Vtkuk nub hntrthings Varlinnunt.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEER.

noun OF LORDS. Thursday, Feb. 4. Law of Libel ; Lord Campbell's Bill read a first time—Lord Derby's Demand for Ministerial Explanations. _Friday, Feb. 5. Passports ; Lord Clarendon's Answer to Lord Stanhope— The English Engineers at Naples ; Lord Clarendon's Answer to Lord Grey—Mar- riage of the Princess Royal ; Address of Congratulation—Bankrupt Laws ; Lord Brougham's Bill read a first time—Religious Worship Act Amendment ; the Archbishop of Canterbury's Bill read a first time. HOUSE or COMMONS. Thursday, Feb. 4. Transport of Troops to India; Sir De Lacy Evans's Motion—Corporation Reform; Sir George Grey's Bill read a first time—Havelock Annuity Bill ; order for second reading discharged. Friday, Feb. 5. Marriage of the Princess Royal; Address of Congratulation— The Law of Aliens ; Mr. Roebuck's Questions and Speech—Havelock Annuity ; Resolution agreed to—Indian Loan ; Mr. 'Vernon Smith's Bill read a first time.

TIME-TABLE.

Thursday Friday Sittingatlils

this The Lords.

Hour Of

Meeting.

bh Sh /ELM of Adjournment. 7h 2010 65 set

The Commons.

ROW Of

Meeting.

Thursday 45 Friday 4h

Hour of Adjournment. 7530,0 Oh ibm 71. 43,0 48k 3010 Week, 2; Time, 35 2Cm session. 15; — 195 40m

Sittings this Week,

Session

this 2; Time,

10: —

THE REOPENING OF THE SESSION.

Both Houses of Parliament assembled on Thursday, the date appointed at the adjournment on the 12th December last".

In the House of Lords, there was a considerable muster of Peers ; and the two new Peers, Lord Ebury and .Lord Chetham, took the oaths and their seats. The first business was formal, and only prospectively import- ant. First, Lord DUNGANNON gave notice that he should oppose the second reading of Lord Shaftesbury's Religious Worship Act Amendment Bill. Lord CAMPBELL introduced "a bill to amend the law of libel" ; Earl GREY announced that he should on Thursday present the petition of the East Indompany. Ministers then gave their =floes for the evening— Earl GRANVILLE, that he should on the following night move an address Q congratulation to her Majeity on the marriage of the Princess Royal ; Lord Paanautiv., that on Monday he should move a vote of thanks to the Army and Nene who had been engaged in suppressing the mutiny in India. Lord G*ANTILLE theitaioved.that the House do adjourn. The Earl or-DERBY instantly rose and expressed his surprise at the ffiotion. As they were virtually commencing a new session, he should have thought that Ministers would have felt it their duty to make a voluntary statement of their intentions on various important matters,— that they would have adverted to affairs at home and abroad, in which, although there has been some amendment, there is still much to excite apprehension. The extraordinary revulsion in the money-market, the sudden alteration in the rate of interest and discount, call for serious cot- sideration. The aspect of affairs in India continues menacing in the highest degree. We have to rejoice over our successes, but our joy is marred by regret for that illustrious man who unhappily died in the hour of victory. While we meek of those who have fallen we should speak of those who remain, and take the earliest opportunity of ex- pressing our deep sense of the happy mixture of prudence, talent, and skill that has characterized the victories of Sir • Colin Campbell, who has vindicated if he has not raised his high reputation. With this introduction Lord Derby launched into strongly-expressed complaints and free comments suggested by our position in India, the military means at our disposal, the war in China, the attempt to assas- sinate the French Emperor, and its consequences to us. India. "My Lords, I pray you to look even new, in the midst of our par- tial successes, at the position in which we are still struggling in India. Don't flatter yourselves that you have succeeded in putting_ down the re- volt. You have achieved great successes ; but you have still before you a task of unparalleled magnitude, and most inadequate means with which to accomplish it. At this moment I do not believe Sir Colin Campbell, for any one distinct operation, could muster ten thoueand men in arms ; and I am morally certain that nearly double the force now in India would not be too much to enable us to reEstablish our empire there and to restore peace." If we had had at an early period a sufficient force of cavalry, our successes would have been quadrupled. Lord Ellenborough had constantly pressed upon the Government the necessity of having cavalry, and horses for the artillery. Guns have been sent out, but no trained gunners, no horses, no harness. A continual stream of reinforcements should be sent to India at the rate of fifteen hundred a month. But the troops sent out are raw re- emits—mere boys, among whom disease will commit frightful havoc when they land in India. Military Means. "Now. I do earnestly entreat the Government to take this question into their consideration ; to strip this country of all the available force it possesses, and to intrust its own defence at home to its Militia, the whole of which they have been repeatedly entreated and implored to embody. Mv Lords, if I thought the embodiment of the whole Militia would interfere Aith the recruiting for the Army, I should- be the last person to recommend such a course ; but it is the best mode of providing for the internal protection of the country, and would enable you to send out, not raw boys, but trained men for the service of the army. in India. There is anotler point which I would ask attention for a single moment ; and that is to repeat a suggestion which I ventured to offer to your Lordships during the Crimean war—namely, that I firmly believe if due encouragement were given and proper steps taken you might without difficulty raise for the service of this country five or six regiments among

