, coffee from Is. 8d. to Is. 4d, rice from 3d. to 28th per pound, raisins from 48s. 8d. to 418.3d, and currants from 46s. 2d. to 398.3A; per hundredweight. Compared with 1841, the imports of 1849 show increases in the ratio of 293 to 193 on cocoa, 371 to 284 on coffee, 3 to 1 on currants, 31 to 27 on pepper, 7 to 2 on rice, 6 to 4 on molasses, 487 to 366 on tea, and 272 to

i 223 on tobacco. The consumption of sugar has increased 49% per cent in the Wit nine years. The Scotch spirit-distillers, who were to be the first ruined by the last tariff alterations, have increased their exports to England in the ratio of 97 to 84; and Irish distillers in that of 82 to 65.

Sir Charles answered by facts the objection that the immense imports must in- jure home manufactures. In 1846, 2,292,907 pairs of gloves were importedt in 1849, 3,039.941, and nevertheless the English trade was " never in so flourish- ing a condition": there is a greater demand than ever for English gloves, and our quality and make have so improved that we now compete successfully with the French in all respects but some which are dependent on climate, local circum- stance, and the especial pains and care devoted to particular articles. So, not- withstanding the increased imports of silk wares, no prejudicial effect whatever

has been occasioned to our general silk manufacture. The temporary depression of the iron and glass trade is the result of a temporary excess of production over de- mand. Iron rails are not required in the same quantities as in tho height of the railway activity, and the temporary cessation of building operations has checked the demand for glass.

Having thus gone over Mr. Disraeli's case in reference to manufactures and commerce, Sir Charles went over the agricultural case; asserting, in the first place, that the alleged agricultural distress is confined to one portion of England— the counties on the South-western coast. He quoted from various letters, docu- ments, &c., to prove that this distress has been solely due to the unprecedentedly short crop and bad harvest-time of the last year. By the statement of a gentle- man who is at once a farmer and a miller it appears that the difference against' last year's produce of a single acre, in favour of the produce of 1847, was 51. 7a. 7104.; so small was the yield and so inferior the sample of 1848. In fact, the sample

could only be milled by admixture with imported French wheat. In the hop counties there had been a succession of seasonable years, which had increased the produce from 30,000,000 to 46,000,000—nearly fifty per cent: such an increase must have an effect on price. But when the South-western counties are lefty for the Midland and Western counties, the agricultural classes, though suffering somewhat, are better off than in 1833-6; and the labouring classes

are enabled, by cheapened cost of food, to mainta n themselves on lower wages without extraordinary privation. In the Eastern counties, the labourers are comparatively well off. Generally speaking, the condition of the labouring classes

is better than it was formerly, owing to the low price of the necessaries of life. Sir Charles calculated that the effect of raising the price of corn from 45s. 3d. the present price, to 698. 9d., the price of 1847, would be equal to a tax of 61. 2s. 6d. a year on the labourer—equal to twelve weeks' full wages at 10s. a week. Were the country gentlemen of England prepared to ask for the impo- sition of such a tax on such taxpayers?

In conclusion, Sir Charles alluded to taunts which had been thrown out against the aristocratic nature of the Government in this country. The Government has always consisted—and he hoped always will consist—of men of independent cha- racter in mind and fortune: he was willing to accept that denomination; but in the sense' of a body having interests apart from the rest of the country, lie be- lieved that an imputation so unjust was never made against the government of a country. He compared our finances with those of " a neighbour- ing country,"—showing the increased cost of a purely democratic govern- ment: and he contrasted the measures proposed by the Ropublicans of' Baden—a remission of all taxes on the land, progressive income-tax, and- a national pension-fund for supporting all citizens incapable of work—with the acts of our landed gentry in Parliament, who have taken 30,000,000k of taxes from the people in thirty years, who have consented to an income-tax' pressing more heavily on them than others, and who in the last year took off taxes almost amounting to 1,000,0001 Such acts tend to give the people that confidence which they generally feel, that the Legislature has no separate inte- rest from themselves; but that the crown and the cottage have interests which' are identical. Believing that any attempt to reverse the course of legislation re-

cently pursued would be haat to the confidence which prevails among all classes, he should deprecate such an attempt, as the worst and greatest evil that could befall this country. He hoped the House would come to a decision that would convince the country that Parliament is not prepared to retrace its legislation, but, to go forward in that course which he believed to be for the benefit of all classes of the country.

Mr. ROEBUCK added his testimony, as one possessing knowledge, and on authority, that the mercantile community is in an improving condition. The landlords alone are suffering; the mercantile population and the. labouring population are not suffering.

Mr. PtottPres thought, if this vote was one of want of confidence in the Government, it ought to apply to Sir Robert Peel. Mr. Datums ad- vised the House to pay little attention to Sir Charles Wood's general fade, if they had no better foundation than those he stated respecting Guiana: About twelve o'clock, Mr. OSBORNE proposed to adjourn the debate. Lord Ram RUSSELL hoped, if the debate were adjourned, that Members having motions on the paper for Tuesday would postpone them, in order to allow this adjourned debate to come on. Lord Drinuti STUART there- upon put in a claim for a Government night to discuss, hie motion—on the . next day's paper—for a Committee on the assessment and expenditure of the police-rate. Mr. Osnoaaem thought that to grant that deux would not ha-an- extraordinary favour from a Government that had granted a liar for as motion' the 'itemised Object of which was -to turn the Cabinet out. or °Mei ‘.

The motion of the noble Lord was of far more interest to the public than the

flaiih-intthe-flan motion which had occupied their attention that night. Since the great-gun had gone off, the House might now just as well go to a division, withoutprotracting a debate on, to say the least, a ridiculous motion. (Cheers and laughter.) , After a protest by Mr. DISRAELI, that his motion was no flash-in-the- pan, hut an earnest and serious motion having for its object to turn out the Government, it was simply agreed that the debate should be ad- journed.

