The state of parties in Ireland still occupies the first
place in the public mind. Lord Kenyon, who either is or was Grand Master of the Orange Lodges in Great Britain, has put forth his opinions of the present crisis, in a long address to the Protestants of both countries ; urging them to step forward and by their exertions "call down the mercies of Heaven," to rescue the Protestants of Ireland and the constitution from such a curse as the "restoration of power to Popery." His Lordship thinks the time is come, when the Protestants must either defend or abandon their religion, and in what they are to do, he advises them to depend solely on their own exertions, "anti not on those of princes, prelates, nobles, politicians, or Parliament, as some of the last sessions of Parliament have shewn how little safe it is to trust to such quarters for security :" in conclusion, he wishes every parish to unite in a declaration of its attachment to the Protestant constitution, and thus nerve the strength of its friends and preserve it to posterity. Mr. Lawless has for some time been journeying through the North of .Ireland, organizing the collection of the Catholic rent, and establishing the new club system. A circular issued from the county club of Waterford, thus describes the object of these associations : "These clubs and meetings are to have for object keeping every man in constant readiness for future elections, maintaining the registries, inquiring into and giving information of any persecution of freeholders, &c., and promoting good order, perfect subordination to the laws, political knowledge, and liberal feeliug, as much as possible hi the parish." Where a club is formed they are expected to report every three months, if not oftener, to the county club. The clubs are to contribute threepence a week ; and are to have in return a weekly paper for their information. At the Aggregate Meeting of the Province of Munster, held at Clonmel last week, a letter was read from Mr. John Holey Hutchinson, member for the county, declining to attend the meetine-, as he could not pledge himself to a systematic opposition to the Wellington Ministry, though he was favourable to emancipation. The terms in which this letter was conceived gave great offence to the Catholic leaders ; and in commenting on it, they let it be plainly understood, that if Mr. Hutchinson was to stand upon his dignity, he should lose the county of Tipperary. There was a grand dinner next day. The room was fitted up with great splendour ; and portraits of Grattan, Sheridan, and other patriots of Ireland, adorned the walls. Every house in the town was illuminated.
The Dublin Evening Post, speaking of the Clare meeting, remarks that there was "not a single nobleman, not a single member of the House of Commons, and hut very few Protestants of any rank," attended it ; and this circumstance it records with pain. Mr. Jephson, the member for Mallow, was present at the dinner, but he did not countenance the meeting.
A writer in the Globe says, that since the Clare election, there " seems to be a great falling off in the supporters of the Catholics, in the highest ranks in this Protestant country." The establishment of Brunswick Clubs too has made a manifest separation between all classes, from the highest to the lowest. In every public place, in every private society, politics are the only subject, and they are neither discussed with reason nor calmness. Society, consequently, is breaking open into knots ; and in a few months it is thought that a broad line of demarcation will be drawn between Catholics and Protestants.
Mr. Sheil, at a meeting of the Catholic Association on Saturday last, plainly admitted the same fact.
