etc Saari:113(1HO.
The announcement of the meeting of " inhabitants of Westminster," to be held at the Crown and Anchor on Thursday the 4th instant, produced a great sensation in the metropolis, and manifestly alarmed the Whig and Tory advocates of the Canadian war. The Times, and still more the Morning Chronicle, laboured to induce a belief that the respectable portion of the inhabitants of Westminster would avoid all connexion with the knot of " treasonable agitators" who would take the lead at the meeting. A Mr. Thomas Artier, who, it seems, has been twice chairman of one of Mr. Leader's district Committees, pro- seated against the notion that the meeting would he one of Westmin- tter electors ; and proposed that persons should be stationed at the doors with copies of the Westminster register, and instructions to ex- clude all but electors. As the meeting was avowedly intended to be one of inhabitants, not of the electors only of Westminster, Mr. Arber's suggestion was simply a piece of impertinent folly. Mr. Arber added, that all those electors with whom he had acted were resolved to unseat Mr. Leader on the first opportunity, as misrepresenting Westminster; though there is not a political principle or opinion avowed by Mr. Leader now, which was not equally avowed and notorious before his return and in both the contests of last summer The spite of this Mr. Arber, whoever he may be, would be beneath notice, had not his letter served the Whig and Tory papers as a theme for systematic abuse of Mr. Leader. The real Reformers of Westminster perceive that their Representative is considered formidable to the Factions, and are therefore the more resolved to support him. The next plan of the irritated Ministerialists, was to create a dis- turbance at the meeting. Accordingly, the Morning Chronicle, with unusual earnestness for it, urged its Whig-Tory friends to go to the meeting and oppose the resolutions. Vain advice ! impotent efforts ! The meeting took place on Thursday; and, with the exception of a very few turbulent individuals, to all appearance engaged for the pur. pose of making noise, and who were put down at once with a very little exertion, the assembled thousands manifested an unanimous spirit in condemning the war, and the Ministers as its authors. During the greater part of the time, the large room at the Crown and Anchor was full to overflowing; and we have never seen an equally numerous political meeting of greater apparent respectability, or better behaved. Mr. Hume took the chair ; and opened the business of the meeting in a speech explanatory of the points in dispute between the Colonial Office and Canada. He described the systematic misgovernment of the colony, and the patient loyalty with which for so many years it had been submitted to. The petitions and remonstrances of the Canadians had been treated with contemptuous neglect. There was no offer of redress, till the House of Assembly, by majorities of 79 to 11, had passed resolutions that alarmed the Government. A Corn. mission to inquire into grievances was then despatched, but with secret instructions incompatible with its avowed object. It was on the recommendation of the Commission that Lord John Russell proposed resolutions refusing remedies for the chief grievances, and authorizing the Government to pillage the Canadian exchequer. It was not till this extreme measure bad been resorted to that the Canadians resolved to appeal to arms. It was not till their only security against misgovernment was taken away, that they determined, in the depth of winter, to brave the horrors of civil war. Mr. Hume contended, that it was the duty of the English Government to make reparation to the Canadians for wrongs inflicted, not to send troops across the Atlantic to slaughter and enslave them. It was the duty of the People to let Ministers understand that the lives and property of Englishmen and Canadians were not to be sacrificed in maintaining a system of injustice and oppression. Mr. Leader then came forward amidst the loudest cheering, which lasted for some minutes. He said that there was proof before him that the people had not been deluded by the gross misrepresentations of the London daily press- " For the last ten days, the London daily press has been employed in misrepre. seining the Canada question, and in appealing to the worst and foulest passions, whilst they urged on a war against the Canadians because they differed in race and religion. Above all, they have been engaged in slandering and denouncing those taco who dare to protest against the weak, vacillating, and tyrannical conduct of ministers—then who dared in their places in the House of Commons to ask redress for the grievances of, and that justice should be done to, the Canadians. Next, this great assembly affords the best possible answer to the false assertion that the citizens of Westminster view with disapprobation our conduct in the ]louse of Commons. Some of the Tory press are quite rabid against us ; and they feelingly remind their readers, that the old custom of proceeding arbitrarily against those who littered opinions disagreeable to those
in power should be reverted to; and we are gravely reminded that some of us
ought to be hanged to preserve the peace of the world. Having no reason on their side, they attack, slander, and abuse the men who arc only anxious to
fulfil their duty. The whole of the Whig daily press have followed the ex-
ample of their friendly allies on the Tory side. We have heard of the coalition of parties, but there is a baser coalition—that of the Whig and Tory. daily press. The Whig press falsified itself; for in the very paper in which tt
was admitted that the Government should consult the wishes and happiness of the majority, it was contended that the Canadian people should be given up to
the plunder and dictation of their oppressors. Yes, the Whig papers had even more grossly misrepresented the question than those in the interest of the Tories, and had urged that we should fight against a portion of the Canadians because, forsooth, they were of different origin from the liritish settlers. All the mean and petty interests—the shipping interest, the North American Land Company interest, the Canadian ascendancy interest, the aristocratic or pa. tronage interest—all the little monopolizing interests were opposed to the great interests of the nation." (Much clecring.) It had been falsely said that the Canadians had no practical grievances : but even if that were true, were there not such things as moral grievances, more galling and intolerable than any other- " The Canadians have had to endure a grievance of that sort for the last twenty or thirty years: they have been treated as a conquered and inferior race, and excluded from any share in the government of their own people, and subjected to a cruel, rapacious, and domineering minority. Is not that a grievance? Why, the very fact that they have flown to arms is a sufficient proof that real grievances exist. No person ever rebelled on slight grounds. You may be sure that in order to excite a people to risk their lives and for. tunes they must labour under great and long-continued wrongs."