On Thursday, Mr. DISRAELI hinted some complaint against Members having notices on the paper who did not waive their claims and make way for the renewal of the adjouraed debate; hinting his wish for another GovernmeOt day, he promised to bring the debate to a conclusion on that day if it ,were conceded. Lord JOHN Roams. said, that if he only looked to the Obareeter of the Government, he might consider that it was already suffieieutly vindicated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and they might leave the order for the renewal of the debate to be discharged: but as the motion was one of' importance, and it would be unsatisfactory to the House not to pronounce a formal division upon it, he was prepared to make a sacrifice of time. He would give up Friday: but in that case he must expect a morning sitting on Monday, to proceed with certain bills relating to Scotland which stood among the Orders for Friday. Mr. MACKENZIE and other Members objected to this summary treatment of the Scotch bills, as the Scotch Members are leaving town. Lord Jona RUSSELL admitted the incouveniencc; but eventually the arrangement wus left as he had proposed.

THE Peoulat's CHARTER.

Mr. FEARGHS O'Coseroa moved the following resolution-

" That this House, recognizing the great principle that labour is the source of all wealth, that the people are the only legitimate source of power, that the la- bourer shall be the first partaker of the fruits of his industry, that taxation with- out represeutatiun is tyranny and should be resisted; and believing that the re- source.: of the country would be best developed by laws made by representatives cho sir by the labouring closes in conjunction with those who live by other in- dustrial pursuits; that (in 'recognition of the above great truths) this House adapts the principles embodied in the document entitled 'the People's Charter,' namely, aiinuid elections universal -suffrage, vote by ballot, equal electoral dis- tricts, no property qualification, and payment of Members. Nut rue of the great social changes which were to have been produced by the Reform Bill, sold Mr. O'Coilnpr, have been conceded to the working classes; and the House is more than ever divided into classes all repugnant to the rights end interests of the people. The charter which he advocated was the same which had been drawn up by the late Mr. O'Connell and accepted by Mr. Roebuck and six other Members ut that House—with the exception of the one point, that Mr. O'Connell's' charter spoke rather disparagingly of annual and in favour of triennial Parliaments. When he saw the benches opposite to him, untenanted as they were by the Irish liekapittles that usually occupied them, he would say those Meinee a were degenerate eons of the distinguished man he had named. Mr. O'Conuor went seriatim through the points of his resolution. Animal Par- liaments he recommeuded for their harmony with the rapidity of the public mini in these days—look at the change on the subject of free trade; universal suffrage by the example of France, by general arguments founded on the high capability of all Englishmen fur self-government, on the value of identi- fying the people with the lawmaking body; the ballot he would vote for, but only only on condition of having an extended suffrage, as he did not admire its geueraLprinciple; equal electoral districts he supported by the statistics already familiar, which contrast the inequalities of representation under the present system—Southwark with 19,350 electors returning but two Members, and 55 other .boroughs with no more than 19,882 electors in total returning 82 Members, i&c. favour of no property qualification he urged the present practice in the case of the 53 Scotch Members ; arid iusupport of payment of Members he quoted the maxim that "the labourer is worthy of his hire." Mr. O'Connor then discursively criticized the defects of present social and political forms and practices ; and eindicated, his constituents, the labouring men—of whom he knew more than any man who ever went before him or than any who should ever come after him—from the charge that they wanted spoliation or desired that the rich 'should be made poor: they wanted rather to increase the value of the land, to purchase the land themselves, and to make the rich even richer. He paid a tri- bute to Hr. manly and persevering advocacy of the cause of the people; rated .the Times for its partial reports of 'Chartist meetings, and recommended Lord Jdlin Russell to read the Doily News and find what the people really thought abOut things. He had worked all hi; lite for the working classes without fee or reward: and though he would not t‘ die on the floor of the House, " as he opposed all " physical force," there would ever remain inscribed on his banner, " The People's Charter, whole and entire, and no surrender."

Mr. SMARHAN CRAWFOIM seconded the motion; not ashamed to avow that he was one of the eight Members who signed the original document. Colonel THOMPSON supported all the points but one—payment of Mem- bers, which was no part of the parent document. Mr. Hose felt bound to sepport the motion, when he saw the Government, while declaring them- selves no adVneates of finality, yet refusing to take one step in adyanee: ha' would, LoWever, have preferred his own more limited motion. Ile once more appealed to Lord John Russell, as an old Reformer, to carry out the principles be had so long maintained, by extending political freedom in like Manner tulle had extended religious liberty.

Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON, since he entered that House, had observed a retrogradation from popular principle, and a spirit of resistance to ad- vancing popular rights.

Every declaration from the head of her Majesty's Government was more em- phatic rhan the last, that from him nothing was to be expected. ("No, no!' from Lord Jake Rusted) Indeed, the nonie Lord held power on the self-imposed coanniour that he would never disturb the Reform Bill of 1832; and thoegule did not deny to the House and the country the right of making changes, yet from !nth' imiividually not only was there not to be expected the origination of any further measure of reform, but nor even the sanction of it as a Member of that Houd;- 14-11 lees any c 'adore-ion in tarrying such a measure into law. (1. No, no!' again, from Lord Join Russell.) He was quoting from the noble Lord's speech in .1887, upon the • honeureble Member for Finsbury's amendment to the addrees to the Crown. Appeals to the noble Lord are but journeys to a broken cistern. .Insieting on the great increase during late years of good morals and .eshicationi and the increased Ewes of the intelligent and shrewd deities even of the poorest people of this country, he stated that he had not risen to discuss the particular points of the resolution, but to give his testimony that the country woe d run no risk from admitting the great mass of the population within the pule of the colatatnticut Mr. W. J. Fox supported the< motion cordially, on the ground that its priociple is representation, and not on unmet of its details; to some of which he should certainly object. -Our-guvermrrent is a government of opinion; And the continuance of disaffected Opinion'arising front one cause and prolonged fOidgeneration to generation is of