"It must not now be denied that the division between Protestants and Catholics is becoming every day more marked. Even those who express themselves favourable to the justice of our claims, are manifestly withdrawing themselves from our side. I do not tell this that the Catholics may read a passionate lesson upon the inconsistency of those persons ; no, my object is to point to the progress of events, to show circumstances in a clear light. On one side are the Catholics arraying and disciplining themselves—their numbers augmenting—their intelligence increasing, and their organization becoming more perfect ; while, on the other hand, we find the Brunswick Club ascending into existence. It has been the habit of some to speak of this club with contempt ; but I confess I cannot feel contempt for that institution. It is another symptom of the state of society. What do we behold ? On one side the Catholic Association—a body produced by the wrongs of the country—oppression and indignant feeling have been the parents of this body, which has now ascended to such a fearful magnitude, its roots spread throughout the soil, while the ramification of its branches has reached the highest regions of society. (Cheers.) What do we see rising on the other side ; another body, that has adopted the Association as its model, even in its beginning, in the very incipient state of its existence. I can see matter of disastrous consequence. I cannot regard this body with contempt. It is a proof to me of the profound passion that at the present moment fills the public mind. On one side we behold the Brunswick Club, on the other the Catholic Association. They are two bodies, representative of the two factions by which the empire is at the present moment torn. What must be the result if both bodies be permitted to meet? The shock cannot but be tremendous. Their arms are not now entwined in deadly struggle ; but with the terrific power and passions that are arrayed on both sides, should the struggle take place, must not the consequences be most direful, and the probability be that the right interests of the country woi iId be forgotten by them ? This, then, is the period for a man who loves his country, anxious for the public peace, regardful of humanity, thoughtful of that posterity of which his own children must form component parts —this is the time for such a man to put an end to such a frightful state of things, and prevent the consequences of the dreadful scenes that are before him. Good God ! will any man, who has the power to prevent it, allow such a state of things to continue? It has been said, with great justice, that such a body as the Association should not, in a country properly governed, be allowed to exist. This has been called an imperium in iniperw ; but if the other body can continue, it will be a power that will trample on all authority. The Catholic Association, I have said, is a relative good here ; but in any country that was well governed it would not be so. But this country is not well governed; there is the distinction. (Hear.) Any body exercisin., a dominionwhich amounted to a despotism, in any country but this would be an evil ; but here it is not so, because the law which has produced it is the evil, and this is the consequence of it—destroy the parent, and the offspring will perish of itself. The Catholic Association has produced sufficient disturbance ; but a Protestant Association will supply a vast additional ingredient to that disturbance.—Good God ! are we to be permitted to advance in the career of national phrenzy ? Is the nation to be permitted to be thus agitated and arrayed—will not the shock of the combatants, when they close together, shake it to its centre? The charge has not yet been sounded, nor has the cry yet gone forth for the different parties to fall on ; but when it is, * * *. We are actually in scenes, the horrors of which we are scarcely conscious of. We are like men carried on by some vast good, the rapidity of which we know not like those placed in a ship, who feel not that which the calm spectators on land can plainly perceive—the force and power of the tide that is bearing us along. Let us, if we can, withdraw as actors from the terrific drama ; and what do we behold ? A nation of seven millions—and now that the Protestants are rising up, of eight millions, ready to meet in deadly combat; and if they do meet, what must happen ? Do the government never ask themselves the question ? An incautious blow—one spark of fire— might throw the whole country, loaded as it is with combustible materials, and ignite a terrific fire, which could not but end in a national explosion. Therefore do I advise to the Catholics forbearance ; let them not give to their antagonists an opportunity of wreaking their vengeance On them. We are now in their power, and God forbid the time should ever come when they should be in ours. I do not desire that such a time should arrive—God forbid I should indulge in the aspiration when they should be at the mercy of seven millions of an indignant and infuriated population. But were it to be the case that we were in their power, in a week they could cut us down. (Loud cries of No, never!) Let not pride lead us astray ; in a time of peace, when the yeomanry are fully armed, when the Orangemen could have the Duke of Wellington's forces, they could crush the power of this country easily. I say this, that it may be a warning and admonition to the people for the purpose of preventing them giving an opportunity to those who would wish to 'shed torrents of blood.' Let us not be led astray. (Hear.) We know they wish for a rebellion. (Hear and cheers.) Can any man doubt it ? (Cries of 'NO, ,no!) Well, then, my advice is, that whatever may be the result, we should not give them the opportunity. (` No,' and cheers.) By remaining at peace, we shall, we must, succeed. By the display of our moral force we must prevail. Our power does not arise from threats or menaces, but from the condensation of the scattered feelings of the Irish people. in one great cause—let us persevere in our exertions—let our despotism be shown at the hustings, and that be the great field of our victories.—We have already done much, and we are succeeding rapidly."
The subscriptions to the Dublin Brunswick Club are pouring in very fast. One gentleman has sent 1,0001.; a lady has given 500/. ; and various other sums of 100/. and smaller amounts have been received.
