Debates anb Vrotetbings in Varliaintnt.

PRINCIPAL MISTRESS OF THE WEEK,

Horns or Loans. Monday, April 2. No business Of importance —Adjourned at 6h. 15 m. Tuesday, April 3. Royal Assent to the Larceny Acts Amendment Bill and other bills—Adjourned at 5 12. 55 m., for the Easter recess, until Monday, April 16.

[Time occupied in the two sittings, 2 b. 10 rn.

since the beginning of the Session, 52 h. 57 m.]

HOME or Commons. Monday, April 2. Business of the House, new Arrangement --Explosions in Coal-mines—Irish Rate.in-ald Bill : Debate on second reading con- tinued—Charitable Trusts Bill. and Public Health (Scotland) Bill, read a first time— Adjourned at 12 h. 45 m. Tuesday, April 3. Irish Rate-in-aid Bill : Second reading carried, by 193 to 138—Employment of Labour (Ireland) Bill, read a second time—Sun- day Travelling on Railways : Bill to regulate, brought in—Adjourned at 2 h. (Wednes- day morning.) Wednesday, April 4 : morning sitting. Colonial Polley : Conversation and Ministerial Statement—Passengers Bill, read a second time—Friendly Societies Bill, read a second time, and referred to Select Committee—Tenants at Rackrent Re- lief Bill, read a second time—Adjourned at 5 h, for the Easter recess, until Monday April 16,

[Time occupied in the three sittings, 22h, 45 m.

since the beginning of the Session,N711. 18 m.] RATE IN AID (IRELAND) BILL.

The debate on the Irish Rate-in-aid measure was continued on Monday.

Mr. BRIGHT began with a brief justification of his vote, which would be in favour of the bill. It seemed to him to be a question of life or money. He defended an Irish rate in aid on grounds of justice too: during the last three years tha rest of the United Kingdom has paid a rate in aid for Ire- land to a greater amount than Irish rateable property is now called to con- tribute—within the last two or three years nearly ten millions from the public revenue, and a very large private subscription besides. The amount of rate paid in Manchester last year for casual unsettled Irish poor was 28,0071., equal to 101d. in the pound on the whole rateable property, and to Is. 3d. or Is. 6d. in the pound of the property which actually paid rates in that community. In Glasgow, two-thirds of 70,0001. were last year paid in rates for the same account. Yet neither Glasgow nor Manchester has made clamorous complaints: they only wished it acknowledged that they had already borne their share of the burden, and that it became the property of Ireland to find for a temporary period the comparatively small sum which Government proposes to levy on it.

Mr. Bright made some allusion to the " comprehensive measures " badi- nage. Such schemes had always come from the Opposition : Lord John Russell suggested some, and Mr. Bright had wished him in office to try his hand; but insuperable obstacles seemed now to have been discovered by him. Sir Robert Peel had proposed another scheme, somewhat vaguely; but if Sir Robert could put it in shape and work it out for the regeneration of Ireland, Mr. Bright believed the universal feeling of the House would be that he should cross to the Ministerial side and try his hand.

Mr. Bright launched into general criticisms of the policy which has hitherto been followed in the government of Ireland. A union with Ire- land has not existed; the union really existing has been one with Ulster only: for a hundred years past the landlords of Ireland have had great power in Parliament, and almost universally secured a legislative course in accordance with their wishes: Ulster bought Protestant ascendency at the price of the general ruin and degradation of her country. The remedies for Ireland have been force and alms. Thousands of armed men have been voted to keep the people in peace, millions of pounds have been voted to keep the people alive; and the disposal of these means has averted the necessity of grappling courageously with the real difficulties of the ques- tion. It is a gross delusion to look for regeneration by the sole means of a rate in aid. The great Irish evil is the almost universal absence of labour: there is no employment; nobody works; therefore there are no wages. MAR 'll av,iBator being asked, " How is it that your countrymen

home as they always do here?" replied, " Give us nce a day there, and you'd see whether we'd work." 1 of the existence of the people, the land, is held under circumstances that make cultivation impossible; it is tied up so that labour cannot be applied. Why should land be thus tied up, more than other raw material—thamcotton? Why should political considerations stand in the way in one case more than the other? The difficulties are chiefly those of defective titles, etrict settlements, and the right of primogeniture. The

first cannot easily be got rid of so long as the present system of entails lett+ The next is produetive otimmense evil to the land, and is fruitful in discord and litigation among families. Lord John Russell had not done wisely in not paying more immediate attention to what should be done in the way of remedy. Sir Robert Peel's plan bad surprised many and de- lighted a few: Mr. Bright admired its end, and some portion of its means; but he confessed with reluctance that it was at present in an impracticable form—

