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nib-NCB. —The preparation of the report of the Committee in favour of the credit of 8,460,000 francs for the expenses of calling out the 40,000 troops additional was intrusted to M. de Remusat : it is interesting both as an exposition of the German difficulty from the French point of view, and more particularly as an exposition of the foreign policy supported by the most numerous and most able political party in the French Assembly. The Committee considered not merely the cost, or even the immediate utility of the measure but the relation of the whole policy to the general situation which has called it forth.

The events of late years have generally established that the organization given by the act of 8th June 1815 to the German Confederation ought to .l revised, either for simple modification or complete renovation. Should the changes required be made by the Diet as it is constituted ; or by free con- ferences, concerning which the Diet will determine ; or by new powers sub- stituted for the Diet, having neither the same organization nor the same origin ? Is Germany an existing federation which is being modified ; or shall a new federation be established between distinct states restored to the pleni- tude of their independence in order to form it ? Is she to remain a federa- tion of state; or to become a federative state? These questions have divided the two great powers of Germany. Neither one nor the other has confined itself to unvariable terms.

"Austria, who assembled the Diet at the moment when it seemed anni- hilated, inclines to maintain, in a certain measure, the preservation of what was established at the Congress of Vienna. Prussia, who would appear to consider the treaty of 1816 as a dead letter, demands that accomplished facts should be taken into account, and that essential changes should be in- troduced into an organization which the times left behind. Austria would reject to cede the privilege of presiding over the Diet, with which she was invested by article 5 of the act of 1815; and Prussia claims, urgently, parti- cipation in this privilege. At a certain epoch the latter power had formed a partial federation which she directed to the exclusion of her rival, and which, dissolved by events, has only left behind it the principle of the re- stricted union. Of this principle, which is believed to be found in its germ in the act which constituted the Germanic Federation, Prussia has de- manded the acknowledgment and the extension ; while Zustria, without re- jecting it in an absolute manner, makes it, however, subordinate to the rights of the General Assembly, and demands in all cases to enter henceforth into the Confederation with all her states,—that is to say, with twenty-four mil- lions of subjects who hitherto had not been counted therein, and thus to effect the completion of the new and powerful unity which she has just im- pressed upon her monarchy. On those, conditions she would not have ap- peared reluctant to treat, and even to consent to the creation-and participa- tion with Prussia of an executive power of the union constituted outside the Federal Diet. For the rest, it does not appear that latterly the idea of sub- stituting, in the place of annexing or opposing to this Assembly, all coin-

of the envoys of the princes, a representation of popular origin, has en on either pert energetically maintained."

But to these difficulties were added those arising out of the events in Elec- toral Hesse and Schleswig-Holstein. In respect to Hesse and the armed intervention solicited by the Elector, Prussia. has not absolutely denied the right claimed by the Diet "; but she has nevertheless interposed the obstacle of an army against the exercise of the right. In respect of Schleswig-Hol- stein the respect borne to the good right of Denmark, and the old and pro- found esteem merited so much by Denmark from all governments, has brought England, France, Austria, and Russia, to signify their intention of contributing to the pacification of Holstein. Brought back upon this point to the common policy," "the Cabinet of Prussia engaged to put no obstable in the way of this intervention, [of a Federal corps,1 provided the Prussian terri- tory were not traversed." The road at that time remained open through Brunswick ; but the road has since been closed by the Duke of Brunswick, and the Assembly understands that it is this incident alone which might be- come the occasion of a conflict--" for upon the foundation of the question, upon the rights of Denmark, Europe is unanimous, and its will will be ac- complished."

Upon these two points a conflict seems imminent. The accommodation

r era. nu yy. IsTaen.1 envenomed.

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ith the exception of the rticittiladd tilleswig-Holstein, the questions slfithelntattiatikattlialml lansirno.dasgail they reuilhin 1Re AnbloPPloWet it#141.ifjoggthedA,,,AIL behind tY1 BAP ndgPokoox oPe4T

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clisTlatbn17' once, csy, son- eitiaSoffic4ntfintliStqf tne °1344kr- tialitsivi8hil °ant& dallbir i-letory of ' , ortid ' *day would menace the subjection of tSermany to the absolute preponderance of one solo power. This result would be as Contrary to justice as to the interests of Eu- rope; it would be, without any doubt, opposed to the permanent policy of France. In the name of its own policy, as well as of general interests, France is, therefore, formally opposed to war." AnothSr consideration strikes all minds. " War, in breaking out, might bring in its train evils still greater than those of war itself. The soil of Eu- rope is still covered with fires only half extinguished. War might reanimate these. War might furnish with chances fatal theories, hopes, and passions. War is the last resource of subversive factions ; it might shake, even to its foundations, European society ; it might become only the improvident signal of a social war. This thought ought to dominate all other thoughts in the mind of the cabinets of Europe, particularly of those which have nobly entered upon the way of wise reforms and serious progress. France, who desires neither the triumph of Absolutism nor the victory of Socialism- France, who has made within the last thirty years more than one heavy sa- crifice to'the peace of the world—has theright, to-all appearance, to make heard pacific counsels which she may.justify by her own example. Up to rivalpowers of the great interests of civilization and humanity. If the voice of wisdom is not heeded, the last service which France can render is to contribute to diminish, perhaps, the misfortunes of war—to abridge, perhaps, its duration—by refusing loudly all support to the hopes of those parties who might promise themselves to en-