They had been told that the honour and dignity of the British em- pire required that the rebellion, as it was called, should be put down—. " We may be told, again, as we were the other day by a worthy old gentle• man in the House of Commons, that this bright jewel of the Crown must not be given away. Gentlemen, my opinion is, that that dignity would be better consulted, and much better supported, by doing justice, by redressing grievances, and giving the Canadians the benefit of good govern:Alg The Tories, who I suppose hate me because I beat Sir George 111urrs1 me a traitor to my country for my speech in the (louse of Commons upon this ques• tion. Gentlemen, there is not a man, either in this room or in the country, who would make a greater sacrifice in order to maintain the true honour and dignity of the country : but I should endeavour to uphold it by doing justice, and and not injustice—by securing the lights of the People, and not by violating hem; and, instead of preserving this ' jewel of the Crown,' I ter uld rather one it than it should be tarnished by the blood of British citizens. (Loud sheers.) And yet they have dared to call me traitor. I appeal to you—I appeal to meetings like this—I appeal to my country—and I w.k, am I a taraitor? (Shouts of " No, no! ") I am glad of that shout ; for had you indeed condemned me, I would have then thought it time for me to despair of my country. My only crime has been to defend right, and to de- nounce the oppressor : and I confess I would despair of my country if it were considered by Englishmen a crime to defend the cause of the oppressed against the powerful oppressor." (Continued cheering.)
Mr. Leader concluded with moving the first resolution-
" That this meeting. while they deeply lament the disastrous civil war now existing in the colony of Lower Canada, are of opinion that thisdeplorable occur- rence is to be ascribed to the misconduct of the British Ministry, in refusing timely redress to the repeated complaints of the Canadian People, and in attempting to sustain that refusal by measures of gross injustice and coercion."
Colonel Thompson seconded the resolution —(A cry of " Where is Colonel Evans, the Spanish liberty-fighter 9 ")—not that he was altoge- ther contented with et, but because he had been asked— He was glad to find that the honourable gentleman who had preceded him bad given the real version of the resolution as it originally stood, and not the modified version. When resolutions had passed through a Committee, (and on this occasion he happened to be Chairman of the Committee') it frequently occurred that men of a nervous disposition found opportunities to slip out words they thought were forcible, and put in their place those they thought better calcu- lated to let the thing down gently. (Laughter.) He rejoiced to hear the honourable Member for Westminster declare there was a disastrous " civil war" now raging in Canada. Was there not? (Loud cheers.) And should they try to dwindle that away by calling it a' disastrous disturbance ?' Why, when three cats quarrelled in a chimney, that was a disastrous disturbance. The meeting, therefore, would not be surprised at his stating, that if his will had only been consulted, the resolution would have been a much stronger one. If the Ministers of the Crown had endeavoured to take the supplies of this country by means of military force, what would Englishmen have called it? ( Voices in the meeting, " Treason! ") He thanked them for that word. Trea- son in England was treason in Canada ; and he stood there to avow, that had be succeeded in carrying the resolution he had proposed, it would have been, That the attempt of the Ministers of the Crown to seize on the supplies in Canada against the consent of the Representative Assembly, is an act of trea- son—( Vehement cheering)—which the British People, if they are wise, will punish when they are able.' (Continued cheering for some time.) The Chair-
man had warned them against hard words ; but words were not bard when true. For proof, be referred them to the history of this country. Did they