The right honourable Baronet said he did not desire the transfer of property to

take place by individual barter, or that the matter should proceed in its natural course, by which land might become unnaturally cheap. Now, he should like to know whether a man would go to Ireland to buy land unless the cheapness com- pensated for all the other disadvantages to be met with there? There could be no redemption for Ireland by a transfer of land unless by land taking its natural course, and becoming so cheap that capitalists in England, Scotland, and Ireland, would seize it with all its disadvantages. (Ironical cries of " Hear! ") By seizing it, he meant that they would seize with avidity in that case, as in others, a favourable opportunity of investing their capital. He believed that much Irish capital would go to the South and West of Ireland to be invested in land if the measures which were proposed, and the ends which the right honourable Baronet had in view, were facilitated by that House. At Stockport in 1842, property was depreciated to a lamentable extent, and many thousands of persons left the town; about half the manufacturers failed, and property changed hands, passing into the possession of persons of more substantial means. This transfer of property was no doubt a painful process, but it must be submitted to under such circumstances; and he thought that in the present state of Ireland it was the duty of the House not to interfere with the ordinary and natural course of things. What he wanted was, that Parliament should remove every obstacle to the free sale of land; and therein lay the only security to be had for the restoration to prosperity of the pre- sent distressed districts in Ireland.

As to the law of primogeniture, he did not desire the compulsory law of

division existing in France, but only that our own law as to personal pro- perty should govern the descent of real property also. If the practice of leaving the landed property to the eldest son were followed out among the middle classes and in regard to personal property, it would lead to speedy confusion. Although the alteration of the law which he desired to see would not of itself destroy the practice, Parliament would cease to give its sanction to it, and gradually the owners of property would form a more just appreciation of their duty as testators. A registry of deeds might be perfected for not much more than ninepence an acre throughout the country; and, according to the opinion of Mr. Senior, would add went.' years' purchase to the value of the land. Government might also take the waste lands of Ireland at a valuation, and tempt purchasers by offering them in moderate estates. Such appear to to be the only means of attracting capital to Ireland. A maximum rate will never do it; for there was a time when there was no rate at all and yet capital was not attracted. Mr. Bright briefly opposed Sir Robert Peel's emigration proposals: the poor-law returns agree in proving that the land of Ireland is amply sufficient, if made available, to support twice its present population. He warned the nobleman at the head of affairs in Ire- land, that it was not the highest effort of statesmanship to keep the peace in a country where very few men were anxious to go to war, and when he had fifty thousand armed men and the whole power of this kingdom to back him: if that distinguished nobleman intended to be known as a states- man with regard to his rule in Ireland, he must be prepared with measures of a much more practical character.

The Marquis of GRANBY endeavoured to prove the inequality with which a rate in aid would press: and his opposition to the Ministerial measure was backed by Mr. FORTESCUE.

Mr. DISRAELI addressed the House with the object of bringing its deli-

berations to a practical conclusion; and to that end, first stated reasons for considering the Ministerial proposition to be inadequate and impolitic; and then proceeded at great length to deal with the vast and multitudinous con- ception of Sir Robert Peel—which he deemed impossible, nugatory, and unjust.

As to the Ministerial plan, he endeavoured to make out his charge of inadequacy, by statistics to show that the rate in aid would not, even if it brought the 320,0001. it was expected by Ministers to bring, be able to supply a sum as large as was required by the twenty-one distressed unions last year, when the distress was less severe than it is at the present mo- ment. The impolicy of the measure consisted in its printery effect: that measure could not be one conceived in a statesmanlike spirit which com- , menced its work of renovation by forcibly diminishing the capital already so deficient in Ireland. The plan was illusory, being a national rate which the nation did not contribute. How could desolate Connaught add a me; tional rate to the provincial rate which she already failed to raise? Mr. Disraeli turned to Sir Robert Peel's proposition, with the remark that it would be a mockery to omit reference to the opinions expressed by so eminent an authority in so ample and frank a manner.