our Colonial possessions. I don't mean regiments for Colonial service. i 1 believe that n the North American Colonies, and possibly in the Australian Colonies, you may find men perfectly willing to form corps for the general service of this country, provided they are placed in all respects on the Army, and differ n no respect from the regular forces

footing of the British i of the Crown, except by a system of relief by which they would be per- mitted to have their period of home service in the colonies in which they were raised, instead of in this country. I do not know whether (he sug- gestion was worth anything or not, but we certainly are in such a state of circumstances that to provide for our home defences, and to give to our army in India those reinforcements which are requisite for the duties it has to perform, we must get more men from somewhere." China. At a moment when we need the services of every man in India, it makes one angry to think that there are fifty ships with 570 guns, and a con- siderable number of seamen, soldiers, and marines, idling, and worse than idling, in this other miserable war in which we are engaged. "I confess that I look upon that war with more apprehension than even I do on the state of India, because I do not see the end to which we are driving, or, in- deed, any end that can by possibility be attained. Here we are in the midst of two wars, for neither of which had we made the slightest preparation, one of which took as absolutely by surprise, and the other has been brought on by the intolerable absurdity of our own Government ; and yet we are wasting our forces in two distant parts of the globe, while in neither have we a suffi- cient force to carry into effect our avowed intentions." We were to ne- gotiate at Pekin ; we now intend to attack Canton. "I think it very likely that attack will succeed, and that we may destroy the city ; but when we have done that we shall not be one whit nearer to the attainment of any of our objects in China. Indeed, we shall be further off; for if we take posses- sion of Canton we nine hold it; and to hold it, even if we have no ulterior objects, we shall have to provide an amount of force which we can very ill spare. By taking Canton we shall not have advanced towards the settle- ment of the Chinese dispute ; but our destruction of a great and populous city may create a reaction against us, and excite feelings which may lead to our expulsion from the other ports of Chins. And to carry on this miserable war we have been obliged to withhold the means of suctessfully operating in India, and to cripple the home defences of the country." The French Question. "It cannot be denied that the recent atrecions attempt to assassinate the Emperor of the French has produced in France a most painful feeling with respect to this country. ("Hear, hear !") It cannot be denied either that accusations have been made against us, utterly unfounded, indeed, but •which the malice of the enemies of this country in France have deeply impressed upon. the minds of a susceptible people : these have led to the use of language which, if proceeding from any quarter i entitled to respect, would be ITT little cal ted to excite a favourable feeling here." Not long ago at the Guildhall dinner] the First Lord of the Treasury set an example o not verydignified bluster; his imitators in France have surpassed him. But their imprudent and disgraceful lan- guage should not induce us to shut our eyes to the fact that it has Ind the effect of alienating from this country the friendly feelings of France. The Government should have taken the earliest opportunity to explain the real state of the "refugee question." Englishmen abhor aesassimatiou. "It makes the blood of an holiest Englishman boil to find that any one is so deluded, so infatuated, so embittered by hostility to this country,- as to be persuaded into a belief that - Englishmen, forsooth, connived at and Fans- boned such an atrocity: ("Hear hear .1") Undoubtedly', it may be said

that the language in which '

ch certain persons in France have indulged deprives them of the right of seeking from this eountry any explanation of our cone duct or our feelings ; but I do not think it can be a matter of indifference that there should be, fro na a want of perfect apprehension of facts, an absence of friendly feeling—not between the two Governments, for I believe that is not the case—but between the people of the two countries." [Here Lord Derby entered into the case of Pierri, to show that we could not have interfered with him while residing here ; that we are not to perform the office of gaolers; that there was no neglect on our part ; that the French Emperor might have expected more vigilance from hie police and more caution from the Consul who granted the passport ; he added in poering, that the lesson to be drawn from the late attempt " is the utter inutility of the vexatious passport system." Ile then continued.]