all things to be deprecated, The andmalleri of mil representation have caused dis-

content for more than a, century and a half, produoed an antagonistic bias, and created an unfriendly disposition of criticizing the proceedings of that House. Of all modes of government whichever existed,. he thought that the very worst which to a certain extent had profaned in this comntry—he meant the accomplishment of improvements only by means of agitation'. It withdrew men's minds from the

topics on which they might most wholesomely be employed, and created profes- sional agitators—men who lived by that work, and were ready th stimulate the people for their own purposes. From time to time it occasioned a danger of breaches of the peace, and caused bitterness between class and class, and utterly

destroyed that unity of feeling which ought to exist between the representatives and the constituencies from which they emanated. He knew of nothing which could check this enormous evil except giving as widely as possible to the people a share in the nomination of the Members of that House; and it was not on account of agreement with any points of the People's Charter in detail that he supported the present motion, but he cordially gave his vote for it, as another in theseries of attempts to realize a full and free representation of the people.

Lord Jonst Rossini, went at considerable length into explanations of the circumstances upon which Mr. George Thompson raised the erroneous charge against him that he had precluded himself from ever giving his consent to any the smallest alteration of the Reform Bill or the suffrage.

It hasing been possible that some such mistake might arise, he had taken the course, after the declarations on which the mistake has now been founded, to publish a letter to his constituents. " The letter set forth two alterations founded on the basis of the Reform Act, giving the working classes a greater share in the representation, and conceding votes to persons not then possessing them: to such alterations, brought forward in due time and well-advised, I should not be hestile and should be ready to give them proper consideration. After having done this, I am hardly liable to have that representation of my opinions attributed to me, which has been imposed on the honourable Member for the Tower Hamlets, who did not hear the speeches then made in Parliament, and who probably has not read the letter to which I have now adverted." Lord 'John Combated Mr. O'Connor's motion, chiefly attacking the principle that "the labouxer shall be the first partaker of the fruits of his industry." Re thought this a principle of no little danger and no little doubt, if it meant that the profits of all capital should be divided amongst those who contributed by their labour to produce the fruits of the enterprise, according to a certain proportion. He contested the proposition often in the mouth of the honourable Member for Montrose, as he saw in many of those speeches reported in the Daily News which it was thought henever read, that every non-elector is a slave. Is every woman a slave? "Do not tell me that they are not fit to give votes at elections; for I think that a person like Miss Martineau' and some other ladies, are just as fit to give votes as many of those men who have been described as slaves because 'they have no votes. But I really think, with respect to this right of voting for Members of Parliament, that it is no more necessary that there should be any abstract right on the subject than that there should be an abstract right with respect to sitting on juries or Wing a judge in this country. You have certain limitations of pro- perty according to which yousay that pereons shall be entitled to sit on juries. Bat the persons not no entitled—are they all slaves, liable to have their lives and properties &posed of by another class? So, a certain education, and the being called to the bar, is necessary to enable a person to be a judge: but if we vote for these abstract rights, I know not why these qualificariens should be necessary, and why we should not make all these offices as well as the franchise open to the whole community without quefiffitatien." He did not believe we should be in the enjoyment of so much liberty if thieursal suffrage were the rule for the franchise; nor did he consider that such .a representation would harmonize with the rest of our constitution. ' " I can Well.understand that, where there are no powers to come in conflict with it, democracy may have that moderation which all com- plete pewer is apt to.haires Istat.where you have various powers as in this country —a constitution which I 'think is very perfect, though at the same time ex- tremely complicated—I do not understand how a House of Commons elected by universal suffrage shonlifluitmonize with the other parts of our constitution. The whole of the constitution of this country depends on the moderation and the forbearence.with which its various powers are exercised. If the Sovereign were to energise to the extreme the:powers of prerogative,—if the House of Lords were on every, occasion, . indulging only their own views and their own immediate opinions, to use their power of rejecting all bills sent up to them by the House of Conunons,=if the Hope of Commons were to exert to the extreme the absolute Power of refusinall Supplies unless its will were complied witb,—if all branches or one branch o the constitution were to use the powers imparted by the con- stitution and by the law, and which cannot be denied to any of them, and were to press those power's to an extreme, our constitution could not last a month. There would be an end of the powers of the constitution, and with that an end of temperate liberty in this country. I do not say that you might not erect on its ruins some other constitution, and that you, might not have a democracy very powerful and flourishing;' or that you might not see, as would perhaPshe,kqe Fehable, under the name of a democracy, a dictator- ship, poweiful, terrible, and absolute. But I say that that temperate liberty which we have inherited from our ancestors, and which the people of this country enjoy by not pushidg' their rights to an extreme—that temperate liberty on mutt then • parti.fmnt, and never expect to see again." - For these res- seas, he souls not approve of universal suffrage. The division of the country ac- cording tp population is more intelligible than Mr. Haine's proposition; but Lord 'John thought it would not by any means put an end to the aristocratic influence which is so common a bugbear. To the argument that compliance with the scheme would at least produce contentment, Lord John replied by pointing to the position of ..France., after an election by universal suffrage. "You may tell me that, in your opinion, no such occurrences would take place in England, because the people are better instructed, and have beano such expectations. held tint to them as those I baie referred to; but talk as some may about the greater portion of the people of this conotry being slaves,. I do not think that the advantages we enjoy are of so trifling a nature as to justify us in incurring the immense risk we should run by adopting the, proposed change. I believe that it would be advan- tageous to the country if a greater number of the working classes were in pos50,- sum of the suffrage and able to take part in the election of representatives; hilt I maintain that that object can he attained without sacrificing all the main prin- ciples of our conatitutioh: I' oppose the honourable Members proposition bung I believe that it would tend to produce the greatest of evils, and also because we are Of benefits Which, were we lightly to ran the hazard of losing, we should be amongst the most unwise and foolish persons who ever existed." The motion was also opposed by Mr. Momiew JoHN O'CoNNELL, Mr. CAMPBELL, and Sir GEORGE SimeNLANo. Mr. Musirz objected to vote for what he didn't understand—"workmen enjoying-Hie fruits of thair.own labour "; and thought prOperty qualifica- tion all nonsense, as many of the present Members had not a shilling in the world. Mr.T Muntz wondered Dird John had not disclaimed the opinions which *corned him the:Sobriquet of "Finality Jack." Lord JOHN RUSSELL goodhurnoredly admitted it Was a very good !lick- name, but inappropriate, as this word `'finality " was never used by him.

