The Reformers of Bath gave a grand dinner to their

Representa- tives, General Palmer and Mr. Roebuck, on Thursday last, in the Guildhall. Between four and five hundred persons were present ; the proceedings were very spirited; and the speeches, in the present state of parties, highly interesting and important. The Mayor of Bath was in the chair. The loyal toasts having. been drunk, " The Navy and Army " was given. Captain Mainwaring, R.N., returned thanks for " The Navy ;" and Colonel Charles Napier, in acknowledging the compliment to 44 The Army," delivered the first reported speech of the evening. He avowed himself a Radical ; but as there were many different kinds of Radicals, he would explain what he meant by the term— He advocated Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, and vote by Ballot. He advocated Annual Parliaments, because "short accounts made long friends ;" and by this the Representatives would be brought annually before their censti- tuents to render an account of their actions. He advocated Universal Suffrage, because he thought taxation and representation should go together. He advo- cated vote by Ballot, because without it the poor man was placed in danger, if he voted against the rich ; andhe was therefore compelled, oftentimes, to go to the hustings with bitterness in his heart, and hypocrisy on his lip. He was an advocate fur a Reform of the House of Lords, because he considered the present system bad and rotten, and required reformation. Colonel Napier expressed his decided hostility to the change in the Poor-laws of England. He regretted that Mr. O'Connell was op- posed to Poor-laws for the Irish : from that hour he gave up Mr. O'Connell-

" Thank God, we have within our realm Five huadred good as he."

Such men as Mr. Sharman Crawford and Mr. Lalor deserved the highest commendation.

The health of the Members for Bath called up General Palmer and Mr. Roebuck. The General praised the Whigs for their past services ; and having known Lord Melbourne for thirty years, felt confident, that when Mr. Roebuck and his fellow.labourers had succeeded in agitating-the public mind on the subject of Ballot, Short Parliaments, and Universal Suffrage, Lord Melbourne would' yield to the wishes of the People. He regretted Mr. Roebuck's attack upon the Whig Go- vernment.

Mr. Roebuck was enthusiastically received. In reference to Ge- neral Palmer's disapprobation of his attack on the Whigs, he said-

" What is the nature of the charge made against me ? It consists in my having found fault with the Whigs for being too slow in your service. That 'is the very head and front of my offending.' I ask you, fur what did you elect me as your Representative? Was it that I should remain idle in my place in Parliament, and allow the Ministry to remain also? or was it not, as my honour- able colleague said, that I and those associated with me should force the Go- vernment to adopt measures for the benefit of the People? That was the course recommended by my gallant friend himself; who, in the course of his speech, suggested that I and those who act with are should agitate the People to demand the Ballot, and then that Lord Melbourne could not refuse it. What, I ask, are 1 and my friends doing ? Are we not now agitating, and en- deavoring to make the People know at what a snail's race Reform is going, and is likely to go, unless we do agitate ? and it is for this that I am put upon my defence. We are told that when the People are in a passion, the Minister will yield ; and we are advised to agitate them. What, then, are we to think of those accusations against us, for appealing to the passions of the people, when an adherent of the Government declares that by pursuing that course they might have some reason to expect justice at their hands. All we ask is but justice at the hands of the Whigs ; and, considering their professions, we are not uureasonable in expecting it of them. I and those whoact with me at this time are anxious to increase the responsibility of the Government. We have been accused of wishing the Whigs to go too far. We have only asked, and it is but a reasonable request, that the Members who corn. pose the Government and those who are in any way connected with it, should be at liberty to express their own conscientious opinions upon the various mea- sures affecting the great body of the people. We have not asked the Whig Go- vernment to bring forward the question of the Ballot, or the Extension of the Suffrage, or the Repeal of the Rate-paying clause, or the Reform of the House of Lords. All we ask is, that when any of these important measures are !nought before the House of Commons, every member of the Government shall be at liberty to give his free and conscientious vote. If the Melbourne Government should go out of office to-morrow, or a short time after the meeting of Parlia- ment, it will be their own fault, because they do not grant the reasonable demands of the People. Its fall will be its own suicidal act, and not the act of the party to which I belong. All we ask is justice, and if they refuse us justice- ( Several voices, " Turn them out !")—yes, we will turn them out. ( Cheers.) I am of that class of Reformers who, some men soy, go too for ; but I appeal to you, my constituents, whether you do not approve of that conduct which de- mands of the Whig Government such trifling concession on the part of the People. ( Several voices, " lVe do !" and cheers.) I am glad that in your opinion, I do not go too far. I was anxious fully to ascertain your sentiments on that subject; for I should not lie worthy of being your Representative unless I really and truly represented you to the fullest extent and meaning of the term."

