. with the utmost diligence for the unknown explanation politics,
that we hesitate to give it. Still, as it does fit which will make the matter clear. It has been suggested, the facts, and as it does not involve the supposition of for instance, that we were obliged to do what Germany absolute folly and fatuity on the part of the Ministry, like asked us to do without demur because Germany had re- that of Lord Cranborne, and as nothing else that has been frained from hostile action during the Boer War on the suggested allows us to escape from this obviously untenable promise that we would work with her and for her when theory of mental aberration, we set it forth. It has been next she asked us. That suggestion is surely un- suggested that something in the nature of an understanding tenable. The British Foreign Office may be careless and with Germany has seemed to our Government to be necessary ill-informed, and may drift into dangerous positions in order to safeguard the interests of the British Empire. through lack of forethought, but it is impossible that it It is argued that we find ourselves in Europe, if not sur- could have given Germany a general " call " on our aid. rounded with enemies, at any rate isolated and alone. But Another explanation of our complaisance towards Germany it is also argued that to render ourselves and our Empire has been put forward by the Under-Secretary of State for absolutely safe from the hostility of our neighbours solely Foreign Affairs, but we venture to think that his explana- by means of our own preparations, naval and military, would tion is equally untenable. Lord Cranborne's explanation involve too great a strain on our resources. Accordingly, has been so well summarised and commented on by Mr. in the assumed case, and in order to lighten the burden Arthur Lee, M.P., in a letter to Tuesday's Times that we of our position, it has become necessary, not, it is true, to cannot do better than quote his words. What, asks Mr. ally ourselves with any one of the Great Powers, yet to Lee, is the official explanation of the present state of make such arrangements with one of them as would at any affairs F— rate " write off " that Power as a potential enemy, and make "Simply that, as Germany asked us to co-operate, it would have it possible for us to leave her out of account when consider- been churlish and lacking in magnanimity to have declined. To ing the problem of national defence. On the hypothesis quote Lord Cranborne :—' We all remember and deplore the words with which we are dealing, Germany was chosen as of certain irresponsible persons in Germany which produced such a hostile feeling in this country last year.' This in itself is a the Power with whom a quasi - understanding of the remarkable statement, seeing that perhaps the most offensive kind suggested might be made. Hence, and for military words of all emanated from Count von Billow, the Chancellor of and naval reasons, it was resolved to shape our policy in the German Empire. However, let us grant Lord Cranborne's such a way that Germany might be considered as the contention that the German Chancellor is an 'irresponsible Power to be eliminated as a possible enemy. But of course it person,' and pass on to the curious influence of his remarks on our foreign policy. The Under-Secretary of State goes on to develop was clearly understood that no Power could be thus "written the official argument that it would have been ungentlemanly on Off "from the list of possible enemies without some quid pro our part to have shown our resentment of German insults by a quo being given her. Germany could only be eliminated in polite refusal to co-operate in Venezuela ; nay, further, nlagna- this way by making her many concessions and by a general nimity demanded that we should stand between Germany and display of friendliness. Hence we have been obliged to take American hostility, and thus enable her to do in South American waters what she would otherwise have been forbidden to do. He action and assume a position during the last two or three says :—'It would have been inconsistent with that temperate years of the kind which the Spectator has several times felt moderation which we are never tired of attributing to ourselves bound to describe as that of "the drudge of Germany." if we had refused.' Here, then, we have the machinery of our We have got a guarantee, or, rather, we have imagined our- diplomacy with Germany laid bare for inspection. When she selves to be getting a guarantee, of security from German wishes to involve us in a course of action which would be neltuully detrimental to our interests, and which might even be hostility by a considerable number of payments of various designed solely with the object of embroiling us with our best kinds. We paid a good deal on account in China, and the friends, she has only to pave the way by a series of responsible last payment has been the consent to Germany's proposal and 'irresponsible' insults. A decent interval is then allowed to that we should act together in the case of Venezuela. elapse so that British indignation, proverbially shortlived, shall When Germany showed a desire for close co-operation in have time to crystallize into 'temperate moderation.' The train is now laid, and all that remains is to proffer the request, how- the matter, obviously we could not refuse her and ever embarrassing, and to rely upon our magnanimity to ensure still keep up the theory that she was to be the Power our compliance." who would never be hostile. Friends of that kind can- Mr. Lee wittily goes on to suggest some domestic analogies not be snubbed when they make proposals which per se for this strange course of action. "The scheme is beauti- seem innocuous, and do not on the surface involve any fully simple and full of fascinating possibilities, whether hostility to other nations. Granted the hypothesis which applied to international affairs or to private life. If, for we are discussing, this view cannot be gainsaid. In the example, one wishes to shoot over an acquaintance's well- circumstances premised we could not have refused stocked coverts in the autumn, send him a series of abusive Germany's modest request.