There was a Protestant dinner at Sligo, last week, at which the Rev. Mr.. Seymour was the principal speaker. His speech touched but little on the present engrossing subjects of agitation and alarm ; but it was valuable for its outline of the domestic history of Ireland during the last two centuries, and for the details of the connexion which has at different times existed between the Protestant landlord and his tenants, whether Catholics or Protestants. This connexion has invariably had political influence and high rents for its foundation ; and from this prevailing principle of selfishness and cupidity, on their parts, Mr. Seymour contends that the Irish aristocracy have themselves alone to blame, if they find that they have high rents and no influence.
After the accession of William, (to pursue the outline of Mr. Seymour's argument, which we give in an abridged form,) the Irish Protestants were a numerous body, devoted to the cultivation of the soil, and the improvement of the land, for which they paid a moderate rent. The Catholics were their bondmen,—poor, ignorant, and superstitious. But in process of time they thought of bettering their situation, and they began to outbid the Protestant for his farm. The landlord, greedy of gain, preferred the highest bidder ; the farms were divided into patches for a number of families ; the Protestant rapidly lost his ascendancy, and was forced to seek shelter, either in England, from which their ancestors had come, or in the wilds of America,—many of those who remained lapsing into the religion of the Papists. At this period, the existence of the Irish parliament was limited only by the demise of the crown; and hence, the country gentlemen had no political influence to exercise, and saw not the value of a devoted peasantry at a contested election. The passing of the Octennial bill, in 1768, changed the face of affairs. The Catholics could not vote at an election ; and hence another species of interest again led the landowners to look to the Protestants, even though the rents were not quite so high as those offered by Catholics. They were encouraged to settle ; every farm, as it fell out of lease, was given to them ; and they were making rapid strides to acquire a greater ascendancy than that which they had lost by the covetousness of their superiors. All tins, however, was at once and sweepingly undone in 1793, when the bill was passed conferring the elective franchise on Catholic forty-shilling freeholders. The Protestant thus lost his especial interest with the landlord, which was his vote ; the temptation of high rents and elective influence prevailed; the Protestant was driven from his farm ; the ground was given to a single Papist, or cut up into innumerable forty-shilling holdings. Thus the avarice of the landlords brought its own punishInca, in their being now, at elections, compelled to stoop, and woo, and kiss, and lick the feet of those serfs upon whom a few years since they trampled in the utterness of their contempt. The last general election partly opened their eyes, but it was the late contest for Clare which fully revealed to them their own insignificance in a Political contest; and unless they speedily discover a remedy, and manfully adopt it, their territorial influence will be gone for ever, and they will become the just victims of their own avaricious folly and the dupes of priestcraft. The only remedy they could adopt was to tear out Popery root and branch—to abjure high rents, and encourage the settlement of those Protestants who are daily expatriating themselves because they can find no resting-place at home. The rent, however, was the grand stumbling block. I'rotestants are not encouraged, because they will not promise a rent which they know they cannot afford to pay. "Time Protestant," said Mr. Seymour, "requires decent clothing, and that costs something ; he requires reasonable food, and that costs something ; he requires education, that costs something ; he requires some ordinary decencies and comforts in his house and living, and they cost something ; and above all, he will not covenant to pay what he knows he cannot pay ; so that altogether his expenses are such as to prevent him paying so high a rent as the Papist, who if he has any hovel, which cannot be called a human dwelling, with a pig at one end and a few potatoes at the other, and a wife in the midst, to assist in increasing the seven millions of the Priests' 'hereditary bondsmen,' requires no more except an opportunity of promising more than he can ever pay ; and therefore being at little or no expense, he is able to offer a higher rent and to outbid the Protestant." There is a Popish and a Protestant price for land, and the landlord who wishes to have valuable Protestants on his estate, must depart from his Popish price; but here he was afraid the matter would rest, for it would be as hard to persuade a gentleman to fall from one thousand pounds a year to. eight..hundred, as it was to prevail on the lawyer in the gospel to 561 .a.501d.111bi " There it will stick as it did through the last
century, so it will through the future, till some terrible revolution shall destroy the present system of property altogether."