Last year, Sir Robert opposed the principle which Lord George Rentinck laid down in advocacy of state assistance to commercial enterprise in Ireland. Mr. Disraeli had listened to the demolition of his argument with the admiration due td a master, and had not even attempted a reply. But time had avenged troth; and the answer to Sir Robert's speech was now given in the plans be developed. If his suggestions were founded in deep thought, fine observation, and matured ex- perience, none more readily than Mr. Disraeli would support the policy which should put them in action. Sir Robert's revelations were numerous—not all no- vel; their characteristic feature seemed to be, that somehow or other the state or the society of England was to appropriate to itself those vast regions which were now the scene of so mach misgovernment and misery in Ireland, and that, by happier management and more successful cultivation, results quite opposite to those now realized would be attained, and the regeneration of Ireland would in fact be occasioned by a change in the tenure of land under the happier auspices of the English Government. Combining his two expositions, there seemed to be at the bottom of his mind a considerable home colonization of Connaught. But there was the pervading fallacy of assuming that lands were lying waste and depopu- lated under the operation of the poor-law. But the lands, though deso- late, were not depopulated: there was a population on them, quite sensible of the rights of possession, and insensible to the adverse merits of a Par- liamentary title. Mr. Disraeli recalled a peculiar feature of the first Ulster plantation—that it was accomplished under the inspiring force of a com- munity of religions sentiment. He did not think the House was pre- pared, in the present state of the country, to reinvoke such a power—to re- produce the source of so many calamities. He criticized the machinery Sir Robert Peel proposed to use; sometimes gravely, sometimes with satire. He could not bring himself to believe that the High Commissioners to be called into existence would apply the funds at their disposal with more scrupulosity, econo- my, or ability, than the Commissioners of Public Works, the Guardians, and the Vice-Guardians, who now administer them. So far the plan was impossible and nugatory. The more important feature of a Parliamentary title should be ex- amined narrowly, lest the fascinating eloquence of an experienced statesman should impose on them a crude and ill-advised measure. He had heard in his time many causes assigned for the miseries and misgovernment of Ireland, and there had been nothing more interesting than the variety of changes on that sub- ject. At the earlier part of his public career, it was supposed that Ireland had been miserable and misgoverned on account of the difference of religion between the two countries. Then it was found that the cause was not religious, but po- litical, and that Ireland had not a sufficient number of Members of Parliament. Well, Ireland had an increased number of Members of Parliament; but she re- mained equally miserable and misgoverned as ever. Then it was discovered that the cause was not religious or political, but municipal; Ireland had no Roman Catholic Aldermen. Well, she at last had Roman Catholic Alder- men. They had seen in that House the Lord Mayor of Dublin with his gold chain, and they had now a Lord Mayor from that city without one. But still the misery and misgovernment remiiued; and at last it was discovered that the cause was neither religious, political, nor municipal, but material, and was to be found in the tenure of lands. That opinion prevailed some time; till, again, the cause was suddenly discovered to be social. To the right honourable gentleman was now due the credit of proclaiming that the real cause that Ireland was miser- able and misgoverned was neither religious, political, municipal, material, nor so- cial, but t fat it was legs: it appeared that all this time her Majesty's realm of Ireland had been in Chancery.

The plan in favour of Connaught would be unjust to Ulster. Was an estate in Connaught, on account of the lathes of the proprietor, to be sold, and was the Ulster proprietor to be told—" Your title is reasonablygood; but there is a ruined and dissolute fellow in Connaught who has a Parliamentary title, and your market is destroyed"? To enforce the joint operation of two such measures as the Poor-law in Ireland and the repeal of the Corn-laws, was a political blunder. When the future his- torian—one as well acquainted with the circumstances and as highly accom- plished as that brilliant writer whose absence he as deeply deplored as any man in that House—when he had to recount the past, and tell the world that a statesman introduced the vast experiment of a poor-law in Ireland, and almost simultaneously destroyed the assured and only markets which that country had —whatever his economical theory—however bound to those dogmas which might be so generally true, so partially false—he would say that such a statesman was embarking on the most dangerous and ruinous experiment ever ventured by a Minister. Sir Robert Peel was prepared to go back to the poor-law teat of 1838, rejecting the labour-test; yet he spoke of employing the poor on the roads. Mr. Disraeli would be glad to understand from Sir Robert how these things could be done consistently: he waited to hear the third address of the right honourable Baronet, revised and corrected for public use.