post-cards in the spring. Then, in the late summer, hint We cannot, of course, profess to say that this is the that an invitation would be acceptable, and his British true explanation of the Government's amazing core- instincts of gentlemanly toleration may be counted upon plianee with Germany's demand to join her in coercing to do the rest." 'Whether Mr. Lee really thinks it possible Venezuela. We merely put it forward as a guess that the Foreign Secretary was swayed by the reasons which will fit the facts ; but it certainly does fit the assigned by the Under-Secretary of State, or whether facts very much better than Lord Cranborne's theory, he is simply indulging in political irony, we cannot tell, and it must also be conceded that there have been For ourselves, we must refuse without much stronger certain indications of recent years of a policy of this kind proof to entertain any view so hopelessly pessimistic as being pursued towards Germany. If it is the true ex- regards the Foreign Office, and, indeed, the Government planation, then, in our opinion, the Government have acted as a whole, as is involved in the acceptance of Lord Oran- most unwisely, and have indeed committed a capital error borne's explanation. If his account of the reasons which in international policy. The ideal condition for this country, induced us to enter on the German Alliance or scheme of in our belief, is to be uncommitted. But if it is committed, co-operation with Germany in the Caribbean Sea were the Germany is the worst possible Power with whom such coin- true one, we should be forced to the conclusion that our mitments ought to be entered into. Germany might no leading statesmen had become bereft of their senses. We doubt respect such a vague understanding as long as it must then perforce seek for some other and better suited her purpose, but not a moment longer. It would reasons to account for our action than those produced. by have been infinitely safer and better and less costly to have Lord Cranborne. All Governments are liable to do stupid TOPICS OF THE DAY. things, but that a British Government could deliberately e____ and consciously act so idiotically is a conclusion which we WHY ARE WE TIED TO GERMANY ? shall resist till the last possible moment,—till, in fact, the Prime Minister or the Foreign Secretary tells us in so many -NvHY are we tied to the tail of Germany ? That is a words that he endorses Lord Cranborne's statement. question which is being asked on all sides. In fact, But if Lord Cranborne's declaration is not accepted, the attempts to solve the puzzle have almost produced a where are we to look for the true grounds for our inability political guessing game. The public, though completely to refuse Germany's proposal for joint action, and joint in the dark, opine that there must be some reason for action under the guarantees usually adopted only by strict our having allied ourselves -with Germany when every allies ? The sole explanation we can discover which fits apparent motive of policy and prudence pointed in the the facts is one so full of perplexities, and involves so opposite direction. Hence they are searching everywhere utterly false a comprehension of the state of European affairs F— rate " write off " that Power as a potential enemy, and make "Simply that, as Germany asked us to co-operate, it would have it possible for us to leave her out of account when consider- been churlish and lacking in magnanimity to have declined. To ing the problem of national defence. On the hypothesis quote Lord Cranborne :—' We all remember and deplore the words with which we are dealing, Germany was chosen as of certain irresponsible persons in Germany which produced such a hostile feeling in this country last year.' This in itself is a the Power with whom a quasi - understanding of the remarkable statement, seeing that perhaps the most offensive kind suggested might be made. Hence, and for military words of all emanated from Count von Billow, the Chancellor of and naval reasons, it was resolved to shape our policy in the German Empire. However, let us grant Lord Cranborne's such a way that Germany might be considered as the come to an understanding with France and Russia. And for this reason. Germany is the one Power, who cannot hurt us, however hostile. As long as we have a bigger Fleet than she has, Germany cannot be a danger. Of course the Germans do not admit this, and often talk very big as to what they could do if they wanted to injure us. But unless the Government here were fascinated, as a, bird is fascinated by a snake, they must have perceived that the Germans are not in a position to do us the slightest harm, and that we could afford to laugh at their threat : If you won't take our hand in peace, you may ha' e to take it in war.' If such friendly menaces were ever ainiad against us, we should have given but one reply :--• Remember that Germany is in dire danger, and that she can do us no sort of harm. If we choose to compromise our differences with Russia, as we have already compromised those with France, Germany is spellbound, and, cannot move by a hairbreadth. And apart from that, she has no power to hurt us. Her Army, though so great, cannot reach us ; her Fleet will be destroyed if not laid up in case of war, and her vast sea-borne commerce remains therefore at our disposal. Her colonies would cease to be hers a week after war had broken out. Hence Germany is already eliminated as a possible enemy by the force of circum- stances. It is quite unnecessary in the case of Germany to write her off by comproraises and concessions.' But it may be said,—What if German) were to make an alliance against us with other Powers ? The answer is that no other Power would dream of doing such a thing. The essen- tial fact to remember about Germany is that from Washington to St. Petersburg she is the most unpopular of nations. Even her allies dislike her. All Hungary and half Austria are suspicious ; and. Italy only hangs to the Triplice by a slender thread. To run, then, any risks in other quarters for the sake of eliminating Germany as an enemy is the most foolish of foolish courses. Germany, no doubt, has plenty of uses for Britain, but we have none for her. Our true policy is to join France and Russia in making a ring round Germany and in isolatiug her, as the mischief-maker of the world, not to try to arrange that she will never be hostile, or vainly attempt to " square " a Power to whom we are not vulnerable, thereby alienating Powers who might be our friends, but who if they are ever our enemies will be able to deal us deadly blows. It is very nearly come to this, that he who is the friend of Germany is the enemy of the rest of the world. And yet we still are willing to make great sacrifices in order to keep Germany as our friend. Truly, if the desire to eliminate Germany from the list of possible enemies is the ex p1%nation of our policy, we have never based it on a more foolish and insecure foundation.
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