ask what page, or where? They would bear of it about Whitehall. A 'glorious act of substantial justice' was once enacted in that neighbourhood, which had been said to give a " crick in the neck " to every absolute monarch at least once a year. (Laughter and cheers.) There was our evidence. If the recollection was a disagreeable one, where was the policy of forciug it upon our memory ? (Much cheering.) But listen to the reasons why you are to agree to it. Suppose the Government were to seed soldiers to seize your goods, would you be satisfied wit i being told that it was patriotism in you to pray for the success of twee troops, because, forsooth, they were English. men? We maintained a body of troops for the defence of this country, but would they like them to put their hands into their pockets ? They would be told that Ministers had a majority in both Houses; but had they made up their minds to surrender all the rights that had been handed down to them by their ancestors, by admitting that they held them merely at the will of what might be a corrupt House of Commons for the time being? It was a sad thing to see military execution let loose anywhere ; but in Canada it had been done with circumstances of unnecessary aggrava- tion. (" Shame, shame! ") What necessity was there to burn a hundred men in ahem ? (Loud cries of " Shame !") How would the people of this country like such an atrocity perpetrated upon themselves? This was what they paid troops for,—tu burn them by hundreds in a barn in case they resisted the seizing of the supplies. Had the people of England taken a view of their position? if they looked to the West, they would see a Parliament-house surrendered for the use of the troops,'—those were the very words. If they looked to Hanover, they would see an absolute monarch undertaking to reform a Constitution. (Laughter.) Yes, that was the last word he had beard of the King of Hanover. His Absolute Majesty was turned reformer, and was backed by a certain class of Reformers in this country. Dull and stupid people of England ! what will become of you if you do not take alarm in time?, What ground was there for believing that the Ministers who had done these things in Canada, would not do the same here whenever there was a temptation? Was there any ground for confidence in the rest of their proceedings? No man could tell what design would be avowed next, by a Ministry who had bottled up their intentions to oppose the progress of Reform, till they had slipped the slave's collar on and snapped the lock for seven years, and got themselves elected by constituencies which would never have returned them if the least hint had got abroad of what their intentions were. He put it to the judgment of the meeting, whether parallel conduct in private life would not be followed by immediate expulsion from society. (Loud cheers.) In conclusion, he would call upon the meeting to forgive what was weak in the resolutions, and to strengthen what was strong ; and give their aid to collect a force of public opinion sufficient to com- pel the Ministers to retrace their steps.
Dr. Wade followed Colonel Thompson in support of the resolution— He held the principle, that if the government established in a colony was unjust it ought to be corrected or put down. He would say further, that the great bond of union between the mother country and the colonies was mutual utility, and when that was put an end to the union should be dissolved. Such was the case in the histories of Greece and Rome, where the conquered countries were allowed to appoint their own governors and enact their own laws ; but be supposed it did not become them, who were Christians, to imitate the conduct of heathens. It was the duty of the people of England to stand for- ward on the present occasion, and to support such men as Mr. Leader, Mr. Roebuck, Colonel Thompson, and Sir William Molesworth. It was no slight merit for such men to have been first in the field to denounce the iniquitous conduct of the Ministers. (Loud cheers.)
The question having been put from the chair, Mr. John Bell attempted to move an amendment, to the effect that the consideration of Canadian grievances should be postponed till relief had been pro- cured for the far greater sufferings of the working-people in England. Very few svords of Mr. Bell's speech could be beard, from the tumult of disapprobation that assailed him, and which he braved most perse- veringly; till at last he was put down by a show of hands, which mani- fested that he stood almost alone.
The second resolution was moved by Mr. Grote, as follows—
That this meeting desire to mark with peculiar reprobation the iniquitous 4/ aeimination to seize and apply the monies the Canadian treasury, in direct repugnance to the acts of the House of Assembly, whose exclusive right to
grant or withhold supplies has biea solemnly guaranteed by the British Par- liament."
