11:1.6 MAGAZINES.

THE editors of the high-priced magazines will have, to avoid more carefully the temptation of snippetiness. It is a great temptation, we acknowledge, for it secures variety, and taerefore enlarges the apparent area of their attractive- ness, but the result is often disappointment to the reader who sought a meal and is put off with a taste. Lady Galloway, in the Nineteenth Century, for example, only tantalises him with her account of the antiquities of Crete — where a great civilisation, which is now yielding up its secrets, seems to have flourished four thousand years ago—and of the singular position of society in the island at the present. moment. The Cretans are now the only people in Europe without a nationality. They have thrown off the Turk, they are not allowed to join Greece, and they are not numerous enough for an independent principality. They are not allowed to trade with any part of Turkey, and a sense that the future is uncertain prevents the repair of ruined buildings and the replanting of the olive groves. Lady Galloway suggests with much cleverness that the position of Bosnia would be the easiest solution, the island being handed ever to Greece for administration only, the Sultan still remaining nominally Sovereign. We rather dislike these half annexations, but still one of them has succeeded in Bosnia, and the Egyptians are very comfortable under an arrangement not very different.—We do not see, either, that Mr. Fyvie has thrown any fresh light on the story of Mrs. Fitzherbert, or explained her motive for what we must regard as the blot on her conduct, her reunion with the Regent after his marriage with Caroline of Brunswick. Granted that she had an opinion from the Pope, and regarded herself as in morality the only lawful wife of the King, lawful wives do not often pardon an adultery so public. We do not gain from this fresh telling of the story any more vivid idea of Mrs. Fitzherbert's real character. Did George IV. ever inspire love in any human being ?—We must pass nearly the same criticism on Mr. Herbert Paul's exceedingly lively and appreciative account of the late Bishop of London. That account is charming, but we close it without fully understanding Dr. Creighton. He was a most kindly as well as a most witty man, but did he or did he not rather despise the episcopal office ? If he did, as many people fancy, he was not quite a sincere man ; if he did not, Mr. Paul's account of him, like most others, leaves somehow an inaccurate general impression.—Sir Robert Giffen's state- ment of the efforts now making to obtain "a business War Office" is not quite so lucid as his recent description of the business conditions essential to a reorganised Army. We do not see so clearly exactly what he wants. Is the Secretary for War to be responsible or not ? If he is, why is the Com- mander-in-Chief to have a place in the Cabinet? To support the Secretary ?—in that case he would not be wanted—or to oppose him with his weight of expert knowledge, and so to make him nearly useless ? One point comes out in Sir Robert's essay very clearly, and that is the immense power which will hereafter belong to the Permanent Under-Secre- tary of War.—" The Durham' Road to Peace " in South Africa, by Mr. T. Shaw, M.P., is practically a statement that it would be wise to grant a full amnesty without excepting the Boer leaders, and to restore Boer prosperity by a pecuniary grant. We are inclined to agree to the first proposition on two conditions,—that the Boers submit, and that there shall be an interregnum during which society may be reorganised and become composed. Mr. Shaw objects to the interregnum, we think without adequate reason. In Canada the British were in a majority, there was no black population to compli- cate the labour question, and there was a mighty neighbour whom the dissatisfied section of the whites dreaded even more than they dreaded us.—Mr. J. P. Mahaffy expresses with much force a fear that under existing conditions Ireland will become " Romanised." The squirearchy, who were the great Protestant force, are being ruined; the professionals, who were a source of intellectual strength to Protestantism, are slipping away ; and gradually all patronage will pass into Roman Catholic hands. Even the shops, he says, are passing to that creed. Ireland will, therefore, in time become Romanised, and as the Celtic people " are wholly unfit for self-govern- ment," the future has for prospect "a boastful and self- contented mediocrity," which will be hostile to Great Britain. Mr. Mahaffy suggests no remedy, and we confess we attach little value to predictions of this kind. It is hard to foretell the working of any great Act, much harder to predict accurately the result of a revolution. Who would have said in 1789 that the French would become of all mankind the most strict defenders of the rights of property ? We can conceive intellectual changes in Ireland which would make of convinced Catholics the ardent upholders of the Union with Great Britain.—Lord Nelson pronounces for small holdings as the attraction which will draw the people " back to the land." He would have such holdings rented with a secure tenure and not freehold, and records the result of an experiment which recalls Mr. Jesse Collings. He grants to good labourers three acres of " cow-land," and for twenty years has had the rents regularly paid :— " In addition to the cow-lands I have other small holdings in the same parish : 48 acres with homestead and turn-out in common at 701.