There were persons who were continually crying out "wolf," and telling them that if the Whigs were turned out, they would make peace with the Tories, and oppose the People—

Colonel Baillie—" I deny that." • Mr. Roebuck—" Colonel Baillie may deny it if he likes, but he should not interrupt me." Mr. Murch (an Unitarian Minister)—" Surely any freeman has a right to express his opinion." Mr. Roebuck resumed-

" I ask the meeting to consider what must be the state of' those men's minds who, when I am discussing a matter of such great importance as the existence of a Ministry, allow their temper to break through all order and decorum, and, forgetting, the company in which they are placed, let out their natural spirit. I was talking to you in a simple way, and placing the danger before you, which you, us honest men, should look in the face, when I was interrupted. The People ought to weigh well in their minds and consider what should be done in the event of theWhigs granting their demands; at the same time, they should adopt a line of conduct, and look well to consequences, should these demands be rejected. It is at all times dangerous to tamper with the truth. When any independent man in the House of Commons gives his vote ; ay or no, he is called upon to express an opinion on it ; and the first question he naturally asks himself is, whether his opinion is in accordance with his vote: and can I then not be allowed an opinion whether the Government which I am called upon to support, and which has denied and opposed the just demands of the People, is deserving of my confidence ? The position in which the Whig Government stood in respect to the country was not produced by the party with which I act. The Whig Government have brought themselves to it. I am not the Radical that will destroy the present Government. But the Whig Govern- merit will destroy itself, because they refuse the fair demands of the People, which, if they granted, would secure to them the support of the People. They say thee they are the friends of liberty : if so, let them make that small sacri- fice required. of them. They say that they hold office solely fur the benefit of the People: het them, then, give that small boon to the People, and they may continue to hold office."

He referred to the recent conduct of Mr. O'Connell-

" Of Mr. O'Connell I shall never speak but in the most respectful terms. He has lived a life of usefulness, and has effected, by his extraordinary ability and experience, what no other man could have accomplished. If, therefore, I now express an opinion that may be unpalatable to Mr. O'Connell, it is pain- ful to my feelings. '!r. O'Connell says the Melbourne Government is doing justice to Irelend. I Jeciy it. It is not doing justice, in bestowing places of profit on one section of the Irish gentry, in giving some good appointments and some fair promises. No new law had been passed in favour of Ireland; and we might tomorrow see perpetrated in that country all those evils which for- merly existed there, as far as the law is concerned."

The fact was, that a dangerous crisis—gloss it over as they would— had arrived ; and it was now plain that the Radicals must either cease to be the Representatives of the People, or compel the Whigs to do justice if they remained in office.