Mr. Grote said he was quite sure that the proceeding to which the resolution referred required only to be stated, without comment or amplification, to move the inmost feelings of every audience of Englishmen. The House of Commons, on the motion of Lord John Russell, had passed a resolution, since acted upon by the Governor- General of Canada, by virtue of which, money in the treasury of the colony was removed from that control under which the British Parlia- ment, by a solemn legislative act, had placed it-- He had raised his voice against those resolutions which Lord John Russell had proposed for the adoption of the House of Commons in the spring of last
year. He had offered to them all the opposition in his power ; he succeeded only in retarding them ; and lie had been a sorrowful and unwilling witness, as one of a small minority, to the passing of one of the roost unjust votes that ever disgraced the British Legislature. He owned it had been to him matter of the deepest astonishment, that such resolutions should be proposed by a man like Lord John Russell—a man so deeply read in the constitutional authorities of England, and so susceptible of the weight of historical precedent. If, in the month of March, 1831, when Lord John Russell brought forward the Reform Bill, any body had told him that he should live to hear the same man propose such resolutions,—resolutions to deprive the Hou-e of Assembly- of Lower Canada of their constitutional rights and liberties,--he would not have believed it. The adoption of those resolutions by the British Parliament, unjust and unconstitutional as they were, was, he regretted to say, only the last and closing act of a long series of impolicy and misgovernment on the part of England towards Canada. But it was said that the Canadians bad no grievances; and in support of that assertion. he was told that they live in a state ofgreat social comfort and independence, and that they were lightly taxed. But that social comfort was common to all the people of the whole continent of North America. It would have belonged to the Canadians if they had remained a colony of France. The English Government never gave it to them, nor did he think that Government could take it away. (Loud cheers.) Certainly, as their enemies asserted, they were lightly taxed ; but was heavy taxation the only thing a people could complain of? Had the people of Hanover nothing to complain of when King Ernest violated their political rights? King Ernest had also taken off taxes ; still, had the Hanoverian people no grievance to complain of? But when persons talked of Canada being lightly taxed, let them look to Ireland. The Irish people had never been very excessively taxed—front eaat grievance they, as well as the Canadians had escaped ; but had the Irish people nothing to complain of in respect of what they had suffered under a lung series of misgovernment, front which, however, he believed them to be now partially released by the bens- volent administration of the Earl of Mulgrave?
The government of Canada had been conducted in entire repugnance to the wishes of the people— The French Canadians and M. Papineau hail been looked upon by the Ese- cutive Government as the Irish Catholics and Mr. O'Connell were looked upon some time since in Ireland, and the House of Assembly had been uniformly treated by successive Governments as a hostile force, to be put down by autho- rity or be cajoled by stratagem; and the Legislative Council, that had no direct bearing or Influence in the country, was considered the chief ally of the British Government in that province. Was it fitting that the British Legislae tare, after so long a career of misgovernment, should have sent forth such reso- lutions as those which had been alluded to? In his opinion, the Government of this country owed the people of Canada ample reparation for the gross insult and injury that had been offered to them by taking their limey without the authority of the House of Assembly ; and for that act the country must make reparation some day or other. He was quite sure that when these transactions came to be viewed tranquilly and calmly by posterity, it would not appear that England had acted towards Canada as she ought to have done, or that the British Government was innocent of the evils which had happened to that colony. These transactions would be spoken of in the same way as every his- torian narrated the treatment by England of the North American colonies is 1773.
It had been asserted by Lord John Russell, that the power of stop- ping the supplies was abused when it was resorted to for the purpose of obtaining organic reforms— Now, if Lord John Russell had looked into the historical precedents of which. he was so fond, he would have seen that the House of Commons had exercised, over and over again, its constitutional powers for the very same purpose, He would have found that in the reign of William the Third, particularly, the House of Commons had refused the supplies, on the distinct and specific grounds that the King's negative had been put upon a bill for establishing Triennial Parliaments, then on its passage through the Houses of Parliament. He was sorry to say that Lord John Russell had overlooked all that portion of history which would have made eo strongly against the act he recommended, and had confined himself to that which, from from the beginning of their Colonial Go- vernment, had unhappily beset, deluded, and misled every Ministry of this coun- try: they had trusted only to the declarations and information of official persona in authority in the colonies, and had adopted it to the exclusion of that soundr reasoning and that more just representation of the feelings of the people which would have led to better results. It was not true that the people of Canada had exercised their constitutional power of refusing the supplies until they had exhausted prayers, petitions, and supplications for a change in the mode ot administration.