60 acres 2. PP 12

at 501.

44 acres JP JP 21 aat 75011.. varying according to the quality of the land ;

87 acres, with homestead, of rough land at 751." In all probability the solution of the agricultural question does lie there, as we perceive Mr. Rider Haggard also believes, but facts are wanted over a much more extensive area.

The leading paper in the Contemporary Review on " The

Foreign Policy of Lord Rosebery" is the first of a series of articles intended to exalt the services of Lord Rosebery Minister of Foreign Affairs. It is temperately written, and as Englishmen forget foreign affairs with strange readiness, will be found interesting reading. We reserve comment till the second paper appears, but may just remark that the inter- ference of Lord Rosebery to protect Batoum, which so im- presses the Reviewer, strikes us as a barren but most irritating protest against an act which we had decided not to resist. What is the political use of telling an adversary that he is breaking treaties, and then letting him do it? As a matter of fact, the Treaty of Berlin was with Europe, and not Britain alone, and Europe acquiesced in the breach.— Captain Elliott Cairnes has hit on a bright idea, but does not quite carry it out. He doubts the wastefulness of our military system, and certainly shows that much of our ex- penditure, as compared with Russia and France, is due to the larger pay we are obliged to offer, and to the higher standard of comfort we allow our men. To make his defence of our system perfect he should, however, examine the whole of our expenditure, including especially the " dead weight," the most unscientific system of pensions. Incidentally Captain Cairnes tells us a fact which will to most of our readers be new. Prussian soldiers have no ration of meat allowed by the State, but are compelled to buy their own. Captain Cairnes, we notice, is in favour of two armies, one, for permanent foreign service, to be raised on the present principle, and the other a conscript army of one hundred and fifty thousand men almost unpaid, yet " available to serve in any part of the world if required." The question is one for experts, but we do not doubt that such an arrangement would be found to unite a maximum of irritation with a minimum saving of expense. General service for home defence on the Swiss system is, we think, possible, but foreign service must be paid for in all cases.—Mr. R. E. Hughes, after a minute examination, doubts whether the German school is so much better than the English one as is commonly supposed, especially, strange to say, in the teaching of elementary science. Their masters are, however, the better trained, and the discipline maintained is more thorough. Upon this latter subject Mr. Hughes tells the following little story, which seems to us exquisitely humorous :—" As discip- line pure and simple, that of the German school is excellent. The German child sucks in order and discipline with his mother's milk. It has become a national habit. Even the geese have acquired it. I remember one day seeing about 400 geese marching along the highway four or five abreast, with a steadiness that would not have disgraced the King's Guards ;

and the sheep in Germany follow, and are not driven by the

shepherd. It is more difficult for a German child to be unruly than for an English one not to be." After that it is easy

to believe that on Mount Cannel the monks have trained their cats to retrieve game for them.--Mr. Sidney Whit- man sends a most interesting account of Field-Marshal von Blumenthal, perhaps the most daring of the leaders of the Prussian Army. Oddly enough, a failure in the Danish War caused by the elements, which defeated his plan, procured him the fullest confidence of his superiors, General von Moltke especially, and thenceforward he was the adlatus of the Crown Prince. Mr. Whitman adds, in a note, this curiously interesting bit of military history :—

" According to Professor Hans Delbriick, at the commencement of hostilities in 1866, it was by no means irrevocably decided that General von Moltke should be entrusted with supreme strategic command. As a matter of fact, he may be said rather to have drifted naturally into that position, than to have been regularly appointed thereto. He it was who, in time of peace, had drawn up the plan of the campaign (according to German strategists, by far the most important function of a general in modern times), and at the last moment it was decided that the man who had done this important piece of work in the retirement of the study should superintend its execution in actual war on the field of battle. This is how Moltke came to supreme command in 1866."