Inlie reply, Mr. Fzerieus O'Comeoit explained that the passage c°11-

urer's reward referred to the operation of the present uopepegetent

of taxation on the labourer's cuttings. The Aldose divided—for the ;notion, 13; against it, 222.

Imes( POOR-RELIEF.

TliBILAKid of Commons had an extra sitting on Saturday last, to pro- ceed with the consideration in Comusittee of the Poor-Relief (Iredettd) some of the clauses were stisuuousdy opposed, but, without success, by several Irish Members; who tincbeeded, however, in obtaining the smneent of -Goveriunent to additional clauses. Mi. ibmtimar preyed the.Govern- meet to give landlords a power to obtain possession of ,Iands held by te- nants In arrears for rates. Sir Litmus O'B&rsnr backed, the prayer' by radical facts of weight. Last year he had paid 5001. for tenants with rents under 41.: ifhe ejected those tenants, an outcry-about desolating villages would be raised against him; yet how could he continue to pay NU in that way from year to year? A man who hid 1001 came and offered him 21. a year for a bit of land to build a small house on; he was obliged to refuse, and thus' prevent the employmentwhich would have been called for in the village, because of hie liability to pay the rates of a house' rated under 41. Sir Lucius hoped the noble Lord'at the head of the Government.:-. whom he was glad to see present on this occasion, because his patient attention and suavity of manner contrasted favourably with the deportment of some of his colleagues—would give the pledge besought by Mr. Herbert. He referred to seve- ral cases within his own knowledge in which, the poor-rate collector having col- luded with the tenant, the rates were left in arrear, and the laudlordwas obliged to pay them. The Secretary for Ireland must. be aware of -these, emcee and, sla- ws be gave his mind to the subject, the noble Lord would really be better with: out an Irish Secretary.

Lord Joast RUSSELL declined to give a pledge;, but admitted the great difficulty of the subject, and promised it should • be taken into full con-

Somemtber amendments were moved and negatived; and at six o'clock the Chairman reported progress. The Committee sat again on Tuesday and Thursday; and a number of amendments were proposed, giving of to the innumerable and conflicting views of the several Members, ,and mostly tending to relax the limits on relief; but, on the whole, the Go- vernment bill was maintained nearly in its original shape. .Aias:ang.other amendments on Thursday, an attempt was made by Mr. Lewroesato sus- pend the quarter-acre clause for a limited period: negatived by 74 to 12. On this day the bill finally passed through the Committee.

HIGHWAYS MANAGEMENT. , Mr. FREWEE moved the second reading of the Highways (District Sur- veyors) Bill, with the object of obtaining the sanction of the House of Commons to its principle—that of consolidating parishes into districts, and appointing district surveyors. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND moved tbat'the bill be read a third time that day three months; objecting to a comptilsory system of paid district surveyors where there was no proof of ill-manage- ment. Sir Jona TROLLOPE and Lord Hum VANE advised the with- drawal of the measure, in order that Government might bring in a more comprehensive one. But Mr. LEWIS said, he concurred with the Com- mittee of the House of Lords, that it is inexpedient in the present session to attempt any general legislation on Highways; and Sir GEORGE GREY refused to pledge Government, atter the treatment they had lately ex- perienced in their attempts to legislate on the question. Several County Members from both sides of the House pressed Mr. Frewen to persist. Ultimately, Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND withdrew his amendment, on the un- derstanding that the measure would not be further prOceeded with'this ses- sion; and the bill was read a second time.

RAILWAY ACCOUNTS AUDIT.

In moving that the Audit of Railway Accounts Bill be considered in Committee, Lord Motereaont expressed his anxiety to' disabuse people's minds of the impression that this was the bill of a private Peer. He intro- duced the measure, whieh was founded on the report of a Select Committee, as the organ of the Government and of their Lordships. It would enable shareholders to get a knowledge of the true state of their company's affairs, and exercise a due control over their directors and chairmen. As it was supported by the great bulk of the railway authorities, and was founded on just principles, he asked their Lordships togo into Committee upon it with- out further delay.

The Earl of LONSDALE expressed strong objection to Government inter- ference, which would soon make shareholders indifferent to the affairs of their companies. The Earl of YARBOROUGH and Earl Powm complained of haste. Lord BROUGHAM and Earl GRANVILLE supported the bill. It Passed through Committee, and was reported.

COLLIERY INSPECTION.