her sooner or later in the quarrel ; by contradicting beforehand all the

miens which may be formed or feigned as to the disposition by which she is animated ; by dissipating thedoubts which might be spread as to her en- tire liberty of action. We have the will and the certainty of making order respected at home as we shall respect it abroad. In the midst of the disorder of a great war we could not suffer our frontier to be insulted. It is necessary that it should be known that every insolent prosiication, every disturbing propaganda, should be severely punished. " France can only fight if war is consented to by the Assembly ; really and in fact.this is the case with every free government. War is impossible with such without the concurrence, at least indirect, of the deliberative power ; and even thii concurrence is manifested directly by the way of resolutions and addresses. But in our constitutional order, war depends formally on you—it is the Assembly who pronounces the decisive word. The neu- trality of France will be a consecrated fact in Europe only when the National Assembly shall have pronounced these words, France is neu- tral.' The neutrality of Russia has been notified in an authentic document. The attitude has been taken and the engagement contracted. It is the duty of-Tour loyalty, as well as of your prudence, to raise above all doubts the position which your country wishes to:take. France will be always able to leave that position if circumstances change, and if the national interest re- quires it. " Your Committee proposes to you unanimously, to adopt the bill which you have referred to its examination; but it proposes to you, with the same unanimity, to adopt, immediately after the close of the general debate, the fol- lowing resolution- " The National Assembly, convinced that in the 9uestions which divide Germany at this moment, the policy of neutrality, such as is expressed and defined in the message of the President of the Republic, is the only policy suitable to Prance, passes to the discussion of the articles."

GEnxialY.—The most interesting news of the week is at present founded on brief reports of imperfect authority. Baron Manteuffel and Prince• Schwartzenberg met at Dimas ; and found each other so much

sod to concede, that they completed their personal negotiations, and

returned to their capitals by the 30th of November : but at present neither Cabinet seems sufficiently pleased with the terms made by its chief to publish them. As the press of each capi- tal states that the whole of the differences have been settled in the interest of its respective country, it may be concluded that a compro- mise in the spirit of peace has been made ; a thing the more readily be- lieved in face of the commercial fact from Vienna that silver had risen to a premium of nearly fifty per cent. Frankfort reports give a concurrent solution to the difficulties in Hesse-Cassel from an unexpected quarter : they state that the Elector himself, ending at the beginning, has requested the withdrawal of both the Federal and the Prussian armies, in order to his re8ntry of Cassel with the intention of respecting that constitution which it has been his sole object hitherto to -violate. Whatever the so- lution turn out to be, it is already announced without qualification, that it has been ratified by the respective Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin ; and therefore, at whatever cost of national feeling, peace was likely to be pre- served.

CAPE OF GOOD Hors.—Cape Town journals of the 16th October bring the draft constitution prepared by the Legislative Council sitting as a board of Commissioners after the resignation of the four popular elective mem- bers. It is a document of considerable length, and no inconsiderable ability. Seven of its twenty-five sections present the points which had y been agreed on by the Council, either unanimously or by ma- jorities, before the resignations ; and these sections contain the chief or- ganic points : five more sections discuss additional points of the consti- tutional framework : the remaining sections are criticisms on consti- tutional principles forwarded for guidance by the go-cart of Colonial Office despatches. The qualification of the member of Council is fixed at "20001. unencum- bered," instead of a simple 10001. The election of the members of Council to be for ten years, instead of four years ; half the members (seven and eight in alternate years) retiring at the end of five years, the other half in five more years, and so on a half every succeeding five years. The two drafts agree in giving a common qualification to the constituencies of the Assembly and Council; in making all electors competent to be elected into the Assem- bly; in giving payment to members of both Houses ; and in making all pro-

efiatiOtIS hoped

ipe mu *.r104, dressed y :d. for the first time uring two powers of the first o

seems

aubscwu frete8nlons power. it to nude it Olge- motions to office a vacation of thef,,seat. The Council-Commission admit, with.. reference to the higher 'property qualification for the members of Connell than fds Members of Assembly, that their own members not unanimous, and that !the sense of the colony. has not yeti beed ascertained. slimy!, Sim-Oise the provision of her Majetty's knees-patent requiring tliattbe Chief Justice ilionld ex officio be Preside4 of the ftil,:sesd; pronounce againit it with almoot.papular independence; ark.they,maleinwgQod.eenoarlos bmthein omit posituas, in. enforcement ef i!kic a14 P ereArdit,loot.:430,00 van nt en t 'should be withdrawn from Pi..54n4.19t,,,hb,.,",igir,,,,....,,,....„9„,byconverea impasse non infirsosifilogLe ppc,lp vet every Itl:ion of Oa logialative maehino tdio i4. othe tinnunelliu difficult and delicate tin • SA -the e ' f:fist,'•iti::440iotoia to is proposition that .f!..f Eked (okedntilidhieffignished 'frbth 410 ' dituts 'should, her.T. the summoning of a Parliament, be provided law," they offer thSfr humbAe opiuion,tbat no permanent, nrOl„, „ d, be reserved by law, but MWely existing hiaividtialrights.presery ; so:that when this tempos eary:iiiiingeni'ent Shalt gtridually cease to operate, daces successively be- isomnig" vacant, the entrie Colonial revenue should by subject, without ex- ception, to the power of the [Colonial] Parliament." They suggest that no bill for the appropriation of any part of the Colonial revenue shall be passed by either Chamber "unless the Governor, on her Majesty's behalf, shall have first recommended to the Assembly to make provision for the spe- cific purpose contemplated by the appropriation : " a rule founded ou the wholesome practice of the Imperial House of Commons. In reference to the "two platforms," the South African Commercial Advertiser says they differ on exactly such points as ought to be deter- mined by the future Parliament itself : and it earnestly deprecates pre- liminary divisions of Colonial opinion, as being the very means which would enable the Colonial Office to interfere now, and have its way. The Cape Town Mail says, the two plans differ only in details : either would afford all the means of obtaining complete self-government at some &tare day, and neither would give it at once.