NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE sanguine anticipations of those who, as we stated laSt week, predicted the concession of the Catholic claims in the coming Session, by the Wellington Cabinet, have proved well founded. The Parliament me i on Thursday. The session was opened by Commission ; and the Lora Chancellor read the King's Speech, as follows :— " My Lords and Gentlemen—His Majesty commands us to inform you that he continues to receive from his Allies, and generally from all Princes and States, the assurance of their unabated desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with his Majesty.

"Under the mediation of his Majesty, the preliminaries of a treaty o peace between his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Brazil and the Republic of the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, have been signed and ratified. His Majesty has concluded a convention with the King of Spain for the final settlement of the claims of British and Spanish subjects preferred under the treaty signed at Madrid on the 12th March 1823. His Majesty has directed a copy of this convention to be laid before you ; and his Majesty relies upon your assistance to enable him to execute some of its provisions.

"His Majesty laments that his diplomatic relations with Portugal are still necessarily suspended. Deeply interested in the prosperity of the Portuguese Monarchy, his Majesty has entered into negotiations with the head of the House of Braganza, in the hope of terminating a state of affairs which is incompatible with the permanent tranquillity and welfare of Portugal.

"His Majesty commands us to assure you, thst he has laboured unremittingly to fulfil the stipulations of the treaty of the 6th July 1827; and to effect in concert with WS Allies, the pacification of Greece. The Morea has been liberated from the presence of the Egyptian and Turkish forces. This important object has been accomplished by the successful exertions of the naval forces of his Majesty and of his Allies, which led to a convention with the Pacha of Egypt; and finally by the skilful disposition and exemplary conduct of the French army, acting by the commands of his Most Christian Majesty, on the behalf of the Alliance. The troops of his Most Christian Majesty having completed the task assigned to them by the Allies, have commenced their return to France. It is with great satisfaction that his Majesty informs you, that durino.° the whole of these operations, the most cordial union has subsisted between the forces of the three Powers by sea and land.

"His Majesty deplores the continuance of hostilities between the Emperor of Russia and the Ottoman Porte. His Imperial Majesty, in the prosecution of those hostilities, has considered it necessary to resume the exercise of his belligerent rights in the Mediterranean, and has established a blockade of the Dardanelles. From the operation of this blockade, those commercial enterprises of his Majesty's subjects have been exempted which were undertaken upon the faith of his Majesty's declaration to his Parliament respecting the neutrality of the Mediterranean Sea. Although it has become indispensable for his Majesty and the King of France to suspend the co-operation of their forces with those of his Imperial Majesty, in consequence of this resumption of the exercise of his belligerent rights, the best understanding prevails between the three Powers in their endeavours to accomplish the remaining objects of the treaty of London.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons—We are commanded by his Majesty to acquaint you, that the estimates for the current year will forthwith be laid before you. His Majesty relies on your readiness to grant the necessary supplies, with a just regard to the exigencies of the public service, and to the economy which his Majesty is anxious to enforce in every department of the state. His Majesty has the satisfaction to announce to you the continued improvement of the revenue. The progressive increase in that branch of it which is derived from articles of internal consumption is peculiarly gratifying to his Majesty, as affording a decisive indication of the stability of the national resources, and of the increased comfort and prosperity of his people.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—The state of Ireland has been the object of his Majesty's continued solicitude. His Majesty laments, that in that part of the United Kingdom an aisociation should still exist, which is dangerous to the public peace, and inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution; which keeps alive discord and ill-will amongst his Majesty's subjects, and which must, if permitted to continue, effectually obstruct every effort permanently to improve the condition of Ireland. His Majesty confidently relies on the wisdom and on the support of his Parliament; and his Majesty feels assured that you will commit to him such powers as may enable his Majesty to maintain his just authority. His Majesty recommencts2 that when this essential object shall hue been ac• complished, you should take into your deliberate consideration the whole coneition of Ireland ; and that you should review the laws which impose civil disabilities on his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. Yon will condder whether the removal of those disabilities can be effected consistmtly with the full and permanent security of our Establishments in Church and State, with the maintenance of the Reformed religion establisied by law, and of the rights and privileges of the Bishops and of the Cle,gy of this realm, and of the Churches committed to their charge. Time are institutions which must ever be held sacred in this Protestant kirgdom, and which it is the duty and the determination of his Majesty to ?reserve inviolate. His Majesty most earnestly recommends to you to en:er upon the consideration of a subject of such paramount importance. ftly interesting to the best feelings of his people, and involving the tnnquillity and concord of the United Kingdom, with the temper and tle moderation which will best insure the successful issue of your deliterations."