In moving the second reading of the Mines and Collieries - Bill, Mr. BUNCOMBE stated that the measure is entirely the work of the men them- selves who labour in mines and collieries, as discussed and agreed upon by them at a meeting of delegates- from England, Wales, and Scotland. The principle of it is simply this—that t ere should be legislative interference for the protection of the lives and property of those who are employed in the mines and collieries of this kingdom. Its main object is to empower her Majesty to ap- point Inspectors, who should be required four times 'a year to visit mines and col- lieries, to make reports thereon, and to suggest improvements. It also dealt with some grievances which the men suffer by the modes adopted of paying them their wages: as the coal-owners sell their coal by weight, the bill provides that the col- liers shall be paid by weight for " getting " the' coal. -

Sir GEORGE GREY was friendly to the main object of the bill, but en- tertained strong objections to its machinery, as at once unnecessary and enormously expensive.

With regard to compulsory inspection, he could offer no objection; for, indeed, a measure had already been prepared by the Government upon that principle: but he thought it necessary in the first instance, that Inspectors should be ap- Pointed to make a general report as to the state of the mines and collieries in this country, and especially as to the different systems of management ead,ventilation. After that report, Parliament would be better able to legmlate upon the snbject. Sir George objected to the mixing up of the question of mine-inspection with the Payraent of wages; and suggested that the second part of the bill should be se- Parated from the other. If legislation is expedient on that topic, it bad better be

separate. , Mr. LACY moved that the bill be read a second time that day three Months; and was supported by many Members. The House was cleared fora division, but Mr. Dmicomia withdrew the bilL , MARRIAGE' LAW.

lacConantittee titton. Wortley'll Mnridage4,Bill, Mr. :For- Mitn..* Moved. the insertion of a clause to exempt Scotland from its operation; and was 'supported in his representations of strew. and universal repugnance felt to the bill in Scotland, by Mr. Foanes, Mr. OSWALD, and .Mr. Hotta. Mr. RUTHERFURD (the Lord Advocate) opposed the amentiment,.on the ground of the serious inconvenience of making the law. different in 'the two countries, so that the same woman might be a wife in one Country and a concubine in the other, and the'children of Snell Trail/Cage& Welifel'ber 'legiti- mate in one and illegitimate in the other. At Mr. Joule O'Cbatiittes re- quest, the words "or Ireland" were added to the exempting Malvin.- On 'a division, the House negatived the amendment, by 119 to 06. it1'he pre- amble to the bill was agreed to, and the report ordered kr FricraiY.

OUR INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. .

In reply to Mr. MOLLIE' st Lord Reseosrow stated, that it is true that the Chinese Government have demurred to giving British subjects the en- joyment 'of the privilege secured to them of freely entering Canton alter

the 6th of April 1849. ,

There exists so strong an irritation and jealousy against foreigners among the lower population of Canton, that the Chinese Government would not be Ode by the means 'at their disposal to prevent outrage and -Insult to'British subjeCti„ which might disturb the friendly relations of the two Gdvernments. Her Ma- jesty'S Guvernment believe there is ground for this supposition ; and the alter- native being either to enforce the right by force of arms or consent to a temporary suspension of the practical enityment of the stipulation, it has been thought waxer to abstain from compulsion, and accede to such temporary suspension of the en- joyment,—claiming and declaring our full title to exercise the right when eon- venient. With regard to the assumption by some guilds at Canton of the righti formerly possessed by the Hong merchants, representations have been made against the combinations that have been attempted in defiance of our treaty righti; and Lord Palmerston believed those representations had been entirely'successfill, and would result in the speedy dissolution of the modified Hong.

LEGALITY OF TILE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.

Mr. GLADSTONE moved for an inquiry into the, legality of.the powers claimed'by the Hudson's Bay Company, in the.following teraig '' "That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Ma: jesty will be graciously pleased to direct that such means as to her Majesty shall seem most fitting and effectual be taken to ascertain the legality of the powers in respect to territory, trade, taxation, and government, which are, or recently have been, claimed or exercised by the Hudson's Bay CoMpany on the continent 'of Keith America, under the charter of his Majesty King Charles 11., issued' in th'e year 1670, or in virtue of any other right or title except those conveyed by'or under the act 43 George Ill. cap. 138, (extending the criminal jurisclietiou of Canadian Courts,) and 1 and 2 George IV. cap. 6G, entitled An act for regulating the for-trade, and establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction within certain parts of North America.' " The Hudson's Bay Company may be considered to hold its powers under three perfectly distinct titles, first, the charter granted by Charles the Second in 1670, which applies to certain territories within the entrance of Hudson's Bay Straits.; secondly, a licence of exclusive trading, applicable to the rest of its territories; thirdly, the recent grant of Vancouver's Is- land, which gave within the limit of the island certain rights of govern- ment. Mr. Gladstone disclaimed hostility to the Company— The object of the motion was to secure a full and searching, and at the same time dispassionate inquiry, not into the policy of the rights conferred on the Hudson's Bay. Company, nor into the nature of the powers which that company possess; nor into any abuse of those powers which 'might be alleged against them, or into any complaints which might, properly' or improperly, have been made of their conduct; but simply and drily into the' legality of those powers. He would rest the inquiry solely on this reason, that the powers claimed by the company are so exceptional, so widely diverging from the usual rules and practice of the constitution, and so little affording the ordinary guarantees' fur 4he liberty of the subject, that a question having once been raised respecting, the legality of the charter, the most constitutional course was that the Crown elniuld Foamed to investigate the legality of the charter.

Mr. IlawEs agreed that it was in every way desirable that the proposed. investigation should take place. Mr. HUME inquired when Lord Lincoln intended to resume the discut- sion of his motion on Vancouver's Island. The Earl of LINCOLN an- swered, On the first Supply night: probably on Thursday or Friday neXt week.