Would the People of this country support the Government in the attack on Canada ?—
He trusted that the People of England would consider whether they could reconcile it to their consciences, their reasons, and good feelings, to sanction the use of force and coercion against a people who had not sinned against this land in the smallest iota—who had done no harm to any of their fellow-sub- jects—a people who lived in peace and amity both among themselves and with their English brethren who inhabit that country,—a people whose generosity and kindness of character, and whose hospitality to every one was proverbial. He asked, whether the people of England could reconcile it to their own views of political prudence—(to put the matter only on a question of prudent:Oa.. whether they could reconcile it to their own views of good feeling and prudence, to go to war against a colony like Canada, and to bold that colons., close in contact with the border of the United States, when they have subdued it, in defiance of all the affections and inclinations of the people themselves. ( Cheers.) Why, in his opinion, the very statement of the case carried with it the answer : the English people, he was sure, would never be guilty of sanctioning such as unwise, unjust, and scandalous proceeding, be the Ministers who proposed it who they may. No; the British Government must either do full justice to Canada, and endeavour thus to reconcile to the Mother Country the Canadian people, or, if England was too proud to do that, then must be devised the best means for a speedy and amicable separation of the colony from the parent land. There was no third course that could he taken consistently with either moral rectitude or political prudence ; and he trusted, looking at the numerous and imposing meeting, here this day, such would be the disposition really prevalent among the people of England, and that Ministers would be deterred, before it is too late, from adding anything to the long catalogue of British injuries to Canada, and from attempting to carry into effect the severe and cruel policy recommended, he was sorry to say, by almost all the daily press. If, in despite of the warnings offered to them by meetings such as the present, and by the feeling that could not fail to diffuse itself into the generous bosoms of the people of England, of sympathy with an oppressed people—if they persisted in despising those warnings—they would accumulate ou their own heads censure and con- demnation for the future; they would accumulate a store of calamity and heaviness of the burden of which they themselves at this moment had not the least conception. ( General cheering.) Mr. Roebuck seconded the resolution, in a long and powerful speech. He said that be appeared before the meeting on the invita- tion of the Westminster Reform Association, and in a twofold cha- racter,—first, as a British citizen, to express his opinion on a great public question ; and secondly, as the advocate of Canada— However bumble might be her condition, whoever might be her enemies, it Would be found that there were men who would brave their insolence, and put down their tyranny; it would be found that when a generous people were appealed to through the medium of their understandings, they would put to Bight the shallow sophistries of a hireling press, and of an interested body of monopolists. The people of England would remember, that they were now called upon to enter into a bloody war—not for the interests of the people of England, but for the paltry petty gains and aggrandizement of a band of mono. lista. He had no doubt that in this assembly there wet() some individuals who had been sent there by that body of monopolists, who had the means of hiring men to come here for the purpose of creating a disturbance, and which they were capable of just as much as they were of prostituting their understandings by the abuse of others through the medium of the hireling press. ("Hear, hear ! " and cries of 44 No, there is not one ! ") Not one ?—their name was Legion, and they were many.
Mr. Roebuck dwelt on the political loyalty of the Canadians through a long series of insults and oppression. But it was said that the Cana- dians had no grievances. In 1826, it came out that the Receiver- General of Lower Canada was a bankrupt, owing the treasury 100,0001.— There was a whole people plundered by a public officer, after the accounts had been withheld for years ; that officer has been protected—his debt is owing to this hour : and yet the Canadian people have no grievances. The Canadians wished to have cheap law, and introduced a bill for the purpose in the local Legislature ; the bill was thrown out by the Governor and the Legislative Council : but the Canadians have no grievances. The Canadians wanted to have a national system of education ; the Legislative Council threw out the bill : yet the Canadian people have no grievances. The Canadians wanted to have a jury law, by which packed juries would be done away with ; the Legis- lative Council threw out the bill : yet the Canadians have no grievances ! He would now touch upon the manner in which English interests would be affected. The parishes of this country had been long in the habit of sending large bodies of emigrants to Canada ; and they used to arrive in such a destitute state in Quebec, that they would die by hundreds if it were not for the benevolence of the Canadians. Indeed, numbers of them did perish, in spite of every care that could be taken of them. The ships in which they used to be sent out were so rotten, that hundreds used to perish at sea ; and in those vessels which escaped, numbers perished by disease, in consequence of their crowded state. Now the Canadians said this was a system of white slavery, and they would not be parties to it. They passed a bill to put. an end to it, precisely such a bill as the British Parliament bad since adopted. It was an act to limit the number of emigrants that should be stowed in one ship, and providing that there should be a sufficient supply of provisions on board according, to the number of passengers. The Legislative Council threw out the bill. And yet Canada has no grievance ! But this, in fact, was a grievance to England, where there was much talk about the sufferings of the poor ; and yet the poor were thus sent out friendless and destitute to the shores—not inhospitable shores—of Lower Canada. And to whom did they go? Why, to the French Canadians—to the compatriots of Monsieur Papineau, who was now driven into exile from the land which he adorned. They were succoured by Monsieur Alorat, who is now out on bail to be tried for sedition ; they found relief from Monsieur Peltier, who is now an outlaw. Yet Canada has no grievances! But the last and crowning grievance was the unconstitutional seizure of the public chest.
