THE MAGAZINES.

THE three articles on "Imperial Reciprocity" which stand first in the new Nineteenth Century are all more or less favourable to Mr. Chamberlain's proposal. Sir Herbert Maxwell, indeed, hails it with enthusiasm as having "come

in the nick of time to save a great party from going to pieces." At the same time, he is careful to disavow any intention of recognising in Mr. Chamberlain's announcement the unfurling of the Protectionist flag. His chief argument appears to be that the Empire cannot be held together by sentiment; that we are powerless in present circumstances to offer Colonial Governments any substantial inducement to remain within the Empire, and are reduced to the hrtmiliating confession that we cannot reciprocate the handsomelrecog- nitions which some of the Colonies have made voluntarily of their obligations to the Mother-country. The strangest thing in the article is an elaborate attempt to institute a parallel between the eremite craze in the fourth and fifth centuries and the uncompromising attitude of the apostles of Free- trade. " Just as, in course of time, the humiliating cloud of asceticism was rolled away from Christendom, so, it seems, is a way of escape now opened from the blighting influence of doctrinaire enthusiasts." This recondite parallel does more credit to Sir Herbert Maxwell's extensive reading than to his economic insight. Sir Gilbert Parker, who follows in a much more guarded strain, gives a qualified approval to the new fiscal policy. He does well to insist that we must not assume that the risk lies altogether with us, and contends that its failure would hit the Colonies far harder than the Mother-country. Finally, Mr. Benjamin Taylor contends that the reciprocal arrangement contemplated by Mr. Chamberlain is not only not adverse to, but actually conducive to, Free-trade, on the ground that if we grant preferential duties on British Im- perial goods, we shall probably have overtures of concessions from other countries in exchange for the same preferences.— The most speculative arguments of the Preferentialists, how- ever, are convincing compared with the extraordinary scheme for " Home-rule without Separation" put forward by Sir Drummond Wolff. This is, briefly, to substitute for the Lord- Lieutenant a "Prince of Ireland," and to establish an Irish Imperial Parliament--Lords and Commons—and "a Secretary of State for Ireland, generally living there, responsible both to the Irish and Imperial Parliaments, and surrounded by repre- sentatives of the different Imperial departments " (including India). It is further suggested that once in two or three years the whole Imperial Parliament should assemble in Dublin. —Mr. McGrath sends a very interesting résumé of the events relating to the Atlantic fisheries question which have led to the Bond-Hay Treaty between Newfoundland and the United States, which comes up for ratification when next Congress meets. The claim advanced by Newfoundland for separate treatment is irreconcilable with Canada's contention that the British North American fisheries are to be regarded as a unit; but in view of Lord Knutsford's explicit assurance in 1892 that Canada's opposition could not be maintained in- definitely, it is not to be wondered at that Newfoundland counts on the support of the Imperial Government. The United States, while quite ready to come to terms with New- foundland on the basis of "free fish for free bait," are by no means prepared to treat with Canada on similar terms, holding that while Canada cannot supply them with bait, she could swamp their markets with cheap fish. Hence Canada is most anxious to include Newfoundland in the Dominion in order to obtain the necessary leverage to secure general reciprocity in the fisheries question, or perhaps an abatement of American claims as regards the Alaskan boundary.

The new number of the Contemporary Review is not over- burdened with articles of topical interest. It is true that Sir George Kekewich has only recently been " unmuzzled "; none the less, his paper on " The Church and the Education Bill" is a belated contribution to the controversy in question, and his final conclusion that the Church "has lost the substance of control and kept the shadow" has been made months ago elsewhere almost in the same words. — Another article, and in its way an excellent one—that of Mr. J. S. Mann on " Popular Government in the German Empire"— suffers from having been forestalled by the examination of the Social Democratic party in last month's Nineteenth Century. But Mr. Mann brings out the amazing defects in the German representative system with even more startling effect. As he reminds us, the German Imperial Parliament rests to-day as regards three-fourths of its Members on an appor- tionment based on the Census of 1861, and as regards the other fourth on the Census of 1867. "In the whole of what is

now the Empire the population was [in 1861] about 36,500,000; and the thoroughly urban element was little more than 5 per cent. of the total. But in the Empire in 1900, with a population of some 511 millions, it was 25 per cent. Yet the representa- tion remains the same." Again, while the voters per Member in 1898 for the Catholic Centre averaged 14,016, for the Social Democrats they were 37,626. Mr. Mann's conclusion is worth quoting :—

