THE LIBERALS—THEIR POSITION.
Tim position of the Liberal party at the first recommencement of business in Parliament will be one of the most perplexing that they have for a long time had to accept. It looks, indeed, worse than it really- is ; but it may also be made far worse than it is by certain not improbable mistakes. There are two faults into which they might easily be betrayed,—either a too easy submis- sion of themselves to the guidance of unauthorized leaders, or a too impatient wrangling with some statesmen who are pretty sure to attempt the lead. In using the word "Liberals," we are now speaking of those
who are not to be judged entirely by their voting on one side or the other during divisions in the present or the last session; we are speaking of those who would be judged rather by the test of their opinions and public declarations, especially perhaps by their known sentiments on the subject of Parliamentary Reform. There are several reasons why that test is the most convenient and trustworthy at the present day. In using the word, then, we speak of such men, especially in the House of Commons, as would support a measure for correcting the greatest abuses of our elec- toral system, coupled with a substantial extension of the suffrage so as to take in intelligent, independent, and numerous classes, that are now excluded. The majority that is all confounded -tra- der the general name "Liberal" will occupy the whole Left of the House ; while the Liberal party properly so called may be described in general terms as being "below the gangway."
. On the same side of the House, above it, the Liberals will see another party claiming the title of Liberal, having possession of the lead, and prepared to stand forward in the ex-official per- formance of Parliamentary duties in the name of the Liberal party. The estate will be held by those who do suit and service more or less under false pretences. It is probable that the imme- diate object of the strategy which will prevail on that part of the Liberal side will be a retulen to office, or at all events the reten- tion of the lead : those objects will be paramount, the furtherance
of the permanent objects of the Liberal party will be subordinate. The Liberals will see the course of the majority diverted to infe- rior objects ; they will see their strength employed for party if not personal purposes ; and if they make a stand against that malversation of political power, they will be accused of attempt- ing "to divide the Liberal party." If they suffer themselves to be provoked into any exhibitions of temper, into any overstrained. indignation with their spurious leaders, they will give colour to the accusation, and will probably see the country at large seduced from them and won over to the soi-disant Liberals. It will therefore need great clearness of purpose, great firmness of will, and greateontrol of temper, to maintain a steady course without lending opportunity to those whose policy it will be to divert the public from real issues.
With that party of untoward allies on. "their right hand, the Liberals will see in front of them a party doing their work ; for
the new Ministers enter into office to carry out constant progress, moral, social, and political. Some of Lord Derby's colleagues are tried hands at improvement. It is probable that we may have from Lord Derby some Reform Bill, which will be at least a bird in the hand, and better than Lord Palmerston's aviary in the bush • so that the Tory party in possession may possibly excel the Libe- ral Ministers that have immediately preceded it. Thus, by the
default of the late Cabinet, the present Cabinet may acquire a character as a Liberal Government de facto, and so assist the pseudo-Liberals on the other side to throw the genuine Liberals in the shade.
Thus placed between two fires, the Liberals may find them- selves in a minority for the moment, with their occupation ap- parently gone. It is most important that they should distinctly perceive that which is their true course. We do not say that they should invent a course—contrive some ingenious plan of action which would thrust themselves into popularity and power ; for it will not do to combat shadows with shadows shams with counter- shams. The true strength of the Liberals ?will lie in combating fiction with reality; their course must be one dictated by the facts of the case. What then are they to do ? Their duty is to keep watch for the public interests. They will have plenty of opportunities. In the French question, they have
to assist in securing peace without "humiliation and shame, and with justice to all sides. India they have to protect alike against the narrowness of vested interests and the wild possibilities of an Indian viceroy at the Board of Control. They have to protect the money-laws against any act of "consistency " on the part of Mr. Disraeli and compromise or tampering from any side. Parlia- mentary Reform they must vindicate against any conceivable compromises between those who have become competitors for the name of passing a Reform Bill and for the reality of preventing such a bill as the Liberals themselves would originate. Law Re- form is to be protected against advocacy, official or ex-official, in- tended to retard it ; Administrative Reform, against the politic oblivion which may be convenient to the incoming Conservatives. In short, the opportunities of the Liberals will be more numerous than those of the Ministers or even of the ex-Ministers—more numerous than both put together. In some cases it will be the duty of the Liberals to enforce public objects through the Govern- ment. For example, they may now attain, through the political friends of Mr. Napier, what they had not the faintest hope of ob- taining through Lord Palmerston 's Lord Chancellor, a Ministry of Justice. Sometimes the Liberals will have to enforce public objects despite the Government; but in either way they will be strengthening confidence in their own consistency, patriotism, and capacity. This is a course which is practical, not factious, yet calculated to put the Government to the severest\though fairest of Liberal tests.
The old divisions of party have been broken down, but the House of Commons may be broadly divided into three parties. The overt fight between Liberals and Reactionaries has ceased ; the Tory market is entirely closed, and the present House has none but Liberal" parties. They are—first, in possession, the new Liberal party de facto, whom habit and. instinct will teach to re- concile a minimum of Liberal concession with a maximum of residuary Conservatism ; secondly, the Liberals pro fermi, who take advantage of Parliamentary etiquette to claim precedence in the execution of Liberalism; and thirdly, the Liberals whose business it is to win in the competition for public support by proving their party the best agency for the opinions, wishes, and intentions of the country.
If the Liberals thus faithfully prosecute the public objects of the day, an important condition will be incidentally secured. The main body, merged in the laxly-recruited and laxly-led horde -which has lately passed by the name, has been weakened under the twofold process of division in its own ranks and a de- moralizing union under false colours. From that bondage it is now released; but the effects of division are likely to be per- ceptible in uncertain councils and perhaps in surviving rancours. But in labouring for common objects, the leaders of the Liberal party will find themselves working together'. In vindicating our
national independence and promoting military reform a SidneyHerbert will find himself working by the side of a John Russell; in insisting upon a sufficient Parliamentary Reform a Russell will find himself in the same corps with a Locke King and a Bright ; in looking to the efficipney of our Navy, a Bright will find himself side by side with' a Graham ; in enforcing the im- mutable laws of sound finance, a Gladstone and a Cardwell will take their places in that Cabinet for the People.
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