—We have not space to notice other articles at length, but we would call attention to the powerful argument by the Rector of Johannesburg, the Rev, J. T. Darragh, in favour of the State control of liquor in the Transvaal, if not in all South Africa. He believes that this system, which it is pos- sible to introduce on the "war-swept board," would give the State an important revenue, would prevent the illicit sale of spirits to natives, which now demoralises them, and would greatly diminish drunkenness among whites, the Government salesmen having no interest in forcing the sale of liquor. We cannot, with the Russian example before us, entirely endorse the third proposition, but we are entirely in favour of the -monopoly, first, for the sake of the natives, to whom, as to all black and brown men, liquor is ruin; secondly, for the sake of raising a large revenue without taxation ; and thirdly, for the sake of securing to Europeans wholesome liquor. 'Those three results the monopoly would certainly secure.

But if anything is to be done, and it ought to be done, it must be done quickly. At present we have a clean slate. There are now practically no private liquor-sellers in the field, and therefore no claim for compensation will arise if -the Government keeps the monopoly in its own hands. If it delays, compensation claims will arise. There is, in fact, an opportunity for keeping the liquor trade under decent con- trol, and also paying the interest on some 220,000,000 of Debt -without imposing taxation. Surely Sir Michael Hicks-Beach -will interest himself in this side of the question.

The Fortnightly for July opens with two letters addressed to the Powers by gang Yu Wei, the Chinese reformer. They do not seem to us to be of any great importance, their chief point being that the Allies have been misled as to the relative trustworthiness of the leading Chinese statesmen. We should have thought that the balance of confidence in any Chinese Minister left over from recent events was too small to justify this warning. The writer thinks that the real .author of the " Boxer " rising was not Prince Tuan, but Yunglu, against 'whom he brings a very elaborate indictment. As for the progressive Viceroy of the Central Province, Chong Chih-tung, he will have none of him, and considers that he is in league with the Empress-Dowager. His conclud- ing point is that the Powers should trust the Reformers, and not the Conservatives or official classes, a policy which seems difficult in view of the fact that no two men will agree upon who are the Reformers.—The two most important papers in a somewhat heavy number are those on " Commercial Rivalry with America," by Mr. Benjamin Taylor and Mr. H. W. Wilson. Mr. Taylor deals with American maritime expansion during the century, and shows that the newest form of American enterprise will lie in the building of ships and competing with us for the sea-carrying trade of the world. The American Subsidy Bill now before Congress proposes to spend some nine millions of dollars yearly in gratuities to American vessels

engaged in foreign trade. The Nicaragua Canal will, in the writer's opinion, give to America several branches pf the British sea-carrying trade, and in any case will

consolidate trade relations between North and South America. The significance of the Morgan-Leyland deals, he says, is that it is an attempt of American capitalists to obtain privately a controlling share in Transatlantic trade