Mr. Roebuck proposed the health of Sir William Molesworth. Sir William Molesworth expressed his approbation of the course pointed out by Mr. Roebuck for the adoption of the Popular party in the House of Commons. By insisting that Reform measures should have fair play, and submitted to the unbiassed judgment of the House and the Country, they would regain the confidence and support of the People ; and thus, so far from aiding the Conservatives, most effec- tually oppose them-

" I, indeed, should be most sorry to see a Tory Government in power ; for my political hatred to that party is uncompromising and unquenchable, for it results from is conflict of principles which are irreconcileable. But if, in order to keep a Whig Government in power, it be necessary that the Members of the Popular party should cooperate with them in doing nothing—should sup- press their opinions—should shrink from attempting to carry out their prin- ciples—should thus produce in the minds of the People a doubt of their zeal, a suspicion of their honesty, and should thus engender a baneful feeling amongst the masses that their leaders are playing the old game of the factious by mu- tually compromising their principles for the sake of power, or fur the sake of the good things which result from being connected with those in office—if these are the only means by which a Whig Government can be kept in exist- ence, then, I,contend, the sacrifice is too greet a one ; for it is a sacrifice of prin- ciple. It is said that we ought to overlook minor differences of opinion—we ought not to insist upon questions of minor import—we ought not to consider slight shades of distinction, which may produce disunion amongst us: we ought to obtain as much as we can, and rejoice. And undoubtedly we ought to obtain as much as we can, provided that by so acting we do not sacrifice the means of soon obtaining more. For this purpose, 1 should advise that we support a Whig Government, provided no sacrifice of opinion is required from es— provided the same fair play is accorded to our opinions as we accord to theirs. But is the Ballot merely a minor difference of opinion? Aek this question of the shopkeepers in the towns, of the tenantry in the counties; ask this question of the et. pendent electors throughout the whole of this us- pire ; and their answer will be, that without secret suffrage the elective fran- chise is an evil—a curse to them. Is the repeal of the Rate-paying clauses—is as extension of the Suffrage—is an abolition of the Church-rates—Is an abolition of the Corn-laws—is an abolition of the Irish Church—is a reform in the A r is a reform in the Universities—are all these, I ask, questions of minor im- port? (" No, no!") Are our feelings with regard to the House of Loran merely a slight shade of distinction amongst ourselves, which we can over- look ? Are these questions with reference to which the Representatives of the People can abstain from voting and expressing their opinions in the House of Commons? Are these questions upon which men are loudly to declaim, an/ energetically to express their convictions on the hustings, and thereby obtain. the votes of their constituents ; and then in the House of Commons are the questions to be suppressed, to be forgotten, or to be voted against, upon the plea that the discussion of them might be injurious to Ministers? (Leo/ cheers.) Is conduct like this to be tolerated in those who call themselves the Representatives of the People? Ought they to be permitted to act in so and discreditable a manner? If the present Administration do not nefee ep their minds to a very different line of policy—if they do not consent to a fa:: and equal union between themselves and the popular party—if they wili r, st make the Ballot an open question, I do most firmly and sorrowfully bslieee their tenure of office will be short."

He firmly believed that the course the Radicals were now takine7, so far from being disagreeable, was secretly approved of by the btst and worthiest men in the Ministry ; and be did not believe it w..ei'd drive the Whigs into the Tory ranks, or into private life-

" The members of the Popular party ought on every possible occasinn to make known their principles: they ought to attempt, by reiterated argurientn and repeated discussion, to diffuse their opinions amongst the masses. They ought to seize upon every opportunity of proving to the People that they are is re.rnest. by attempting to carry out their principles, by treating as foes all wive Rend in their way. By thus acting, they will excite afresh the enthlisier, the People, and ultimately be enabled to defeat, if necessary, the combine/ forces of the aristocratic factions ; for the people, if united and determined, II a irresistible."

[Vehement cheering, which lasted for several minutes, greeted tiiz William Molesworth at the conclusion of his speech.] The health of Mr. Lelider was then given ; and that gentleman ze.. turned thanks in an eloquent speech ; dwelling principally on the evils of hereditary legislation. The House of Lords stood first among the institutions that required reform-

" Take first the House of Lords. Let us give to that House all due pre- cedence, for it stands first in the common acceptation of rank : it stand. first also as the supporter t f every abuse. It stands first as the opponent of the wishes of the country. It stands first as the oppressor and Insulter of the Irish nation. It stands first as the obstacle to all improvement. And itstambr„, if not first, at least very near the first, on the People's list of abuses which must be reformed."