The Government was alone to blame for the revolt in Canada— He boldly, solemnly, and gravely, and as a man of honour, charged the Executive Government of Lower Canada as being alone the cause of the out- breaking. It happened, in consequence of the resolutions of the House of Com- roone, that meetings like the present were held in every part of the country, at which language not half so treasonable as that used by his friend Colonel Thompson at that meeting was used. What was the consequence of that? Why the Government lay by. They went to Montreal to suborn two men connected with a Liberal newspaper there, who swore affidavits before a Magis- trate; the result of which was, that all the Liberal Magistrates of the place were struck out of the conunission. The prisouers said, " We can get nothing like justice from the Orangemen. We have got Judges appointed by the Crown, payable by the Crown, and removable at the pleasure of the Crown. What chance have we then ofjustice? We have an Orange Sheriff and packed Juries, and our only chance of escape from prison is to go to the scaffold." Yet it has been said that the Canadians have no grievances ! These were no grievances in the eyes of Orangemen ; but let them go to Ireland and listen to what the Tories would say in such a case. What would they say if they saw Mr. O'Connell the advccate of the Crown prosecution, with the Sheriff paid and appointed and renau able at the pleasure of Lord Alulgrave or the Irish Government ? If they saw a jury composed exclusively of Roman Catholics, and then fancy one of the other party, say Colonel Verner, tried by such a tri- bunal, would he say, "This is justice?" No, he would say, "This is not justice, but mockery of justice ;" and so said the Canadian people. What further took place ? The greater part of the gentlemen who were to be arrested removed to their on n estates ; and he was surprised that the circumstance of those gentle. men all having estates, did not create some sympathy for them with the landed interests of England ! The people rose up with one voice and said, " There shall be no more arrests." The Government said "'There shall ;" and they sent out two Magistrates and a body of troops ; who arrested two gentlemen ; paraded them ostentatiously through the district ; and the people rose and rescued the prisoners. (Vehement cheering.) This was not all the Executive Govern- anent did; they were not contented with that ; they armed a steam-boat, and sent her to make her way into the disaffected districts. The troops met the peasants—the poor peasants—and the troops were beaten. ( Tremendous cheer- ing, followed by " Three cheers for the Canadian peasants ;" which was heartily responded to.) This was no scene for exultation : those cheers would not remscitate the dead—those cheers would not soothe the sorrows of the fatherless and the widowed Canadians, who for those unhallowed purposes have been widowed and rendered fatherless. Do not look at it with an eye of exulta. tion, but with sorrow, with shame, and with indignation. ( Cheers.) Let shame and indignation rest on the heads of those upon whom it ought to fall, and while our hearts beat in sympathy with the oppressed, let justice be revere against those who have been the perpetrators of the outrage. The indignation of the constituted authorities was necessarily great. Colonel Wetherell went to St. Charles with a body of troops; and with the precision of a military move- ment, and in accordance with the strict rules of discipline, he wrote, " We have burned the barn, but I don't know how many there were in it." But it went further, for a second attack was made upon the peasants ; and, with the coolness of a practised hand, Colonel Wetherell wrote, " We counted fifty-six bodies." And what bodies were these? (A voice in the crowd exclaimed, " French !") "Blistered be the tongue of the man that raised so vile a cry. I knew not the man who uttered that falsehood ; but this I tell him so base, so truly degraded, so despicable do I consider him, that I think the best thing he can do is to sneak out of the room as soon as possible." (Loud cheers.) The men who were slaughtered were fellow subjects. Colonel Wetherell retreated through the two villages of St. Charles and St. Denis ; and with a cry of exultation they were told they burped both villages. Those who have not been in Canada could have no conception of the terrible inclemency of that country. The wives and the children of those poor fellows, who once held up arms for England—these poor creatures were driven to a wood, without shelter—with a thermometer falling night by night, until it may become 33 degrees below zero these people were driven out Into the woods, with rain, and snow, and sleet, and hail falling on them, without shelter, without food, without any thing to clothe or protect them—for what? To vindicate the honour of England, forsooth !