with the object of compelling Congress to pass the subsidy

scheme. The article contains much common-sense, and we believe Mr. Taylor to be right in his diagnosis of the new development. " There is not much more railway booming to be done, and industrial enterprises have been developed to the point of repletion. A long period of prosperity has left the country with a large surplus of accumulated profits seeking new investments, and ready to accept less highly-paying investments than would aforetime attract American capitalists. For this capital a new outlet is required in ship-owning and ship-building." Mr. Wilson, on the other hand, deals with the general economic and social problem raised by the Trusts. He shows the disastrous effects of American rivalry on our own trade, and he analyses the conditions which, supposing the desire present, would prevent Britain from competing successfully on the same ground. We would not be allowed to use labour-saving appliances, we cannot get the necessary backing from the State, we shrink from Protection, and we dislike extreme consolidation. Mr. Wilson is of opinion that there are only two ways out of our difficulty,- " our high standard of living or our Free-trade system must go." We think that he paints the situation in darker colours than are justified, and his alternative is ridiculous. If we give up Free-trade our high standard of living will go of itself. We do not believe that a wall of tariffs would work the required change ; our only hope lies in a more scientific and intelligent spirit in our com- mercial life, and a clear recognition of the facts. After all, in the straggle of competition we have certain advan- tages on our side as well as America.—Mr. Geoffrey Langtoft contributes an article on the Irish situation extremely pessimistic in tone, and, to our mind, injudicious and inaccurate. He attacks the Government on behalf of the Irish landlords, because by their artificial legislation they have forgotten economic law for the sake of political expediency. It is false policy, he says, for the State to coddle industries ; let economic law be allowed to work in peace, and the best men will survive and the best methods. This is an interesting enough speculation, but to practise it would mean the negation of all statesmanship, which, as we understand it, is the artificial correction of natural defects. Mr. Langtoft thinks that the landlords would have been better treated had they joined the Nationalists; we wonder how much sympathy they would have found there. The reitera- tion of the old charges against Mr. Horace Plunkett shows how little the writer is free from ordinary political bias. We agree with many of Mr. Langtoft's detailed criticisms, but his principles seem to us indefensible.—Of the other papers, the most noteworthy are an interesting account of the various schemes for naval volunteers by Mr. Rollo Appleyard ; an able and statesmanlike discussion of Russian problems by " Cakhas " ; and an ingenious defence of sport against the charge of cruelty by Mr. F. G. Afialo.

The most important article in the National Review is Mr. Arnold White's plea for reform in certain naval matters. We have sometimes found Mr. White's philippics a little uncon- vincing, but we have no such complaint to make against his temperate and admirably written " Message from the Mediterranean." The Navy, he says, never complains ; therefore it is right that some one should complain for it. There is no division of opinion, we are told, among the officers on the subjects of which he complains; but etiquette and tradition keep them from speaking out. He points out that there is no breakwater at Malta, although within two hundred and ten miles of a foreign torpedo station ; that Egypt is undefended; that there is a deficiency in all classes of vessels, complete absence of fleet auxiliaries, and no adequate supply of fighting material. Black powder and blunt-nosed shell are still in use on several battleships of the Mediterranean Squadron. To make an Englishman fight well he must be fed well, but the ordinary food of the blue- jacket consists of a dish of greasy cocoa and a hunk of sour bread for breakfast, baked beef and beans for dinner, and stewed tea and the same sour bread in the afternoon, there being no meal between 4.30 p.m. and 6 a.m. next day. Mr. Arnold White devotes several pages to an exposition of the enormous importance of the Mediterranean Fleet, a view from which no one will differ. We trust that these most serious

criticisms will be either answered or made the ground of reform, and meantime we are grateful to Mr. White for his public spirit. —Sir Bowlan4 plenAeflAssett has an account of the execution of Marshal Ney, in which he traces the history of the outrage story which has been a subject of correspond- ence in our columns. It owed its origin to a book by Welachinger, published in 1893, who in turn got it from the Memoirs of Comte de Rochechouart. Sir Rowland believes it to have no foundation, and he makes an interesting study of the attitude towards the Marshal before his death which the different parties in France adopted. A large body of French opinion, supported by such names as Guizot, Chateaubriand, and the Duo de Richelieu, was in favour of his execution.— We may notice finally a delightful essay on the lyrical poems of Andrew Marvell by Professor Beeching. Lamb's phrase, a "witty delicacy," he considers to be the final criticism upon his work. He shows, too, how broad and human were Marvell's sympathies, which made him include his beautiful stanzas on Charles's death in an ode in honour of Cromwell.