"I think it my duty frankly to state that it is perfectly well known that there are in this country men who entertain the most dangerous designs. I repeat, in the presence of my noble friend the Secretary for Foreign Affitire, that there are in England men who entertain those dangerous designs to which I have adverted. I go further, and assert that those men are known to, and, so far as our repugnance to any system of surveillance will permit, are under the observation of the police. I must, however, add, that, so Sir from its being true that we keep those men here for the purpose of plotting against the lives of foreign sovereigns, it has at all times been considered the bounden duty of the Government of this country if any such dangerous designs came to its knowledge to give the sovere?gn whose life may in con- sequence be endangered the most timely warning, so that he might be placed upon his guard against those criminal machinations. I will more- over venture to express it as my positive copviction, that the Emperor of the French has upon more than one occasion been mainly indebted for his safety to the friendly intimation which has been conveyed to him of the dangerous designs of persons such as those whom we are now charged with harbouring for the purpose of instigating them to the commission of the most heinous of crimes. I think it is but right it should be known to the French people, that such men are watched by the Government of England ; and that, so far as the laws of the country permit us to go, their nefarious designs are counteracted by the vigilance of a police which, although it may not make i so much noise, s, I believe, huite as effective as the police of France."

Ile asked , Ministers to stet° whether they intended to take "any steps which, even though they should afford no effectual securityfor the protection of the lives of foreign sovereigns, may serve at ksast to indicate the good-will towards France which exists upon the part of the English people, and which may show that we are prepared to do everythi ng which may fa irly be expected at our hands. My Lords, I say without hesitation, that not for the security of the Sovereign of France, or of alltheSovereigns of Europe, twenty timesover, would I consent to violate in the slightest degree that sacred right of asylum to foreigners by which our history has always been characterized. (Cheers.) Of the advantages of that asylum men of all political shades of opinion have ever freely partaken. By many of them it has, I regret to say, been most shamefully and ungratefully abused ; and I do not hesitate to add that such men are guilty of a serious crime against the world and against humanity, inasmuch as they imperil, by the suspicions which their conduct raises against her, the laud which in the hour of their distress has held out to them —and which holds out to all who are similarly situate—a place of refuge and protection. But, not because of the crimes of those people, nor because of any consequences which mar flow from them, would I, for one, consent to destroy., or even to relax, that privilege of asylum which En .gland affords to all those who do not act in direct disobedience to her laws. There is also another measure which I am sure no Government would propose, and which, even if they did, I feel convinced no Parliament would sanction,—that is, that any man should be punished upon mere suspicion in this country, and not upon evidence brought against him in the face of day. If, my Lords, the people of France are unreasonable enough to expect such a sacrifice of feel- ing and principle upon the part of the English nation, they are lamentably mistaken—(Cheers)-- and, however I may regret that ill-will should for a moment be engendered between them and us, all such considerations must yield to the preservation in its perfect integrity of that vital principle to which I have just referred. But, while I maintain that no person ought to be pimished in this country except upon clear evidence of his guilt, I am disposed to think it a question well worthy of the attention of the Govern- ment howler the laws at present in existence can be put in force for the prevention of offences of the heinous nature to which I have been alluding. I do not presume to express any opinion as to the specific measures which may be introduced with the view of striking somewhat more of terror into the inindsof the persons by whom such crimes are pontemplated, and for the purpose of making manifest to the sensitive people of France the sincerity of our expression of good-will in their regard ; but I may nevertheless give utterance to the hope thather Majesty's Ministers may be able to see their way to the framing of some law which may prove effectual for the sup- pression of these attempts at assassination while it does not infringe upon the vital principles of the constitutions To the enactment of such a measure as that, Parliament would, I feel assured, be prepared to give a cheerful as- sent. . . . . I should be glad to hear that her Majesty's Ministers are pre- pared to declare wnethet the existing laws are adequate to that end, and, if not whether they might not be so amended as to meet, wholly uneonnected with any political consideration whatever, such a crime as that of which I have been speaking—a crime so heinous in itself and so revolting to every feeling of humanity." (Cheers.) Earl GRA/fonts said, he could imagine nothing that would surprise the House more than that a Minister should, after an adjournment of two months, make a general statement on matters political. It would have been an intrusion in him to start up and discuss financial matters. It would have been childish and improper to anticipate the motion of Lord Panmure. He would not trouble the House by dwelling on all the small matters of detail—horses and harness—upon which Lord Derby entered. The :lemur mutton that the Government was unprenared for war in India and China is perfectly unreasonable. Who could have been prepared for the Indian mutiny ? The preparations in China were originally greater than would have been sufficient, and the force in China now is strong enough to sally the object in view. Lord Derby said that the policy is wrong : that may be, but it has been sanctioned by an appeal to the country; and the Government which inaugurated the policy could not retreat. With regard to the attempted .assassination, it would have been an agree- ale task to express abhorrenee cifthe mime and joy at the escape of the Emperor and Enapress_, but it would have been e.ntieely.unprecedented. As to the course which would be taken—no on could regret more than the Government the publication of those intemperate addresses, fa but a great nation cannot on account of intemperate e.xpressione refrain from adopting the course that appears right. kis impossible tn. give up the righp oft offering hospitality and refoge to persons of all political opinions ; more impossible, more criminal, to abridge the personal liberty of foreign- ers or Englishmen. But if any-defects are found in our lbws it will be our duty to supply them. And Lord' Granville look the opportunity of stating that a bill on the subjeet'would be brought into the other House, on Monday