The discussion on the Address moved in each House in answer to the Royal Speech, left almost untouched the topics of foreign policy, economy, -and revenue ; all minds were engrossed with the measures recommended for tranquillizing Ireland and settling the Catholic question.

With respect to the latter measure the Duke of WELLINGTON explained, that it would be presented this session, in the shape of a bill, Ntithont going into Committee ; and that it would "extend to the removal generally of all disabilities affecting the Roman Catholics, with the exception of those means for the security of our Esta blishment referred to in his Majesty's Speech." Mr. PEEL, with ad ditional emphasis, stated that the measure would be brought forward on the responsibility and authority of the Cabinet ; that its objeet was, the removal of civil disabilities on grounds of religious distinc tions (subject to certain exceptions and regulations lvhich rest on special grounds) ; and that it should not be regarded in the light of a compact, or the result of negotiation with any foreign potentaie, but looked upon solely as a measure of domestic and internal legislation.

These communications of the intentions of Government went made with all sincerity and unreservedness of :manner, hnd received in Parliament with a very general and lively joy. Lord Joipt RUSSELL prized this victory over ancient prejudices, as more useful to the country, and more honourable to the Great. Leader, than the battle of Waterloo. Mr. CHARLES GRANT said he should "envy the feelings of the illustrious Duke on that day on which the doors of Parliament should be thrown open to welcome back the Howards and the Jerningliams and the Talbots to reclaim the ancient seats and assert the high station of their ancestors. There was one person more whose feelings he should envy—ho should envy the feelings of the King of England, when, after tins measure had been accomplished, he should come down to meet the Parliament of his united people." Other members, who had advocated the cause from maturity to old age, adopted the sentiment of Simeon in the gospel, and hailed the event as the accomplishment of their dearest wishes, and the Royal Speech which announced it as the best of tidings.