In conclusion, Mr. Disraeli stated the course he should take in reference to the bill.

The need of Ireland was an Imperial need, and she should be treated as an in- tegral part of the United Kingdom. It had been suggested that Ireland would readily contribute, by means of an income-tax, to the necessities of her own poor ; and he certainly should support the Member for Kerry if he brought forward a proposition to that extent. He should support an income-tax combined with the workhouse test, if it terminated that injustice to the land of Ireland to which he was strongly opposed; and, as he considered that aid was required from the Im- rial Exchequer, he saw no reason why it should not be contributed from an Irish income-tax. Six millions might this be fairly brought into play; every species of Irish property might be taxed fairly; and there would be nothing having a tendency to induce mortgagees to foreclose. The time had arrived when England and Ireland must learn to forget: it was useless to go back to the past. It would be unprofitable or worse to examine minutely the blunders of some and the corruption of all. He bailed as a new sera that period when those recollec- tions would vanish with the potato—when the strife which had subsisted between the two countries would be consigned to oblivion. Petty and traditional causes of dissension must be forgotten; both countries must really be united ; and In- land, like the Patriarch in his struggle with the mystic wrestler, would find that when the strife was over she had been contending, not with an oppressor, but with a guardian angel. (Cheers.) Lord Joust RUSSELL commenced with asserting, what had been made matter of charge against him, that the measure before the House was not a comprehensive scheme to form the foundation of the prosperity of Ire- land, but a temporary measure to cure an acute evil which Ireland is at present suffering. Since the removal of those restrictions which formerly fettered the Irish export trade almost as much as a foreign trade, it is right that the greater amount of taxation borne by England should be equalized. The Land-tax, the Assessed Taxes, the Excise-duties, and the Ineome-tax, should be extended in principle and practice to Ireland. If that be just, the question is one of expediency only, whether, instead of such extension, the rate in aid may not be imposed in preference. The Government have chosen the latter course; and it appears to them that they have put on the lighter burden rather than the heavier, in proposing a rate of no more than sixpence in the pound on Irish property. The Government is satisfied of the adequacy of the fund which the measure will raise—

In the course of last year, about 390,0001. was spent in all Ireland: the sum to be raised by the rate is 350,0001.; and 50,000/. has already been granted. As to the mode of raising the necessary sum, and the proposal of an Income-tax in preference to the rate in aid, there will not be any insuperable difference between Government and the Irish Members to prevent the adoption of that form of im- post which may seem to be most agreeable to the Irish people. (Great laughter.) Lord John accepted Mr. Bright's reproach that Government was relying on the employment only of " force and alms "•' and he vindicated the Policy by reference to examples in the history of Scotland and England. In the former country, religious persecution had almost destroyed the country in the reign of Charles the Second. After the Revolution, measures were taken, by which, without extending the same right of relief that existed in England—not so much required in a thinly-peopled country—provision was made for the sup- port of the poor, and for bringing under subjection to the law the evil-doers who had been occupied with rapine and plunder, and for the education and improve- ment of the people at large. In consequence of these simple measures, in twenty or thirty years Scotland assumed a totally different aspect. Industry began to flourish, agriculture enriched every valley with its fruits, and the nation started in that social progress which she has ever since continued. Changes similar to those now working in Ireland were undergone by England in Elizabeth's time. Sir Thomas More describes the ejectinents, the casting down of houses, and the throwing out of poor families upon the wide world by the landlords of his time. The simple measures then resorted to were repressive enactments against crime and sturdy vagrancy, and measures of relief for the poor and infirm. Similar i effects to those produced in Scotland had been followed n England by these enactments. Burleigh and Bacon, Somers and Shaftesbury, relied on no specific scheme for at once producing prosperity; they relied on the natural and legiti- mate means of legislation which, without attempting to direct and force men

into the way of making themselves wealthy and prosperous, gave them security for person and property, and allowed them free scope fur their energies.