" Manhood suffrage has often been attacked of late years in Conservative quarters in Germany. Recently the Chancellor has disclaimed all intention of interfering with it. But it is clear from the foregoing : first, that it was introduced merely as a provisional device; secondly, that it has been so modified by inequalities in representation as to furnish a very imperfect expression of the real wishes of the majority of the German people, and it may be quite certain that those wishes will not be carried into effect by the present Government. Indeed, if the expression were too emphatic, the manhood suffrage which was a gift of the makers of German unity might be taken away without any sacrifice of principle or doctrine, and to the great rejoicing of large classes of the German public. To those who, like the present writer, are firm believers in democracy, that fact is deplorable. But the German genius is certainly not democratic."

—M. Pierre Baudin, ex-Minister of French Public Works, sends a paper on the internal navigation of France, in which he pleads for the completion of the policy of developing the French waterways inaugurated by M. de Freycinet in 1878, and to a certain extent embodied in the Canal programme now before the Chamber. The figures are impressive, but M. Baudin's article hardly justifies its appearance in an English review. That is to say, its arguments are primarily addressed to French readers.—Mr. Ronald McNeill enters the lists as a vigorous and whole-hearted champion of Froude in regard to the Carlyle controversy. It is abundantly clear from his paper that this distressing controversy is only beginning to enter on a new and more painful phase than any which have gone before it.

In the Fortnightly " Cakhas" writes one of his interesting papers in which he tries to disentangle and rearrange the

ravelled skeins of European foreign policies. The question is, can our new friendliness for France and our reawakened feeling for Italy be lasting? It all depends on our relations with Russia. To be really secure within the Mediterranean we require the goodwill of Italy ; but Italy is more and more leaning towards France, though at the same time keeping her old position in the Triple Affiance. But if Italy follows France, and France follows Russia, how are we to keep the friendship of the two former Powers unless we come to some agreement with the last named ? " Calchas " thinks that Lord Lansdowne's declaration as to Persia nullifies the effects of our rapprochements with France and Italy lately manifested in the King's visits to Rome and Paris. " Calchas " would take the reasonable line of recognising that Russia has occupied Manchuria, and also of telling her to do what she likes with

Constantinople. The effect of this would be that once peace were made with her, a union with the Latin Powers would follow, with as a result the prospect of vast security for England.

" The Story of Penrhyn Quarries, 1865-1902," by " Cygnus," is sad reading. For thirty-seven years war has been waged by two generations of employers and their men,—a veritable labour vendetta. The writer of the present article is entirely on the side of Lord Penrhyn and his father in the dispute. He is moderate in statement, and refuses to go into side-issues raised by charges of breach of faith, but he does not deny that the attitude of Lord Penrhyn has been " austere " and unbending. The whole difficulty has arisen from the refusal of the employer to recognise the existence of the Quarrymen's Union or Committee. The reasons were always given frankly, and were these. If the Union were recognised, and its Committee made the medium of communication between master and men, the rights and grievances of non-Union men were liable to be neglected. Also, Lord Penrhyn refused absolutely to allow of any interference whatever with his absolute control of his quarries. This refusal to deal with representative bodies went even to the length of suspending men who attended a " Labour Day " without leave of absence.