Some few were sad, and some were offended. The Coryphams of this little band was the Earl of ELDON, who poured out his plaint in such strains as the following :— " After so many years' experience of the manner in which your Lordships' debates have been conducted, I am extremely sorry to understand it should have been represented to his Majesty that it was necessary to recommend to your Lordships to discuss the public affairs with temper and moderation. I hold it quite consistent with moderation that men should, after a due deliberation and reconsideration of the question, feel themselves impressed with such a strong conviction as to hold it a matter of solemn duty, when called upon to act, to give utterance firmly and warmly to that deep conviction of their conscience. And I myself shall ever think it my duty, whenever the subject is brought before your Lordships, to consider it over and over again, and to come down to your Lordships' house and declare the result of my deliberation. With that sense of my duty, and after repeated reconsideration, I now say—and I hope that my voice may somehow reach the public ear—that, if the Catholics shall be once admitted to high offices in the state, or into either House of Parliament, from that moment the sun of Great Britain is set !—(" Oh! oh I" from the Opposition)—and that opinion! will repeat, however it may be contemned or laughed at by noble Lords opposite. I remember ene noble Lord, not now in his place—and of whom, by the way, I must say that he argues this and every other subject temperately, and in a spirit of fair dealing—I remember that noble Lord to have once expressed his hope that the time mould come when the word toleration would not be found in the English language. ("Hear," from Lord Holland.) I am glad to see the noble Lord present ; and that he justified on the principle that religious opinions had nothing to do with political ea/millilitres: If he be right, the King has no title to his throne. But, inniiderspad-the-. matter correctly, his Majesty is there in consequence oais rehgiva opii. nions. X 4111 Ecady tO 4114 thet 110 man01.10.t tC,heitreiaiwitsk holding political privileges without strong reasons of state ; nor would I oppose the admission of Roman Catholics to power if I had not felt that the question was one of the last importance to the country, to his Majesty, to my fellow-subjects, and to religion too—which, I am sorry to say, was too much neglected in the last session by those whose duty it was to have taken care of it—(cheers chid laughter)—and so deep is my conviction on the subject, that no consideration on this side the grave could induce me to give my consent to the admission of one single Roman Catholic into the high offices of state or either house of Legislature. We have for three years witnessed (what I could never before have imagined possible) the continued existence of a body exercising unconstitutional powers, and diffusing treason and sedition through the land. Does any noble Lord doubt my assertion let him look at the publication of their proceedings. But you intend to put down that Association. If you think that you can put them down by a bill, and that you can pass a bill for that purpose, on what ground do you say affairs in Ireland must become worse without the concession of the claims of the Catholics ? I have some personal experience of conventions since the yew 1793, and in the management too of conventions—indeed, on these I may add, quorum pars magma fui. The conventions of that time aimed at the subversion of the political and. religious institutions of till country. Now I cannot help declaring my opinion that the object of the Roman Catholic Association is the same. (Loud cries of dissent.) I say their object is to overturn the principles by which his Majesty sitson his throne. For how came the house of Brunswick to be on the throne of these kingdoms ? For what object but to carry into effect the coistituton as established at the revolution. The direct line of royal chscent was interrupted, and a collateral branch brought in for this purrnsethat we may have no Catholic on the throne. It was for the purpcse of keeping Catholics out of the House of Commons that the oath of stpremacy was enacted to be taken ; soon after that they were excluded Porn the House of Lords also. The acts excluding them sealed the perfecuon of the constitution. The connexion between the church and state is Indissoluble like that between man and wife. ( A laugh.) It is an essental principle of the constitution that kiln", lords, and commons shall be Protestant. Six months have not elapsed since your Lordships discussed ant rejected this measure; you have discussed it over and over again during the last thirty years, and you have over and over again decided that it must destroy the constitution. Are you now prepared to rescind all these your solemn decisions ? These, my opinions, I declare standing in the presence of my country. My country may drive me into my grave loaded with obloquy to blast my reputation ; but I shall still adhere to this declaration, that if I consented to the intended bill of relief for the Catholics I should be guilty of a gross dereliction of my duty to my King, whom I hope I have ever faithfully served—of my duty to my Protestant fellow-subjects—and, I will add, of my duty to the Catholics themselves, to whom I am willing to concede every thing that can be required by an enlightened toleration. I do not hesitate to say, then, that I shall be ever found ready at my post to resist the measure through its entire progress. And why should I not speak out, when I hear a combination of men talk of universal suffrage—when I see them act the part and assume the functions of a government—when I see them receiving subscriptions of money from America and France ? But you will have a bill to put

them down. I tell you that if you think you can put down the Catholic Association by a bill, without making the leaders of that Association and the members of it accountable to the common law, you will be disap pointed; and if you expect the Association to dissolve itself you will be still more disappointed. But, suppose they dissolve themselves, what is the use of that unless you have adopted such measures as will prevent the possibility of their ever raising their heads again ? Have they not told

you, totidem verbis, that if the fortyshilling freeholders are disfranchised

they will take the field? Have they not told you that in the event of a war they will look to America for external aid against you ? Have they not told you that they are determined to destroy that Protestant consti tution the benefits of which they solicit from you? They have told you all this ; and I now tell you that their object is far above emancipation. I beseech you then, my Lords, to pause here before you proceed one step further. Take a little care, my Lords, for the little time that you stay here. Remember the conventions of 1794. Their professed object was admission to the benefits of the constitution, but their real one was the subversion of that constitution. Give to the Catholics the benefits of the constitution, but take care you do not alter the constitution. Be cautious, and do not run the hazard of destroying what you mean to preserve."