. The Earl of limmummuser supplied an omission in Lord Derby': speech, by asking whether it was intended to abolish the double govern- ment of India ? If the rumour was correct, he deprecated it with all his heart. It would be most foolish and fatal to bring forward a new scheme of administration for India when that country is disturbed from one end to the other. The reply to Lord Malmesbury was a dry statement by Earl GuArervnme., that it is the intention of her Majesty's Government to bring in a bill for the better government of India.

The next speaker was Lord Peentunn -' who replied to some of Lord Derby's statements. The first detachment of Artillery went out to India without equipments because the Directors said that everything was prepared to equip them for the field. The Directors found that their stores were not in the state they expected, and Lord Panniure sent cut a double set of harnesses with every gun. The artillerynien were well-trained soldiers, and the recruits for the line had all gone through the Minie rifle practice. Horses have been obtained with more success than Was anticipated. Recruits are sent to India at the rate of one thousand a month. Steps have been taken to raise regiments in our Colonies ; one in Canada, to be called the Hundredth Regiment : all se ch regiments are " to a great extent to be officered by colonies."

Earl GREY put in a word against embodying the whole of the Milifm- it would interfere with recruiting. Ile repeated his opinion that the war in China is impolitic, wrong, and immoral ; and complained that Parliament is uninformed for what we are going to fight, or for what objects the operations are carried on.

Lord BROUGHAM took up two topics—the prorosed India Bill, and he refugee question.

He expressed his amazement at the time chosen to bring forward a mea- sure for the -final settlement of the government of India. It would be better to undertake so large a subject when the war is at an end, and when the whole subject might be deliberately examined. As regards France, the execrable attempt upon the life of the Emperor had produced irritation, ex- asperation, and alarm. In many quarters in France there is an entire ig- norance of the subject as regards the state of the law in this country. The law is sufficient to punish those who extenuate and justify assassination and lament the failure of plots. Peltier was convicted of a libel recommending the assassination of the First Consul. Their Lordships would no doubt re- collect the case of " Gilbert and another," which was tried in 1812. One of the parties in that case had given the other 1001. on condition of receiving a guinea a day as long as Napoleon Bonaparte lived. The payment was claimed, and the case ultimately came before the Court which was so ably presided over by Lord Ellenborough. That Court decided in the most un- equivocal manner, that it was an immoral and therefore illegal debt, be- cause it led to an encouragement of the crime of assassination.

He believed the laws were sufficient to prevent the refugees from ca- balling and conspiring in this country ; but if not sufficient, then the law ought to be amended. It would be well to consider whether a modified revival of the Alien Act might not be resorted to Lord CAMPBELL stated his views on the subject.