Lord John defended the Poor-law, as a law of police and security, as well as one of humanity. He followed Mr. Disraeli in his remarks upon the apparent inconsistency of Sir Robert Peel's advocacy of the workhouse test, at the same time with an employment of ablebodied poor on roads and works; and he insisted that the only sound rule as to relief was to give none to any but the utterly destitute. He intimated his agreement with Disraeli on many points of opinion. He thought it might be well to exempt from advanced rating, for a certain term, the improvements of tenants; he approved the principle of a maximum rate; and he admitted that there should be a reduction of the taxation area He also adverted with approval to the suggestions made by Mr. Disraeli and Sir Robert Peel in aid of emigration; though he did not think, with Sir Robert, that there was no weight in the objections to such aid. There was danger that the enormous sum (about half a million sterling) now remitted to Ireland by successful emigrants in America might be materially diminished if such aid were systematically extended. The result would be merely a transfer to our own shoulders of a burden we do not now bear.

Lord John expressed with great diffidence his doubts concerning the plan promulgated by Sir Robert Peel; admitting that those doubts might arise from misapprehension on his own part.

The High Commission must have compulsory powers, or not. To give a Com- mission such a power as was given by James the First to the Commissioners of forfeited lands, would at the present day be impossible. The cases are totally different. At that time the lands were in the power of the Crown, with no occu- pants: now the lands are not in your power and there is a people in possession. Lord John thought that a plan proposed by himself three years ago, gave at least a foundation to go upon. He had proposed to take lands under a certain value— say half-a-crown an acre—and to let them for lo: g leases: but in that case there was land that you might have possessed, with no people to be got rid of Look at the state of Connaught: you must take the whole province nearly ; and you must take it subject to the poor-rates, or incur an outlay for emigration. But only imagine a Commission taking such a vast extent of country, and becoming responsible for the existence and welfare of so many hundreds of thousands of people! Mr. Disraeli had alluded to a proposal which the Government were about to make for the assistance of one of the railroads in Ireland, and congratu- lated himself that a plan which had been brought forward by Lord George Ben- tinck, and which he had supported, but which had then been opposed by the Go- vernment, should now again be introduced, piecemeal as he called it, by the pre- sent Government. Lord John begged him to recollect, that the original plan for assisting railroads in Ireland was a plan drawn up by a Commission formed under the directions of Lord Melbourne's Government, and that it was introduced to the House by Lord Morpeth when Secretary for Ireland. In conclusion, Lord John pressed the House, if it did not approve the measure in its present shape, to give it at least a second reading— to . . . affirm the principle that Ireland must find some portion of the funds for the relief of her poor: above all, to rely upon known and sound princi- ples of government and of legislation ; net to believe that any one scheme, or any one measure however extensive, can relieve these multiplied woes, but to look rather for the application from time to time of remedies adapted to the occasion. (Cheering) Mr. JOHN O'CoNNELL moved the adjournment of the debate; intimating that several Irish Members were desirous of speaking. After some demur, Lord Joint RUSSELL acceded to the adjournment, on the understanding that a division should be taken next night.

On Tuesday Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL took up the discourse. He retained all his objections to the rate in aid, but saw no present substitute proposed for it. He approved of Mr. Disraeli's plan for advancing money to com- plete railways. He approved also of that part of Lord John Russell's plan relating to drainage and public works. But above all, he recommended consideration of Sir Robert Peel's plan.

It deserved the name of large and comprehensive. It was most creditable and honourable to him, when other statesmen were looking to measures which were mere expedients and stopgaps, that he should come forward and stake his reputa- tion on a plan so large and almost revolutionary in its nature. There were, how- ever, difficulties in the way; the chief of which was the want of money. But the right honourable gentleman could settle that with the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer. He was sure that the right honourable Baronet had not proposed this scheme without well weighing every difficulty in its way. If the right honourable Baronet had to propound this plan himself, or if another was to take it up,. it would appear that he was prepared to meet all the difficulties in its way, in- cluding that of money ; and he would show him the details if the plan could be carried out. He did not know whether, in carrying out the plan of Lord Bacon for a plantation, the right honourable gentleman had adopted that part of it which proposed that a certain proportion of Irish families should be settled in England: if he did, he was sure the right honourable gentleman would find that there were many gentlemen in the West of Ireland who would be very willing to settle here.