" A deputation bad previously waited on Mr. Young (the manager) to state the intention of the men, but bad been met with the reply that such notice would not be accepted, and

that men who desired leave to go must ask permission individually." In 1897 a settlement was almost arrived at,

but broke down when the men demanded, among other

things, " the right of the men during the dinner hour to discuss matters among themselves in the quarry and the reinstatement of certain victimised leaders." These demands were refused. Lord Penrhyn seems to have acted throughout with entire straightforwardness, never concealing the fact that he aimed at despotic con- trol, and claiming that he has a right to do what he will with his own. In this unhappy dispute each side seems to have exasperated the other greatly, and from this avowedly partial statement the reader feels it impossible to sympathise with the desire to push despotic control to its logical conclusion.— Mr. Le Gallienne has made what he calls free renderings from literal translations of some odes of Hafiz. The version of the first ode is indeed free, so much so as entirely to alter its character by the weakening of the mystical ending, and it is

this mystical element which makes Hafiz so fascinating. The weak opening line is a very poor substitute for the cry of the original. The freedom of these versions has not enabled Mr. Le Gallienne to make them particularly good as English poems, and the rhyming of " curl" and " girl" is hardly in keeping with the polished style of Hafiz.

The National Review hails with enthusiasm Mr. Chamber. lain's "magnificent appeal to the patriotism and common- sense of the British nation," and publishes an article by Mr. G. Byng in praise of Protection as the essential need of the working classes. Corruptio optimi pessima, and it is melancholy to see the National siding with Messrs. Chaplin and James Lowther.—A saner, if somewhat pessimistic, view of Imperial finance is unfolded in Mr. Sydney Buxton's

paper on the cost of the war, in which he laments that

economy is a lost art. Mr. Buxton admits that no Conti- nental nation could have raised the money without a far greater proportionate effect on its credit, yet does well to insist that we are financially weaker than we were before the

war. He holds, however, with the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the real difficulty of our financial position is not so much the cost of the war as the increase in our ordinary expenditure :—" The worst of war is that its cost is not confined merely to its direct outlay, but it leaves in its wake increased expenditure, not to say extravagance The large sums entailed by the war have demoralised us also ; we have got so accustomed to think in millions that a million or two, more or less, here or there, seems now of no import- ance."—" Elector," who sets for himself the task of answer- ing the question, " Is the Cabinet riding for a fall ? " pro- pounds the following strange scheme for shuffling the pack without a fresh deal :—

" If they [the Cabinet] are no longer capable of conducting public affairs, and realise their dissensions and incapacity, is there any reason why they should not follow a plan which will give them relief without risking the advent to power of the Little Englanders ? Why, for instance, should they not come to some understanding with Lord Rosebery to the effect that the Govern- ment should be handed over to a Ministry of which he would be the head, and in which Mr. Asquith, Sir E. Grey, Mr. Haldane, and Sir H. Fowler would hold office, with the promise on their part to refrain from legislation involving great constitutional changes ? Lord Rosebery is known to attach great importance to administrative reform ; and it is administrative reform, or, in other words, efficiency, that the nation wants. Such a policy on his part would find abundant support in the present Parliament without any dissolution ; indeed, his administrative measures might be supplemented with a moderate programme of temper- ance reform without encountering serious resistance. While Lord Rosebery was putting the house in order the ' Ministry of Muddle' would have time to repent of its follies, and Mr. Cham- berlain to recruit his strength, and convert the country to his views, before he returns to office as Premier."

We should greatly like to hear what Lord Rosebery has to say to the proposal that he should become caretaker or warming- pan Premier.— Captain Mahan under the head of " Prin- ciples of Naval Administration " contributes an interesting

survey and analysis of the British and American systems. On the whole, he prefers the latter, as concentrating responsibility in one man, the Secretary of the Navy ; while our method, though not without compensating advantages, has some of the drawbacks of a Council of War, and tends " to making respon- sibility elusive." It is interesting to note, however, that Captain Mahan evidently approves of having a civilian as the real head

of the naval administration.