' Mr. ELLICE defended the Hudson's Bay Company from the attacks of Mr. Hume, Lord Lincoln, and Mr. Gladstone, He uudertoek to prove that the Company had exercised its powers and the purposes for which it was appointed very tolerably. Mr. ileum and Mr. Cistusronn- disclaimed attacks upon the Company; stbd Lord Lnecostr deprecated theintroduction of the Company and its conduct on the present occasion.

Motion agreed to. THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES.

Presenting a petition from the inhabitants of Sydney in New South Wales, Lord MONTEAGLE, on Monday, ditected the attention of the Peep to the fact that they were about to be called on at the close of July, or perhaps at the beginniug of August, to diecuis a bill now belOie the other House affecting the constitution of one of our most important colonies. His noble friend the Secretary for the Colonies might assore' thein that he had been cautious in his procedure respecting this bill, inasmuch as lie had referred it fur advice and amendment to the Committee of Cutincil'on Trade and Planta- tions: but Lord Alonteagle objected to this very, reference, on constitutional grounds, as a shifting of responsibility from the proper ehowdens of the Secre- tary of State. The bill enacts a principle of no less magnitude than the intrud- ing of legislation to a single House of Parliament. The voluniste themselves pray for a constitution resembling that of England as =mhos posaicle and the sug- gestion of a single House proceeded from the Committee of Trade, and Planta- tions: such a proposition the House ought not to be called on to discuss is July. Why not routine the bill to the point on which all are agreed—the separation of Pert Phillip from the Sydney territory ? Earl GREY defended the ancient practice of referring colonial matters to the Committee of Council on Trade and Plantations., The business which devolved on the Coluniai Secretary was mere than he could efficiently discharge, and great advantage Wale public service could be derived from the assistance of the Committee of Council; a. hotly composed chiefly of members of the Government, and which. included the :Colonial Secretary. The Government is responsible fur acting oaths advice :which it receives from.the Committee. It is intended to make an irnportantalteration in the Australian Colonies Bill, which will perhaps facilitate its pasting' this mission: he alluded to the omission of the clauses relating to the tariff. The Australian Cul:mien would be greatly disappointed if the bill should not pass this session.;: but, at theriame time, he was aware that should the rneasurrrancoUnter any serious opposition, it was practically imposeiblethat it could pass. x i

LordSubmits folio

wed up..Lord Monteagle's, remarks ,on the lateness of the period at which the bill came to theLliovaid Peers. • . Their Lordships had already suffered in public estimation from passing men

gored latd in the session without adequate deliberation and discusaion t let not a similar course be pursued with respect to this important bill. Should the noble Lord attempt to carry the whole of the bill, be would certainly fail; whilst if he were to limit it-to the separation of Port Phillip from New South Wales, he would as surely succeed, notwithstanding the advanced period of the session. Lord Stanley advised the Colonial Secretary to consider his suggestion, and take an early opportunity of stating .precisely the course Government would adopt.

Earl GREY still expressed his hope that the whole measure might pass this session: but Lord Stanley's suggestion should be considered, and the decision announced speedily.

In the House of Commons, on the same day, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in his statement respecting the progress of public business, made a more distinct announcement than Lord Grey had done respecting the projected altera- tions in the Australian Bill-

" We propose to take the second reading of that bill on Monday the 16th; and

I will take this opportunity of stating, that we mean to propose some very im- portont changes is the hill with regard to two points of the greatest importance. flee of these alterations is with regard to the tariff which it was proposed to enact in this bill. We propose to omit that tariff; giving to the General As- sembly of the Australian Colonies the power of making a general tariff for the -whole of those colonies. And with regard to the second point, the price of lands, which we had proposed should be fixed finally by Parliament, we now propose that the General Assembly shall have the power of altering the price of lands

when it shall think necessary."

On Thursday, Mr. ADDERLEY asked if Government could lay the pro- posed amendments on the bill before the House: it was of importance that the amendments should be known before the second reading took place. Mr. HAWES said, if the House sanctioned the second reading of the bill, the amendments would then be printed; but it was very unusual to print amendments to a bill before the second reading. The Earl of LINCOLN backed Mr. Adderley's request; observing that it was very " unusual " for a Government to announce alterations before the second reading of a bill. Lord Joan RUSSELL thought it would be exceedingly inconvenient to print the proposed amendments before the second reading took place; and he could not agree to take a course so very unusuaL [In a letter to the Morning Chronicle Mr. ADDERLEY explained some- what more distinctly the alterations in the bill-

" Its 28th and 29th clauses are no more; and the 16th, 17th, and 18th lines of clause 12 are taken out, which prevented the colonies from interfering with the sale of Crown lands; while the 33d clause is to give all these powers, very pro- perly taken out of the hands of the Crown, to the' General Assembly '; should that ifinerea ever really come forth from the brains in which it has been conceived."]

STATE AND ORDER OF PUBLIC BUSINESS.

Lord Joint RUSSELL, on Monday, made a statement of the progress of public business, and of the course he would take as to bills to be pressed en or abandoned.