It was said that the interests of the Lords were not different from the interests of the People, and that the Lords had always acted foe the interests of the country-

" Let any man who, unconvinced by the events of the last two sessions, yet; believes so unfounded a statement, merely refer to the Statute-book. Thee in peculiarly the hook of the Aristocracy; the coutents of it were mostly inheeietta by their creatures, drawn by their lawyers, made law by their legislators. ie et. not full of arietocratical laws against the interests of the People? Look te the laws regulating the descent of real property ; • look to the laws bestowing Fiv:- Ieges on the puesessors of landed estates ; look to the laws requiring a Linde./ qualification hie Members of Parliament, and other offices of trust and honear; look to the Game-laws; and, above all, look to the Corn. laws, which camps' the poorest of the people to pay an exorbitant price for bread, to t::;: greee:.e glory and profit of the Aristocracy. Do these, and many more similar !awe, satisfy you how far the interests of the Aristocracy are identified with the ie.e- rests of the People ? Do they not prove and publish as a matter of record. ti:ae the interests of the People have been, and are, sacrificed to the interests of a'en Aristocracy?"

But it was said that the prosperity of England was mainly tiwinz the Lords-

" What, indeed, have the Lords ever done for the prosperity of F.ngletel ? Have they, by their enlightened patronage, encouraged the arts and ecieecee? Have they, by their talent or energy, established manufactures, fostered tin advance of trade, or enlarged our commerce? Ask the People of Manciiestez if they arc indebted to the house of Lords for their enormous trade? A,k the men of Birmingham if they owe their iron-works to the House of Leeds? Was Locke one of the aristocracy ? Was Newton one of the order ? Were Watt and Arkwright hereditary legislators ? Away with the fallacy of tog.. land owing her prosperity to lordly legislation ! She owes it to qualities else- spised by the hereditary great—and those qualities are plebeian intelligence, plebeian enterprise, plebeian industry, and plebeian perseverance. But theme; evidently not very useful, some men think them very ornamental, and are sem- tinually extolling the Aristocracy for their elegance and refinement. Sues men seem to have fixed their eyes with so intense an admiration on the Co- rinthian capital, that they overlook the base which supports it. But even supposing the Aristocracy to deserve this praise, it is but a poor and unsatisfac- tory answer to the People, when they demand reform of abuses and a fair since; in the legislation, to tell them that they have the great fortune to be blernel with a most refined and elegant Aristocracy."

He strongly urged agitation for the Ballot, for neither was briber/ discm.tinued under the Reform Act nor intimidation beaten down. It was :oust gratifying to know that the Ballot was making rapid progress in th.e country : let every effort be made, and no rest from agitation al- lowed till the Ballot bad become part and parcel of the law of :he land- " But, say some of cur friends, who advocate the weak policy of attemptiee to conciliate the Tories, at the saute time that they profess an earnest desire to assist the cause of Reform, bow can we possibly carry such measures as these against the tremendous power of the Conservatives? Let such of our ti ie as shrink from colli.ion with the Conservatives remember what has else -lir been done. When the char-es of success were so doubtful as to make ere!) the boldest faulter—when the Aristocracy dictated to the entire Legislature— when the People were totally unrepresented in what was called, as it were in mockery, the Howe of Commons, against odds ten times greater than n het we have now to encounter—the Reformers then stood and triumphed; the Srsr step, that most difficult of all steps, was boldly made by them. It would be tc all Reformers an everlasting disgrace if they should now fail through weakness or misunderstanding, or faintheartedness, to advance steadily in that path which has been at so much risk and labour pointed out and prepared for locus by the:;- zealous predecessors."