Mr. CECIL LAWLESS opposed the new tax on Irish property. They were bound to advance the last farthing in the Imperial treasury to pre- vent persons perishing from destitution in Ireland, before they resorted to the pre- sent tax. The noble Lord folded his arms, and looked complacently on, as if everything was going on well. (" Hear, ;mar !" from Lord John Russell.) Really this was worse than Nero. (Laughter.) Lord CLAUDE HAMILTON repeated many arguments against the Govern- ment measure; contending that it would not raise Ireland to the level of Ulster, but drag down Ulster to the common level. Mr. WILLIAM Become supported the bill, with the recommendation that the Irish should "not call upon Jupiter so often." He approved of Sir Robert Peel's plan, if it meant a commission to sell embarrassed estates. A promising precedent is found in the West Indian Compensation Com- mission; which paid away 20,000,0001., and disposed of 100,000 claims; 30,000 of them being disputed claims under French law, Dutch law, Span- ish law, and English law: yet the claims were satisfactorily adjudicated in- about four years. Mr. Saes/maw CRAWFORD opposed the rate. He had listened with ad- miration to Sir Robert Peel's speech; but hinted that tenant-right, which had originated in the plantation of Ulster, might induce all the prosperity that was anticipated from the plantation itself. Sir DENHAM NORRZYS supported the rate in aid; only it should have been ninepeuce or a shilling in the pound, instead of sixpence: he satirised

Mr. Bright's cold philosophy, and the loyalty of Ulster; but believed that the only salvation of Ireland depended upon the principles put forward by Mr. Bright and Sir Robert Peel; though he intimated objection to all the compulsory part of Sir Robert's plan.

Mr. MONSELL wondered that Government should persist with the mea- sure in spite of the universal testimony against it, even from their own offi- cers. It fails because it attempts to deal with national famine by the ma- chinery of a mere poor-law. They had heard that 11-19ths of the union of Clifden had gone out of cultiva- tion, and he understood that such was the low state of destitution into which the inhabitants of the South-west were sunk, that in one district, during one of the frosty, but seasonable nights of January last, a number of people had actually perished of cold. The better class of farmers were rapidly leaving the country. Since September last they had been seized with a panic, and they were emigrating and carrying their capital along with them. And these were not features which were confined to the twenty-one unions so often referred to; they extended to many other districts in the South of Ireland. In one district in particular, there were formerly ten proprietors who had been in the habit of giving employment; they were now, with the exception of two or three, totally rained. One was in gaol, one or two had fled, another had had his property sold for poor-rates—in fact they were totally crushed. He assured the House, that if ever there was a system formed for getting rid of an inconvenient class or race—for getting rid tf them slowly but surely—such a system was at work in Ireland. He did not mean to say that the intentions of the Government were to do anything of the sort ; but they were steering by the winds and waves rather than by the compass —they were thinking more of gaining majorities in this House than of devising measures for the real relief of Irish distress.

The proposal made by Sir Robert Peel has created the profoundest sensation in Ireland.

The great feature of that proposition was, that instead of persevering in the policy of making advances of money to be swallowed in a Serbonian bog of pau- perism, the right honourable Baronet proposed so to deal with the social state of the country as to enable capital, without being diverted from its natural course, to flow into Ireland. He trusted and believed that the arguments used against the proposition of the right honourable Baronet would have no weight with the House or the country. As for the noble Lord opposite, he stated last night, very distinctly, what his views were as to the future prospects of Ireland; and a more cheerless and hopeless speech it never had been his lot to listen to. The noble Lord spoke of the mode in which England had been dealt with at the time of Elizabeth: indeed, he appeared to wish to make out that the 43d of Elizabeth had somehow produced Milton and Bacon. (Laughter.) But if the system which the noble Lord advocated were to be enforced, and everything was allowed to go on as it now did on the other side of St. George's Channel, England would soon suffer as deeply as the worst portion of Ireland. Mr. HORSMAN repeated with much force the objections to the Govern- ment measure—a measure to tax especially those who had been indus- trious. Mr. Bright seemed to consider it merely an extension of the Poor- law : but there is all the distinction between such a measure and the present as there would be between extending the police force of Man- chester and sacking the town. Lord John Russell's reasons for the rate in aid were neither satisfactory nor statesmanlike. As far as the plan is concerned, Ireland may be expected to be in the same condition in 1859 that she was in 1639. The whole scheme of Government ought to have been laid before the House. Sir Robert Peel evidently thought so. Sir Robert had done justice to the greatness of the occasion; his view of the future and the manner in which he would deal with that country were equally statesmanlike: but he had only acted the part which was to be expected from his position and his patriotism. SirlAurnun BROOKE blamed Government for proceeding with a mea- sure against all sound authority. He approved of the greater part of Sir Robert Peel's plans; and he should most heartily wish to see them carried out practically.