The Poor-law (Ireland) Bill " having gone through Committee," and several additional clauses having been agreed to, he proposed that the House should sit that day at noon to continue and conclude its progress through Committee; and that the third reading should be taken on Monday the 9th instant. On that same Monday be proposed to take into consideration the Lords' amendments to the En- lumbered Estates (Ireland) Bill; most of which are improvements, but one of which it is highly important that the House should deliberately consider. On Friday the 6th, he proposed to take Scotch Marriages and Scotch Registration Bills, before any other business; and after the consideration of those bills, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would propose advances of money upon the railways in the West of Ireland. On Thursday and Friday in next week, the Ordnance Estimates and the remaining Estimates, in Committee of Supply. On Monday the 16th, the bill for the better government of the Australian Colonies. Two bills he proposed to give up—the Ecclesiastical Commission Bill, to which he ex- pected considerable opposition in the House of Lords, and which would have a better chance of passing to a final and satisfactory conclusion in another session; and the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill, to proceed with which this session will be undesirable, from the illness of the Lord Chancellor and the importance of the subject. Mr. La- bouchere was anxious that there should be a morning sitting, in order to explain to the House his general views and those of the Government on the important qua- lities of light and pilotage dues; without proposing to legislate this session. Tuesday the 10th is proposed for that opportunity. Other bills less important will depend on the disposition of the House to forward them; and the discharge from the Orders will be proposed as soon as it shall appear that they cannot be passed this session.

PARLIAMENTARY PAPER—AUSTRALIAN COLONIES BILL.

par. Adderley has circulated the subjoined paper, containing a aeries of resolutions, Of which he gave notice as an amendment on the Australian Constitution Bill, but which proved too detailed for being placed on the Notice-paper. " The opinion of the House on the principles embodied in these reeolutiens," Mr. Adderley says, " will be taken on Mr. Stafford's amendment, proposing to include New Zealand with the Aus- tralian Colonies in one great measure."1 L That inasmuch as it is impossible that her Majesty's subjects in Austral- asia should be ruled by the laws and authorities which compose the government of the United Kingdom, necessity requires that Parliament should constitute a special authority for the purpose, and thereinto delegate subordinate powers of legislation and executive government. H. That of the two very different systems of subordinate authority for the government of distant colonies,—namely, first, the Central System, which places adonis'. rule in the hands of a special department of the Imperial Government; and, secondly, the Municipal System, which empowers the colonists themselves to manage their merely local affairs in their own way, without control or in- .terference from any distant authority,—the Municipal System is greatly to be preferred in• providing for the local government of her Msjesty's subjects in Aus- tralasia; because it affords the only means of beneficial subordinate government in countries so extremely distant from London; because it agrees with the self- -relying national character of colonists prooeeding from England; because it would impose on the distant colonies alone, the cost, trouble, and responsibility ef their local government, and would wholly relieve the Mother-country from those burdens; because it would prevent, with respect to the colonies in question, those unceasing colonial discontents, remonstrances, and collisions with imperial authority, which the central system invariably produces when applied to English colonists; and, finally, because the municipal system is highly recommended by a comparison of its results in the colonization of America by our forefathers,

with the results of the central system in the colonies of France and Spain, and in the modern colonies of England which have been placed under its depressing influence.

Ill. That in framing constitutions of municipal government for the five colo- nies mentioned in the bill entitled " A Bill for the Better Government of her

Majesty's Australian Colonies," it is above all things necessary, for the purpose of averting discord and collision between the Colonial and Imperial Governments, to exclude from municial interference all those subjects which concern the in- terests and honour of the empire, and strictly to confine municipal jurisdiction to

S he subjects which exclusively concern the distant colonies. IV. That inasmuch as the subjects which exclusively concern the distant cote- Weser° infinitely numerous and diversified, whilst those which concern the empire in its relation to these eoloniesareolotwithatanding theirimpcatanceoo few sad obvious as to be 'readily specified, the most convenient mode of .proceeding whereby effectually to separate Imperial and colonial jurisdictions, is an ample' specification in the constitutional law of the latter class of subjects, with a pre. vision for debarring the municipal governments from every sort of interference with them, all other subjects being placed, by means of general terms, under the exclusive jurisdiction of each municipal government within the bounds of each municipality. V. That the only subjects which concern the interests and honour of the em- pire with relation to these distant possessions of her Majesty, are, first, the ale, glance of the colonies to her Majesty's crown; secondly, the naturalization of aliens; thirdly, whatever relates to treaties between the Crown and any foreige power; fourthly, all political intercourse and-communications between any of the colonies and any officer of a foreign power or dependency; fifthly, whatever re_ fates to the employment, command, and discipline of her Majesty's troops and ships within the colonies, and whatever relates to the defence of the colonies from foreign aggression, including the command of the municipal militia and marine in the time of war ; and sixthly, whatever relates to the crime of high treason. And that all the subjects aforesaid being specifically excluded from municipal interference by the constitutional law, then, for the management of those subjects within the municipalities by officers of the Imperial Government, separate provision ought to be made by Parliament. VI. That the subjects in which the colonists of Australasia have a concern surpassing all others in real importance to their welfare, and in which, accord- ingly, they take the most active and unremitting interest, is the disposal of waste lands, with the object of promoting emigration and settlement; and that although the concern of the Mother-country in the doe performance of this imsiness is very considerable, yet, inasmuch as the subject is one of such in- difference and disregard to the people and Parliament of the United Kingdom, that imperial legislation and administration with regard to it are necessarily both ignorant and irresponsible, whilst the most efficient performance of this business by the colonists for their own advantage must likewise be the most efficient for the advantage of the Mother-country; therefore it is just and ex- pedient that the whole business of the disposal of waste lands in each colony should be confided to the several municipal governments, or, with a view to um. fortuity of legislation, to a federal government of the group of colonies.