The cunning Tories flattered themselves that they should get into power through the disunion of Reformers-

" Do they vainly hope that the Radicals will shrink from their duties in the House of Commons, because the Ministers are lees decided in their conduct than they would wish to see them ? Do they foolishly imagine that the Radi-

als are men to oppose, or even to fail to support good measures emanating from the Government, because they would like those measures to be more com•

prehentive ? Cannot the Tories form an idea of support which shall be neither servile nor submissive, nor mere partisan eupport ? Can they not picture to themselves an independent body of men cooperating with a Government, and, at the same time, attempting to improve its measures, not for the sake of place oe party., but for the sake of principle, and in order to exclude from power the roost illiberal party which ever attempted to govern a great country? Trust-

ing to apparent fictions of their own creation, the Tories are already antici-

pating a triumph, not through their owustrength, but through the dissentious which they hope to see break up the Reform party. Already the Tory papers

are full of boasting predictions— there are smiles and cougratulations amongst the followers of Toryism—pleasing visiuns of Downing Street dance before the eyes of the Tory ex-officials—dreams of place and patronage and quarter-day brighten the slumbers of the Tory subalterns—there is great joy at the Carlton.

Let them rejoice in vain-glorious coufideuce over the prospect of their return- ing to power: should the reality ever arrive, they will find it far different from their present anticipations. The People of Englund will not be governed on

Tory principles. Scotland bas declared against them. Ireland has risen in

energetic opposition against the faction, which, after having domineered over

her for years, has at last added insult to injustice. But the Popular party of the three countries remain steadfast in purpose, faithful to the:cause of Reform ; and they 1611 assuredly triumph over the machinations of any faction, or of any blinistry which may vainly attempt to hold the reins of Government agaiust the wiali of a majority of the nation." (Protracted cheering.)

The next toast was " Colonel Napier, and Justice to Ireland ;" which elicited a speech of two hours' duration from the Gallant Colonel. Owing to its great length, this speech is very imperfectly reported. He believed that the only way to get justice to Ireland was to have a Government that would do justice to England.

Out how are they to obtain such a Government? By looking closely after them, to bee that they did their duty, and turning out those who did not act

well. By noting the promises of individuals when out of office, and seeing that they kept their promises when in power. They all recollected the events of six years ago, when the Duke of Wellington, without any rhyme or reason, in one of those moments of darkness which sometimes obscured the brightest intellect, volunteered the statement that the Government of the country was then, prac- tically, the best on earth, and theoretically Out to be improved—how the whole of the British People rose and told him he was wrong—that it was full of ab- toudities, and in practice corrupt and oppressive, and needed much reform. The Tories were a stiff-necked generation—men who defied the omnipotence of the People. When the thunder of Reform was beard, both Whigs and Tories went forth and trembled ; but each, after his kind, eager to avert the consequences from himself. The Tory retired iu dismay ; • but the Whig professed a joy which

be only felt outwardly, and, crawling, offered to lead the Refottners. Lord Grey—that Lord Grey who had resolved to stand by his order—seeing an op- portunity of gaining. power and emolument, came forward as the leader of

Reform. For some time the ship was rocking to amid fto, and did not reach the destiueti port. At one moment it was the King who was said to be against it ; but his :Majesty soon gave a proof of the falsehood of such statements. Then it

was the persons about the Court ; but about theni the People cared not. T hey saw the rabid fury of sonic of the despots in the House, and witnessed the des- peration of the children of corruption out of the Ilouse ; of these, the leader's were the parsons. The People did not then see the temerity or treachery of the Whigs. They rose against the crew of Oligarchs, who know that if the voice of the People were weak in their demand fur Reform, their light arm would ..efficiently powerful, and would be raised and take it. Then it was that all opposition vanished, and Lord Grey carried his measure ; but further, much further, than he intended. Thus had they seen the opposition of the Duke of Wellington, the aversion of the Court, and the consequent array that bad been brought forward against Reform, become quite powerless when op. posed to the will of the People.