The Earl of WINCHILSEA was more moderate in his opposition. Lord FARNHAM was fierce and personal. The Duke of NEWCASTLE and Lord BEDESDALE were polemical. Sir R. INGLIS appealed to public opinion—except on such questions as Reform and the Corn Laws. Mr. BANKES was prophetic—he foretold the downfal of the Irish Church. General GASCOIGNE regarded the King's Speech as unprecedented in history.

"He trusted that before this grand alteration of the Constitution was made, the prerogative of the Crown would be exercised by the dissolution of that House, and he had no doubt in that case that the voice of the people would teach a lesson to future Legislatures which they would not soon forget. If this question were carried, let not his honourable friends despair of having Universal Suffrage and Parliamentary Reform. Only let them get up an Association, and in time they would succeed ; for there would come a day when some Minister of the Crown would assent

' even to their projects.' (Cheers and much laughter.) These taunts little disturbed the equanimity of Ministers, but they led to some explanations. The Duke of WELLINGTON

. . . begged leave to remind their Lordships, that on the several occasions on which he had previously addressed them on this particular subject, he had invariably stated that he was most anxious for a settlement of it. He had considered always, had considered even last year, that a moment of tranquillity was necessary for such a settlement. And why did he consider it necessary ? Because he Wished to conciliate to the question those persons in the country whom he knew to• be adverse to it, including those very members from whom they were soon to have such manifold addresses. The measure, which he intended should pre. cede those which he should afterwards propose, was calculated to produce that moment of tranquillity which was so necessary to conciliate he public to the measure which he intended to propose for the pacification of Ireland. His noble friend on the cross-bench had stated to the House, that the proposed measure was inconsistent with the constitution as established at the Revolution ; and another noble lord had concurred in that statement. If he had been going to propose a measure which would have introduced a predominant Catholic power into Parliament, be should then have been doing that which was clearly inconsistent with

the constitution. But he ive.s not .goina to do any such thin. There were degrees of power at least. Would any man venture to say that Catholic power did not exist at present either here or in Ireland? Ile would address himself more particularly to the noble lords who had so pointedly opposed him, and would ask them whether Roman Catholic power was not introduced into Ireland by measures of their own? (Hear.) Had not some noble lords exerted their influence to the utmost to produce that very power which has rendered a measure like that which he had announced to Parliament absolutely necessary ? As such was the case, he implored noble lords to look at the situation of the country, and the state of society which it had produced. Whether it had been brought about by the existence of these disabilities, or by the Catholic Associa. tion, he would not pretend to say ; but this he would say, that no man who looked at the state of things for the last two years, could proceed longer upon the old system in the existing condition of Ireland, and of men's opinions on the subject both in that country and in this. His opinion was, that it was the wish of the majority of the people that this question should be settled some way or other. It was upon that prin. ciple, and in conformity with that wish,'that he and his friends had un. dertaken to bring the adjustment of it under the consideration of Parlia.

ment ; and he hoped that their Lordships would give them such time as would enable them to bring it forward in that complete manner in which his Majesty had declared his willingness to give it his Royal assent. Ile hoped that they would not take it into consideration by piecemeal, but would wait with patience till it was placed as a whole deliberately before

them. (Cheers.) Mr. PEEL took an able review of the history of the question, and expatiated on the evils of a divided Cabinet, and more especially of a divided Government in Ireland—almost in the very words that Mr. Canning and the Emancipators formerly used.