Among the remedies suggested for the state of Ireland by those who desire.to see the possibility of any remedy rather than Emancipation, are the disfranchisement of the Catholic 40s. freeholders —which of course is to be an act of the Legislature, and the ejectment, as speedily as possible, of all Catholic tenants from their farms, and their replacement by Protestants—which are to be the acts of the Protestant gentry. As to the second of these remedies, without which the first would be of little use to its authors, it would be very consoling, but for one difficulty, viz.—that it cannot be administered. If the Catholic peasantry throughout Ireland could be replaced by Protestants, we should have little occasion to trouble ourselves about emancipation. But how is this to be done ? Mr. Seymour thinks that nothing more is necessary than that the gentry should give up a portion—a pretty considerable portion—of their rents (for Popish tenants, he says, outbid Protestants), and this, of course, every landholder ought to be willing to do.— But supposing this simple sacrifice (which is very easily supposed) to be made, what is the result ? A war is declared on five-sixths of the occupiers of the soil, who are to be informed that they are devoted, for the sake of their religion, to beggary and destruction at the expiration of their present interests. Is this to make the people less united to their leaders ? Is this to destroy or to deaden the feeling of common interest which holds them together? To disfranchise the Catholic 40s. freeholders would only be to show the same enmity, without even the hopes of producing a marked effect ; but, like the other remedy, it would never be ventured upon. Shift, and turn, and wriggle, as the enemies of religious liberty may, there are no remedies applicable to the case of Ireland but justice and kindness ; and this they prove, if by nothing else, by the futile ones they suggest.—Globe.
Some of the Orange papers in Dublin assert, that notwithstanding the remarkable speech at Derry, "Mr. Secretary Dawson has NOT changed his views upon the Roman Catholic question." This is nearly as remarkable as the speech itself; but the fact is in some sort vouched for by the leading evening journal which so stoutly advocates the politics of Orangemen in England.
"The time and the danger preclude courtesy. We shall therefore speak out; though in doing so, we may seem to violate the sacredness of private conversation. The day following the Derry celebration, or the day succeeding to that, Mr. Dawson was, we are informed, questioned with some severity upon the subject of his speech, at the table of Sir George Hill; the Hon. Gentlemen alleged in explanation of his conduct, that his only object was to put the Protestants of the empire in full possession of their danger, and of the view taken of it by the Cabinet. The danger, he said, was manifest to themselves. The Association conspiracy was in fact the government of the country, and unless put down by force or by compliance, it must continue to be the government, with constantly in creasing power. ` The Minister,' said Mr. Dawson, whose particular sphere is the House of Commons, has declared, after deliberate inquiry and consideration, that the Lower House of Parliament will not enable the Administration to put down the pestilent conspiracy ; and as it cannot be put down by force, there only remains to make the best terms that can be made for the country.'"—Standard, Friday.
There is a report in an Irish paper that Sir George Hill had swerved from his Orange faith. "A weak invention of the enemy," we suppose. It has been reported that Parliament is to be called together in November, for the purpose of appointing a Committee to inquire into the means of removing the disabilities of the Roman Catholics, and to report, when the House meets regularly in February. It appears from a Dublin paper to be in contemplation to call upon the Protestants not to have any dealings with Catholics ; and it is hinted that the best way to avert this threatened evil would be for the Catholics to call on the Association to rescind their " nonintercourse act," which mandate advises them not to deal with Protestants.
The Catholic priests in the North of Ireland are said to be actively engaged in exhorting their respective flocks not to enlist in any of the recruiting parties now beating up throughout the province.
A Mayo paper says that the Marquis of Sligo has avowed his determination to oppose every Ministry who will not concede to the Catholics the privileges of the constitution. The Marquis of Anglesea, on Saturday visited Donnybrook Fair, attended by Lord William Paget and two other gentlemen, but without either a servant, a soldier, or a policeman. The confidence thus manifested was repaid by every mark of respect and affection on the part of the multitude ; who remarked, that his Excellency was the first Lord Lieutenant who had ever condescended to visit "the Brook."