The union with Ireland had been denounced by Earl Grey, as a measure founded in blood and perfected in injustice—

When the Irish patriots, after their long night of sorrow and of stalling, saw Lord Grey then at the bead of the Government, they naturally thought that the time had arrived when they could demand justice for their oppressed coun-

try. They asked for justice, or a repeal of the Union. Whet was the reply of Lord Grey and the Whigs? Justice!—No;the Whig Ministers gave the Irish a sword to smite, a torch to burn them, and a rope to hang them.

Lord Grey, in passing the Coercion Bill, made it so (idiom that it never could be adopted as a precedent, and the Whir would have all the credit and honour of it to themselves. Lord Grey and the Whip knew very well that if there were to be a House of Commons in Ireland, it would not be elected under the old rotten system ; that Household Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, and shorter Par- liaments, would cie adopted, and that the sores of unhappy Ireland would be laid open, and the unjust Judge be driven from the bench—that the Secre- taries' Sheriff could no longer pack the jury-box with the bloodhound.' of Orangeism— that Protestant ascendancy and jobbing in tyranny would be over —and that tithes would be abolished. They knew that that scarlet strumpet of the state, the Irish Church, would no longer be permitted to play her bloody and fantastic tricks before a frowning Gott—that her ministers would

so longer be allowed to dip the Bible in gore, in the blood of :hindered infants, and hold it to the nostrils of widows whose children had been slaughtered. (Loud cheers.) In matters of public business there was nothing more incapable than a Whig— But the writing was on the wall, and the Whigs, more learned than Belshazzar, would not require a Daniel to interpret it for them. The Whigs had boasted that

they had given the Reform Bill to England, a constitution to India, a Municipal Reform Bill to this country, and also a Poor-law Amendment Bill. With regard to the Reform Bill, the People owed all that was bad in it to the Whigs, and all that was good in it to themselves. With respect to the consti. tutiou fur India, he could say but little; they had, however. created three Whig places for their followers, of twelve thousand a year each. They had changed the name of slavery among the Blacks to that of apprenticeship, at a cost of twenty millions to this country. As regarded the Corporation Bill, they had given one to England, dashed and brewed up with as much Toryism as they could put in it ; and even that they refused

to give to Ireland. It was tine it had been stated that that was the fault of the Lords—that the Lords were the enemies of the English and Irish

People; yet when the People girded up their loins, and were ready for the

fight, and cried " Down with the Lords "—( Cheers)—then it was Lord John Russell, ii, his small weak tunes, like a Chinese maudariu on is chimney-piece- (Lue9/in r)—slid he was °mimed to all organic changes. The Lords debarred

the People of their rights, and the Whigs stepped in to prevent the People puttilig down the Lords. With regard to the Poor-law Amendment Bill, the

blerietets had been supported in that measure by many upright and able poli- ticians, who then, thought it a good bill. But he differed from them : he thought it a b id bill, and would say without fear, that he believed it was in- tended by its authors—mind, not supporters—as a bill for raising rents—that it was a landlords' bill.

On the O'Connell alliance with the Whigs, Colonel Napier Raid, that

In consideration of the position in which Ireland was placed, the English :Radicals had given Mr.O'Counell an honest support, and waived many an impor- tant question that the Tories might not again get into power, and have the go- verning of Ire'and ; but now that he had established the National Associa- tion, there they were strong enough to resist any ephemeral government. Mr. O'Connell ha I better, with this machine, join the English Radicals This be ought to do. At all events, it would be the duty of the English Radicals not to sacrifice their principles to the double.dealing of any faction.

In conclusion, the Colonel recommended agitation for Peerage Reform— The Lords sprung from the People : they did not fall like manna from heaven, and c ire should be taken that they did not become like locusts ou the land. Hitherto the People had only cried out " Reform the Lords ;" but if they went on in their present course, the cry would be " Up wilt the People, and down with the Lords !" But he trusted, ere that time arrived, they would get justice for Ireland, justice for England, and justice for the whole world. (Pro- longed cheering.)

A few more toasts were drunk, and the meeting broke up about twelve o'clock.