The people of Canada were most tolerant, kindhearted, and hos- pitable— /1e had himself seen in that Catholic country the Jew, the Catholic, and the Protestant, all meeting together in amity ; and no one ever thought for a mo- ment of asking the impertinent question of what religion was his neighbour. He had seen those men exercising all the simple piety of a society of peasants and farmers: every : their eve thought was peace ; their doors were open to the tra. yellers, who were all Englishmen, Irishmen, or Scotchmen ; they were the kindest and most hospitable people. It was never known that a Canadian door was shut against the stranger or the traveller ; no man was ever turned away.
The report that "the Canadians would not fight" was traced to its source by Mr. Roebuck— He was not' one who dealt in inuendo; he was not accustomed to fear any one. He would mention the name of a large landed proprietor of Canada con- nected with a morning newspaper ; that newspaper was the Morning Chroni- ck. (Groans, and cries of " Shame I") One of the men who were the pro- prietors of that paper was a Mr. M'Gillivray, who had married the daughter of Air. Easthope, another proprietor. That person was connected, and had bees long connected, in a somewhat unexplained mercantile transaction with Mr. Edward Ellice, of Beauharnais; and Mr. Edward Ellice had gone about with that species of peddling policy so peculiar to hint, sowing the seeds of deception and telling the Ministry one after another that the Canadians were a poor, mean-spirited people, and nothing could be easier than to put them down. The Morning Chronwle, of which Mr. APGillivray was a proprietor,had preached the same doctrine. But what was the worth of the statements in the Morning Chronicle, now that they knew the genealogy of them?* (Cheers and groans.) The busfhcss of the Whig and Tory papers was the same—to uphold despotism and tyranny, and to promote plunder. The. people of England would be un- wise even for their own interests to take their opinions from the press. That press was connected with the shipping interest, with the monopoly of bad tim- ber, which cost 1,500,0001. annually, and which the Canadian Parliament hail authorized him to say they desired to see removed. That press was connected with the British American Land Company, which ought to be called "the Bri. tish American White Slave Company." It was nothing more than a plan to cast desolate upon the shores of America paupers from this country, in order to reap from their labour a base dividend.
It was said that the discontented were French— No such thing. Upper Canada was not French. But was Upper Canada contented ? Was Prince Edward's Island French, and was there no discontent there? Upper Canada and Prince Edward's Island made the same demands, and the discontent was spreading from Lake Huron to the Atlantic Ocean. If a war should take place with America—which God forbid—what would be their condition then? Suppose America should take advantage of the troubles in Canada, and should press our Ministers to settle the boundary question,—suppose America should say, " If you do not settle the boundary question as we like, we shall have Canada," did they think that in that event the boasted greatness of England might not be bowed or laid prostrate before that proud republic ? The Whigs had talked about the honour of England, while they had done every thing to hazard and degrade it. Remember what occurred in 1798, when the misgovernment of Ireland caused us to tremble before the French Directory ! And if Ireland had now a friend who knew what ought to be done, and had the courage to dare it, might we not hear the Irish say to the Aristocracy of England, " The people of Canada are not very quiet, and we do not see why we also should not have our grievances re- dressed ?" He believed that this war would be an ulcer in our sides, and reduce this nation to the condition of the emaciated body of one dying by inches, and corrupt before he sank into the grave.
At the conclusion of this speech, three enthusiastic cheers were given for " Mr. Roebuck," and " three cheers for Papineau."
Sir William Molesworth spoke at some length in proposing the third resolution- " That the connexion of Canada with Great Britain is not conducive to the general wealth and prosperity of the Mother Country, inasmuch as it is made the pretext fur the continuance of monopolies to the public detriment and loss ; and that as such connexion can only be supported by a perpetual system of restraint,' it is alike repugnant to justice and burdensome to this country to maintain it."
One of the marked points in Sir William's speech, was un indig- nant reprehension of the wicked attempts that had been made to kindle animosity in this country towards the Canadians, on the ground that the latter were Frenchmen, whose only object was to oppress their British fellow subjects.