The opening article in Blackwood is the first of a series called " Personalia : Political, Social, and Various," by " Sigma." This first paper deals with Harrow at the time

when Palmerston used to revisit his old school, a "jaunty old horseman on the knowing white hack." It contains stories, too, of Brougham and other notabilities.—There is a delightful second instalment of "Cocas de Espana," by "A Late Resident in Spain." The article is full of humours and records of Spanish characteristics. We are told of the evening parties where the gentlemen choose a partner for the whole occasion, which may last from sunset to sunrise. If fortunate, you may be able to get a cup of chocolate and a wafer biscuit for your partner ; but you may be called upon foodless at one in the morning to go with the whole party for a mountain walk. Here the gentlemen are expected to amuse the ladies by singeing their coat-tails in jumping through a bonfira. The newspapers, as well as Spanish society, provide the Englishmen with entertainment. Here is an extract from one journal :—" With a view to annoying Great Britain, the United States are about to acquire territorial possessions in Africa, in the regions of Siberia." A cold- blooded murderer was described by the Press as being the " unfortunate actor in the sad event of last week," and a few days later still as " the victim of an incite- ment to assassination." The ways of Spanish justice seem peculiar. Untried persons are kept in prison for years, but those condemned to long terms of im- prisonment are "somehow" let out after a short detention. Prisoners undesirable to the authorities are marched from one prison to another in the hopes that they may attempt to escape, as then they can be legally shot by the guards. The real terror of Spain, however, we are told, is the eternal noise. Every one seems either to shout or howl in the towns. The night watchman, for example, not only murders sleep with crying out the state of the weather, but at Malaga performs upon an ear-splitting whistle.—" Staff Officer " writes on "Home Defence," and is unsparing in his criticism of the War Office. He calls the scheme for the Volunteer defence of London a "fantastic folly," pointing out that if the Regular Army, followed by the Militia and Yeomanry, were sent abroad, to the Volunteers would fall the defence of the whole country. The writer states that two hundred thousand Volunteers can be maintained for the same sum as one brigade of Guards, and says that they are " the cheapest form of insurance in the market."

In the Monthly Review Mr. Haultain writes a pressing appeal for emigration to Canada. He describes the crying need of the Dominion for population, for the agricultural labourer, the navvy, and the cultivated gentleman farmer, each class being wanted in great numbers. The writer's plea is that the Canadian Government should devote money and energy to the encouragement of emigration, not only by attracting people, but by looking after them for a time when they arrive. In this country, with its crowded areas, one can hardly imagine any better work than assisting people to emigrate to Canada.

Often the difficulty is that people who are quite capable of working steadily under normal conditions are not capable of being thrown upon a new world. Modern civilisation, though it does not kill the love of adventure in a few, does make people unwilling to risk their all lightly. It should be possible by organisation to make the start in a new country a certainty. A man should know the name of the place of his destination and of his employer, the kind of work and the wages he will get, before he leaves England. Some- thing definite would have an attractive power which vague general announcements that men are wanted can never have. Mr. Haultain proposes that the Primrose League should inves- tigate the matter of domestic servants and co-operate with the Imperial Order of the Daughters of the Empire. This latter institution, he thinks, would take up the work.—Mr. Robert Bridges has written " A Peace Ode," and has given a disserta- tion on the principle of the metre in which it is written. He says :—" The system on which the following verses are written claims that, if the English were spelt as it is or should be pro- nounced, then the syllables would scan according to the laws of Greek prosody." The result, as might be expected, is a scholarly experiment rather than a poem inspired with the passion of a great occasion. The verses flow, but there is a harshness of sound and a monotony of rhythm. The sound never seems to swell to a climax and sink to rise again, but goes on with an unbroken jog-trot persistence. The following verse is a typical one :— "Now joy in all hearts with' happy auguries, And praise on all lips ; for sunny June cometh Chasing the thick war-cloud, that outspread Sulphurous and sullen over England."

—Under the title of " Charlemont House Memories " Mr, Falkiner has collected some fragments of reminiscences by the Hon. Mrs. Caulfield. They recall Dublin society with Moore, O'Connell, Smith O'Brien, and others. Mrs. Caulfield was

disappointed on first meeting Moore, and says of him I can only describe his manner by saying it gave me more the idea that I was witnessing a representation of Moore than that it was himself I saw and heard." Here is a description of his musical pose:—

"His voice is weak, but its tones are silvery, and he throws an expression into it almost unique. His posture at the instrument is singular. He sits a little turned on one side, his head thrown back and eyes elevated, in all so much of the wrapt minstrel that it is not improbable that he studied the attitude.'