VII. That next in importance to the complete separation of imperial and municipal powers, is the form of municipal governments to be established in Australasia: that inasmuch as such governments are intended for subjects of her Majesty emigrating from the United Kingdom, it is most expedient that the form of such subordinate governments should as far as possible resemble that of the government to which such emigrants have been accustomed and are attached; and that although in framing such municipal governments it would be expedient to use titles and designations different from those which pertain to the government of the empire, and expressive of the subordinate, limited, and merely local cha- racter of municipal authority, and although circumstances peculiar to the colo- nies may require that the form of their municipal governments should differ in some respects from the British constitution, yet every consideration of policy suggests, whilst the subordinate character of municipal authority in nowise for- bids, that a municipal constitution should so far resemble that of the mother- country, as to be founded on the mixed principles of popular influence as secured by the House of Commons, of conservative influence as secured by the House of Lords, and of a strong but responsible executive as secured by means of an here- ditary and irresponsible head of the government acting on the advice of responsible ministers.

VIII. That whereas her Majesty's subjects in Australasia ardently desire to possess constitutions of local government founded on the general principles of the rit sh constitution, and whereas the particular application of those principles in framing the details of municipal constitutions for the Australasian colonies ought to be regulated by the peculiar and varying circumstances of those distant and ever-growing communities, with which Parliament can at no time be duly acquainted, therefore it is expedient and most convenient, that Parliament, adopt- ing in this respect numerous precedents furnished by the English charters of colonial government granted by the Crown in the seventeenth century, should, in establishing constitutions for the colonies in Australasia, confine itself to the enactment of general provisions founded on the main principles of the British constitution, and should bestow on the colonies themselves authority to settle all matters of detail, and to alter the same at pleasure, but subject always to the general provisions so enacted by the supreme legislature of the empire. IX. 'that whereas questions might sometimes arise relating to real or alleged violations of the law, through the invasion of reserved imperial rights by the municipal governments, or the invasion of granted municipal rights by imperial officers, and whereas it is most objectionable that such questions should either re- main matter of dispute between the parties concerned, or be left to the determina- tion of either party; and whereas such questions, being of a legal nature, could only be satisfactorily determined, and thereby put at rest, by a legal tribunal set in action by either of the parties concerned, and both investigating the facts and giving its decision in the face of the public; therefore it is expedient that one of the highest of her Majesty's courts of law should be empowered to determine all such questions; and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council appears to be a suitable tribunal for the purpose. X. That whereas, with a view to the peace and good government of a colony possessing municipal authority sufficient for all local purposes, it is fitting that the cost of keeping the peace should fall upon the colonists themselves, by whose mis- management alone disorder could arise; therefore in case any such colony should require the presence of imperial troops for any internal purpose, and her Majesty should see fit to grant their request for the same, then the expense of maintain- ing such troops ought to be borne by the colony, as happens in the case of British India.

XI. That, whereas an act of the supreme legislature purporting to establish constitutions of government for these colonies, ought to be as simple and plain as possible, and ought especially to be complete in itself, by containing all the con- stitutional provisions which are to bind the colonies, to the end that the whole of such provisions may be seen at one view, and the constitutional law be readily under- stood in the bearing of its several parts upon each other; therefore it is highly inconvenient that such a law should in any measure consist of existing acts of Parliament, and acts to amend and continue acts; but all provisions of existing acts relating to the subject ought to be repealed, and such of their provisions si it should be deemed fit to continue ought to be inserted in the one constitutional law as substantive provisions of the same. XII. That the bill entitled "A Bill for the Better Government of her Majesty's Australian Colonies," and purporting to enact a constitutional law for these depen- dencies, is objectionable, for the following reasons:-

1. Because it is based on existing acts of Parliament relating to the govern- ment of the said colonies, and acts to amend and continue acts, whilst it repeals parts of such acts; so that the true intent and effect of the whole constitutiond law is hard to be discovered.

2. Because, in conjunction with several acts relating to these colonies, it esta- blishes neither the central nor the municipal system of colonial government, bat parts of both, mixed together in such a state of confusion with -regard to the subjects and means of legislation and the execution of laws, as to insure conflict between imperial and municipal powers in each colony, and discord between the colonies and the Imperial Government. 3. Because, in particular, it does not specifically withhold from colonial juriele" Lion any of the subjects which exclusively concern the empire. 4. Because it does specifically withhold from colonial jurisdiction subjects which exclusively concern the colonies; namely, the local taxation of the colonists by customs-duties, provisions for the support of religion out of local funds, the appropriation of a large portion of the local revenues, the amount of the salaries of the pnacipal local officers, and the appointment and removal of all local officers.

9. Because, in conjunction with existing acts of Parliament, it withholds from the colonists all control whatsoever over the disposal of the waste lands.

6. Because, as respects the form of government in the five colonies, instead of bestowing upon each of them a constitution purposely adapted to its peculiar cir- cumstances, the said bill merely extends to four of them the present form of government of the penal colony of New South Wales, and preserves the same for Sew South Wales itself.

7. Because it leaves to the Colonial Office in London authority to disallow all laws passed by the local legislatures. ecanse it establishes an uniform electoral franchise for the representatives of differently circumstanced colonies, and of an amount which, in consequence of pecaliarities in the social condition of the colonies, is virtually much nearer to universal suffrage than that of the British House of Commons.

9. Because it does not establish a second legislative body so composed as to promote due deliberation and conservative tendencies in legislation, to render the ambition of leading settlers conducive to the public welfare, to check the vacilla- tion of a fluctuating society, and to attract from the mother-country the most valuable claim of emigrant&

10. Because, instead of identifying the head of each local government with the colony, and investing him with high and permanent station, it preserves the system under which the head of a colonial government is generally an utter stran- ger to the colonists, seldom, except through his appointment to office, a person of higher rank and station than many of the colonists, and almost sure to be re- moved from the colony soon after acquiring a knowledge of its peculiar circum- stances and wants.

11. Because it provides for conflict in the legislature, and grievous impediments to legislation, by mixing together in the same legislative body, members to be elected by the colonists as their representatives, and members to be appointed by a resident ot&cer of the Colonial Office as the representatives of official opinions and interests.