Mr John Crawfurd supported the resolution, in a speech of statisti- cal details, which proved that the connexion of Canada with England was costly and unprofitable to the Mother Country.
Mr. Dully said be would put a question of importance to the Mem- bers of Parliament present, especially Mr. Hume and Mr. Leader— There were several pat ties struggling for power in the House of Commons ; amongst others the Radicals, of whom Mr. Hume was one of the most dis- tinguished leaders. The Radicals were struggling to obtain a greater share of power for the People. They were, however, unfortunately so placed, there seemed to be some strange fatality over them, which obliged them to sanction many of the acts of a weak and vacillating Ministry. They had dragged them on by little and little, until at last they were confounded to know whether they were Whigs or Radicals. Now, lie would put a plain question to any member of the Legislature present : suppose Lord John Russell were to propose a resolu.
• The Chronicle has contradicted Mr. Roebuck's statement, and dented the interested bias imputed as the motive of its pailisaaship. lion in the House of Commons declaring his intention to push to extremities the war against Lower Canada, were they prepared to give their sanction to that? How could you after that support the Whigs, and believe them to be the friends of the People? Such a case might arise; and he called on the Members of Par- liament whew:ere there present to give an answer as to what their conduct would be in such a case? Their conduct for the last two years had been such as to shake the confidence of the People in all public men. There was no reason why they shoald suffer themselves to be dragged through the mire by the Mi- nistry. Where was Leporello Evans to-day? Was he preparing to go to the war in Canada? He had seen the honourable chairman himself supporting Lord John Russell since the latter brought forward his resolutions respecting Canada. Now, he would never support the man who proposed such resolu- tions, whether he was right or wrong. Mr. Leader said, he would give a distinct answer to the question. He had never supported the Ministry as a Ministry, and he never would ; but was he justified in refusing to support good measures because they were .proposed by bad men? He would do all he could to expose the Ministers as long as they exercised their power against the People, and for the benefit of the Tories.
Mr. Hume said, he had supported the Whigs because he had expected some good from them ; but he bad been so miserably dis- appointed by Lord John Russell's declaration, that he would never support them again in maintaining their existence as a party.
Mr. Hetherington moved, and Mr. Vincent seconded, the fourth resolution- " That this meeting earnestly and solemnly call upon the People of England to meet forthwith, in counties, cities, borough., towns, parishes, and trades, and to adopt such proceedings as may in their judgment he most likely to induce Ministers to revise their measures, and accede to the wishes of the People for peace."
Mr. Prout moved, and Mr. Chapman seconded, a motion that petitions founded on the resolution should be prepared for signature, and presented to Parliament. Mr. Crawford proposed a resolution of thanks to Mr. Leader-
" That the thanks of this meeting are eminently due, and are hereby given, to John Temple Leader, Esq., N. P. for tbis city, for the sincerity, zeal, and ability he has displayed in defending the just rights and interests of the Canadian and British people ; and this meeting deem It their duty to declare, that the disin- terested and patriotic conduct he has displayed on this and on every occasion in which the happiness and liberty of his country are concerned—when viewed in connexion with the base attempts to asperse his character by sordid and unprincipled tools of the corrupt factions, both Whig and Tory—should raise him still higher in popular esteem, but especially in that of the en- lightened electors of Westminster."
Mr. Prout, in seconding the resolution, observed, that it had been asserted that Mr. Leader's conduct on the Canadian question was displeasing to his constituents ; but he was fully convinced, that the great majority of the electors of Westminster fully approved of Mr. Leader's conduct on the Canadian and other questions. There was no act of his life of which he was so proud, as that of having intro- duced Mr. Leader to the electors of Westminster.
Mr. Hume bore testimony to the honesty and ability with which Mr. Leader discharged his Parliamentary duty. The resolution was carried by acclumutton.
Mr. Leader returned thanks ; and declared that he gloried in the attacks made upon him by the Whig and Tory press, which proved that he had done his duty to the People. A vote of thanks to the Chairman was carried ; and the meeting broke up.
Colonel Evans, "the Spanish liberty-fighter," whose absence from
the meeting provoked the jeers of some of his COI1Stituents, has replied to the question of "where was he ?" in a letter published in the newspapers.
The Colonel considers the attempt to " prejudge a grave question" calculated to impair the weight and influence of Westminster in the country ; and declares that he has not arrived at the startling conclu- sion that the Canadians are right and the Government wrong. He certainly acted with prudence in staying away.