" I pretend to no new lights upon this subject. I maintain the same opinions now I have always held in this House. I see in the same man

ner and to the same extent the dangers upon which I have before dwelt, when I have been under the necessity of stating my sentiments upon the question ; but I have now no hesitation in declaring, I conceive the pressure of present evils to be so great, that I am willing to endure the risk of contingent dangers, rather than ensure a con. tinuance—perhaps a great aggravation—of fall the evils which at pre sent exist. * * *At a time when there is scarcely an individualin the em pire who does not express an opinion upon the subject, and who is not even making it the topic of his every day's discourse, can it be said that the Government is not to be called upon to express its opinion? I really do think that for the safety of the interests of Protestantism, it is necessary for the Government to abandon its neutrality." He had formed the conviction which he now expressed on the sub

ject in the month of August last. He had communicated that conviction to the Duke of Wellington ; he said_ to the Duke 'I think you are

right—my situation is peculiar—and my retirement may aid the object you wish to accomplish.' He received an intimation from the Duke that his retirement from office, instead of facilitating, might greatly aug

ment the embarrassment of a settlement. With this assurance from the Duke—with his own conviction as to the expediency of settlement, he felt it his duty to remain in office, and to assist in the completion of the measure. He would proceed to fight out the battle in which he had engaged with the utmost of his ability—with a sincere desire that it may be productive of the benefits which some Members anticipated from it, and from a conviction, that, as a principle of permanent uncompromising opposition to concession could no 1onger4e acted upon, the time had come, when, considering the whole condition of the empire, a 'course of concession was the best and wisest to pursue. (Much cheering...) Mr. GEORGE DAWSON repeated the substance of his celebrated Londondeny speech.

"During the whole of last year I carefully abstained from taking any part in the debate on this subject, from the conviction that the time was fast approaching when opposition to the Catholic claims could no longer be continued. This conviction had been gradually arising in my mind, and the consequence of it was that I had to struggle with very great difficulties. The constituents whom I represent, and the ties by which I am otherwise connected, must both have induced me to pause long before I could make up my mind to do that which must in a great measure sever me from those connexions. All these things were operating in my mind at the time when I went to Ireland last year, and I beg to state fully and fairly that I went on that occasion to Ireland in perfect ignorance of what were the intentions of Government in this respect. But when I got there, what was it that I saw ? I saw the country on the eve of convulsion—I saw its institutions ready to give way—I saw that every one was in a manner opposed to the very members of their own family—I saw that every thing was gradually creeping towards the brink of destruction—that party feeling was raging in every direction—that Grand Juries and Magistrates, and, in short, every one partook of the same spirit, and that it was impossible for things to go on as they were any longer."

Mr. HUSKISSON congratulated the House on the progress which the principles of civil and religious liberty had lately made in this country. He wished, however, that Mr. Peel's liberal conviction; had come a little earlier; and seemed to suggest, that if they had, his friend Mr. Canning (unhappily no more) might have lived and been still in office.

"Although he was not a believer in modern miracles, it was almost impossible to ascribe to any natural causes the very extraordinary, numerous, and important conversions which had taken place during the last week. (Laughter.) He was, he confessed, unable to attribute these conversions to anything short of a miraculous interposition. One day or other, he was satisfied, they would have some better explanation upon the subject, and that the impartial pen of history would do full justice t those causes which have led to such remarkable results.

Some harsh remarks on Mr. PEEL'S "inconsistency" were made ; and even the Duke of WELLINGTON was threatened with the loss of his place in public estimation. Mr. BROUGHAM showed the true consistency of yielding to the convictions of a longer and larger experience.

"I have little esteem," he said, for the man who fruitlessly adds yen to year of a long and sad life, on whom no argument, on whom no expe.rience can operate; but who increases his years without increasing las wisdom."

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said that Mr. PEEL was entitled to the praise of every honest man. On the other great point mooted in the King's Speech—the

suppression of the Association'—it was the general unpresnon

the Catholic leaders would anticipate the wishes of the Legislature, by dissolving it themselves.

Sir JOSEPH YORKE said, "the Catholic Association had now notiling to do but to shut up its door, put one of Bramah's best patent locks upon it, and put the key somewhere where it should .never be heard of again."

Mr. BROUGHAM was peculiarly energetic in his advice. He would be answerable with his head for the result—he considered the question as already carried, and the Catholics emancipated.