Blackwood for this month is perhaps the best of all the monthlies. Mr. Ambrose Pratt contributes a curious article —" ' Push' Larrikinism in Australia "—and as one who has seen the inner working of such " pushes " as their solicitor, he is able to cast much light upon their methods of working. The majority of the lads who belong are not professional criminals, but earn an honest enough livelihood in various trades. They band together for amusement and protection, elect a king, and adopt a code of laws which is Draconian in its severity. Drunkenness and unchastity are sternly for- bidden, but the final crime is treachery to the brotherhood, which is punished by flogging with the " sock," and, if neces- sary, by death. The long war of the police authorities with such bands makes up one of the most sensational chapters in the annals of crime. The weak point of a "push" is its Book, in which all the misdeeds of the members are chronicled and attested. This they regard as their great protection against treachery, as it incriminates every one; but Mr. Pratt is of opinion that it is the only weapon which could be used effectively against them.—Mr. Andrew Lang has a delightful paper on Archibald Douglas, a minister of the Kirk, a Lord of Session, and an Ambassador from James VI. to the Court of Elizabeth. This accomplished gentleman was a sort of Lowland Pickle, but Mr. Lang thinks that he excels even that celebrated person in the qualities of infamy. " He worked on a wider stage, among people more tragically celebrated; he betrayed, forged, stole, spied, and murdered on a scale of almost epic grandeur." He very nearly became Archbishop of St. Andrews; he probably had a hand in the Casket letters ; then he fell into disgrace, was all but outlawed, and died obscurely.—The writer of "Musings without Method" has this month an eloquent defence of Lord Milner, and inci- dentally of Sir Bartle Frere, and he speaks much good sense about the modern worship of millionaires. He finds little to envy in their lot, and he considers a " millionaire with a mission" a danger to the State, but we are glad to see that he writes appreciatively of Mr. Carnegie's gift in its revised form. —Of the other papers, we would mention a brilliant account by Mr. Hugh Clifford of the visit of the Duke and Duchess of York to Singapore, and an admirable paper on " The London Irish." We would notice, too, the beginning of a new serial, " The Conquest of Charlotte," by a hand which we think we recognise, which promises to be of extraordinary interest.

The chief editorial in the Monthly Review for June is a reprint of an interesting letter from an Englishman in Cape Colony on the future of South Africa. He has many sensible things to say on the true attitude of friendliness and forbearance which the Englishman should assume towards the Dutchman before old strifes can be forgotten. He is entirely in favour of complete annexation. " Had any degree of independence been allowed to remain to the late Republics, the Dutch in the Colony would have realised that they were the only State which had not rebelled, as a whole, against Britain, and were now the only Dutch in South Africa without some form of nationality. How rash would it be to allow anywhere in South Africa any independence to keep in mind the dream of the Dutch, and enable them to tantalise faithful subjects in Cape Colony with ' what might have been.' "—Much the most interesting paper, to our mind, is the "Instructions to my Son on his Visiting England" by the Ameer Abdur Rahman, whose autobiography was lately pub- lished. It is a curious document, full of good breeding, good sense, and diplomacy. Among other things, we, of course, learn that one of the Ameer's chief hopes is to see an Afghan Minister at the English Court. —Mr. John B.C. Kershaw contributes an article criticising our present system of technical education. He wishes to see our technical institutes reduced in number and increased in efficiency, and our manufacturers convinced of the valuable aid science can give them. He is warmly in favour of the Government Bill, now unfortunately postponed, which he considers to be a " wise step towards centralisation " and a " lessening of that diffusion of effort and grant which is the bane of our existing system."—Of the other papers, there is an interesting essay by Mrs. Hugh Bell on the eternal subject of " Mothers and Daughters," and a very able and subtle criticism of Mr. Robert Bridges by Mr. Arthur Symons. On the whole, it is a number full of varied and attractive matter.