He knew of no man in Europe capable of carrying out those plans equal to the right honourable Baronet; and it would be worth while for every Irish gentleman in the House to unite in a memorial to her Majesty's Government requesting them to appoint a commission, with the right honourable Baronet at its head ; but upon the understanding that he was not to return till he had carried out his plan to the satisfaction of the country. Mr. REYNOLDS reluctantly supported the rate in aid, in default of any immediate substitute. He hailed Sir Robert Peel's proposition. It had been read very attentively in Ireland, and to his own knowledge had made a very strong and favourable impression in that country. The people of that country believed that, although the right honourable Baronet had not yet put before the country the details of his plan, at all events the frame- work was good. The right honourable gentleman seemed to have directed his attention to the cardinal point, namely, making the land of Ireland available for the support of the people of Ireland. He believed, after all, that the misery of the country might be traced to the non-employment of the people upon the4and. Mr. Disraeli was fond of dissecting the right honourable Baronet the Member for Tamworth, but last night the attempt appeared to be a total failure. He said the right honourable Baronet's plan was inadequate, unjust, and incompetent, and he used a whole lot of other phrases; but after going though the whole plan, he showed this, at all events—that he is perfectly inno- cent of all knowledge of Ireland and of Irish affairs. In the first place, he cast the lot of the commissioners in a part of Ireland where they were most unlikely to take up their residence, namely, in Limerick. The most fertile spot in Ireland was in the immediate vicinity of Limerick, and the land let at double the prices got elsewhere. It occurred to him, therefore, that the honourable gentleman did not know much of the geography of Ireland. He next said it would be dangerous to establish a plantation in Connaught, in consequence of the sectarian feeling that prevailed there; thus proving that he was grossly ignorant of the state of feeling in Ireland. Thank God, although there were many drawbacks upon them, that drawback did not exist. Mr. TENNENT gave the Government measure his most determined op- position. Mr. HENRY DR UMMOND declared that it would not go down. Captain A.RCILDALL was surprised that Lord John Russell should persist in the plan, after the hostility manifested against it in all quarters: he must be a dare-devil to suppose that he could succeed with such a measure.

The House divided—For the second reading, 193; against It, 138; major- ity, 55. The bill was then read a second time.

COLONIAL POLICY.

On the motion, by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, that the House at its rising should adjourn till Monday the 16th April, Mr. HOME objected to the ad- journment beyond the 14th—the West India packet day ; and be proceeded to indulge in general strictures on the dissatisfaction and discontent now going on in every one of our colonies except Canada. Governors are against Assemblies, and Assemblies against Councils, in a manner that is disgraceful to this country, and that can only lead to the most lamentable results. He could not understand why the Colonies—as Jamaica, which used to be held out as a pattern—should not be allowed to make such re- ductions in their expenditure as they thought fit. He wished to know if any steps were taken respecting Demerara and Jamaica, and in the Colo- nies generally, to extend the principle of self-government, which is so com- pletely successful in Canada under the able administration of Lord Elgin. Lord JOHN RUSSELL commented on the new occasion taken for expres- sing an opinion on the Colonies; and defended Lord Grey against the at- tacks so unsparingly made on his administration of forty-three colonies; those colonies having various institutions, and being inhabited by different races. Show us forty-three other independent states, with regard to the government of which perfect unanimity and contentment prevail! As to the Cape of Good Hope, "there is now a plan under consideration pro- posed by Sir Henry Smith, by which representative institutions, and a great deal of popular control on the part of the people of that colony, will be introduced into the government." As to British Guiana, a Select Com- mittee is now inquiring; so he would not go into the state of that colony, further than to state that Lord Grey does not oppose change in the civil list, but says it must not be made at present: the bargain made in 1844 must be kept; in 1851 it will be over, and then the colonists may make what reductions they please. Lord John agreed in the general proposition, that wherever you have a British colony, and men of British descent who are capable of governing themselves, you ought to give them a popular representation: they should look to their own con- cerns, and we should take their advice and opinion with regard to their own af- fairs, which is likely to be a good deal better than that of any Colonial Minister, be he Lord Grey or any other man. But that maxim must be carried into effect with caution, with prudence, and with regard to the actual condition of each par:• ticular colony. INSPECTION OF MINES.

In reply to Mr. HUME, Sir GEORGE GREY stated that the attention of Government had been directed to the subject of explosions from fire-damp in coal-mines, and he hoped that some effectual measure would speedily be applied.

SUNDAY TRAVELLING ON RAILWAYS.

Mr. LOCKE moved for leave to bring in a bill to secure to the public on Sundays a limited and responsible use of the railways which convey pas- sengers on the other days of the week. This was opposed by Mr. FORBES, Mr. STAFFORD, and others; and partially supported by Mr. Lanoucukaa and Sir GEORGE GREY. On a division, the motion was carried by 58 to 20; and leave was given. ORDER OF PUBLIC BUSINESS.

The House of Commons agreed on Monday to a resolution moved by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, " that on Thursday the 19th of April, and on every alternate Thursday ollowing, orders of the day shall have precedence of notices of motion." In the speech with which Lord John introduced his motion, he stated that the two days a-week given to Government are in sufficient to enable it to introduce the increasing number of bills with which it is now charged. The consequence is, that many bills are brought in so late in the session that there is a very thin attendance in the Com- mons, and so thin an attendance in the House of Lords that their Lordships naturally refuse to proceed. If the plan now proposed had been adopted earlier in the session, the business would be in a more satisfactory position. He thought it might be arranged, that important bills not disposed of on Wednesday should be proceeded with on Thursday. Every alternate Thursday at least should be allotted to Government measures after Easter; and circumstances might arise at an advanced period to make it necessary that the other Thursday also should be ceded. NOTICES OF MOTION IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

An immense number of notices stand on the paper, but few are of any especial interest. We subjoin those few.

Tuesday, April 24. Mr. COBDEN—That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying she will be graciously pleased to direct her Principal Secre- tary of State for Foreign Affairs to enter into communication with Foreign Powers, inviting them to concur in treaties, binding the respective parties, in the event of any future misunderstanding which cannot be arranged by amicable negotiation, to refer the matter in dispute to the decision of arbitrators. Mr. Mussus—An amendment to Mr. Cobden's motion respecting arbitration, That it is desirable that this country should use its influence with Foreign Go- vernments to prevent war and bloodshed; or, where this is not practicable, to in- duce the contending parties to suspend hostilities, so as to give time for the full consideration of the evils they are about to suffer and inflict. Mr. MILNER GIBSON—To call the attention of the House to the state of our relations with the empire of Brazil, and to submit a motion for the repeal of the Brazilian Act 8 and 9 Vic., c. 122. Thursday, April 26. Mr. SLANEY—TO move for the appointment of a Stand- ing Committee or unpaid Commission, to consider and report from time to time on practical measures (unconnected with political changes) likely to improve the condition of the working classes, to encourage their industry, and increase their contentment. After the Recess; no Day fired. Mr. MONSELL—TO call the attention of the House to the question of Emigration in its relation to the interests of Ireland. Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH—To submit to the consideration of the House a motion on the subject of the Colonial Policy of the British Empire.

The Select Committee of the House of Lords on the operation of the Irish Poor-law have passed resolutions against the rate-in-aid scheme. The following are the most important of the series-

" The inadequacy of the general rate for the purposes of relief is clearly proved in the papers laid before Parliament, and in the evidence taken before the Com- mittee. It is not suggested by any witness examined, that the amount of des- titution will be less, or the amount of rate that can be collected will be greater, in the more distressed districts in 1849, than it has been in 1848: on the con- trary, it may be justly apprehended that the pauperism will be increased, whilst the value of rateable property is diminished. The maximum produce of the 2j per cent rate cannot, even if collected over the whole of Ireland, amount to 330,0001. In twenty-one unions, the statistics of which are given in detail, (Papers on the Distressed Districts, presented by command, p. 10,) the total expenditure for the last year has exceeded 468,0001.; whilst the rate collected was below 200,0001.; thus showing a deficit of 259,0001. If to the latter amount is added the net debt of 123,0001. due in September 1848, the lowest sum that will be required for those twenty-one unions, beyond their own local resources, will exceed the whole produce of the general rate in aid, assuming the entire success of its collection throughout all Ireland, and assuming further that no district other than the twenty-one unions named will require as-

sistance. • • •

" The imposition of an income-tax upon Ireland would afford better security for the repayment of any temporary advances which it may be necessary, to make for the relief of the destitute poor, and for other measures for improving their condition; and other resources for the same purposes might be found by the repayment of the loans advanced for the erection of the union workhouses."