For his part, he did most sincerely and earnestly deprecate any change-",a the criminal law which would extend the power of the Government over re- fugees who seek an asylum in this country. By the law as it now stands the Government have an the power they ought to have. If persons belong- ing to the class of refugees commit offences while in this country, let them be punished ; but until they are proved guilty, let them enjoy the hospitality and protection afforded by the English laws. (Cheers.) There can be re doubt, that as the law now stands a conspiracy in this country, betwec a British subjects as well as between aliens, to artaae.sinate a foreign sovereign, or to commit murder, or to disturb the peace between this country and any other with which we are in amity, would be a misdemeanour liable to severe punishment. There can be no doubt that words might amount for that purpose to a misdemeanour. If there were an exhortation to comma a murder or a burglary, or to raise a riot, that would be in England a misde- meanour, and the moment the speaker had finished his speech he might be arrested and tried. When Law-officer of the Crown, the only ex-officio information he filed was against the late Feargus O'Connor, for ex- horting people in his newspaper called the Northern Star to plunder their superiors. Mr. O'Connor said the land was the property of the nation at large, and ought to be equally divided among all the people of this eountry ; and not only did he advance that speculative opinion, which as such might have been harmless, but he exhorted the people to rise. The result was, that he was tried and convicted in the Court of Queen's Bench, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment. Where is the ground for changing the existing law, unless -they stlere to say. the Government should have the power, immediately upon the requisition of a foreign state, without any proof of culpability whatever, to expel an alien from the British terri- tory? In this country, aliens as well as native-born subjects are always to be considered the subjecth of her Majesty ; and while they are in this country and obey the law, they are to be protected as much as if they had been born in the metropolis of England. He hoped that would continue to be the principle on which all our legislation on that subject proceeded. It is the ground on which England has hitherto been the asylum of foreigners of all nations, and he hoped that asylum would never be taken away. (Clle7.) TIemotion for the adjournment was agreed to, and the HOSE broke up at twenty minutes past seven. - When the Speaker took the chaii. in the House of Commons at fe-nr o'clock, there was more than an average attendance of Members. Some of the recently-elected representatives took the °Mho and their seats— Mr. Gibson, Mr. Cavendish, Mr. Dent, Mr. Lyall, Sir Andrew Agnew, Mr. Duff. Then a number of petitions were presented ; and Mr. Heyter obtained a new writ for Limerick, in the room of Sergeant [new Judge] O'Brien.

Notices of motion were next given : Lord Paureasmaer, on Monday, to move for leave to bringpin a bill to amend the laws relating to con- spiracies to commit mtu4eFesMr. ROERUCH, on Friday week, to readfve the abolition of the Viceroyittof Ireland ; Mr. Barisal; on the letb, to call attention to the causes of the rebellion in India and to move fer papers • Mr. Avaroste on the 18th,- to ask leave to bring. in a bill to equalize the poor-ratea in the Metropolitit's

I.

During the short sitting in December, SineDe Lacy Evans placed the following notice on the paper—

"-To move for a Select Committee to inquire concerning the memoirs resorted to or which were available, and as to the lines of communication adopted, for reinforcing our army during the pending revolt in India, and to report thereon to this House, with a view to ascertaining the arrange- ments which should.be made towards meeting any funire important emer- gencies involving the security of our Eastern dominions." Sir Ds Leer Ever:8 now, without notice, altered the terms of this motion, and moved the following instead thereof- " That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the measures recently adopted by her Majesty's Government for the transmission of troops and stores to India, and to report on the same to the House."

Sir CHARLES NAPIER seconded the motion ; and Lord Petetraisros said the Government had no objection to the inquiry, and would afford all the information in their power. Sir JOHN Pixtsorox and Mr. DISRAELI objected. As it originally stood, the motion was something like a vote of censure : a different motion was now made. Mr. Disraeli asked the Speaker, whether a Member could put a new motion without formal notice ? Sir DE LACY Evexs and Lord PAL3IERSTON were willing to pass the resolution in either form. Mr. DISRAELI again appealed to the Speaker on the point of order. The SPEAKER said, a Member certainly has the power to make an alteration such as that made in the present motion.

Mr. Rourstres then moved the original motion as an amendment ; but after some objection from Lord JOHN RUSSELL and Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, he withdrew it. Lord PALM:RUSTON now suggested that the second edi- tion should be withdrawn and the original substituted ; a suggestion in which Sir DE LACY EVANS concurred.

Mr. DISRAELI still complained that these proceedings were very irregu- lar. It was not a motion that should be acceded to as a matter of course ; it should be discussed. The House ought to have an opportunity of hear- ing the defence of the Government. He intimated that there had been some " arrangement " ; an insinuation which Sir DE LACY Evexs warmly denied.

At length the original resolution was put. Then Lord JOHN RUSSELL remarking that the concluding words were unnecessary, moved that all words after the word "House" should be struck out. Mr. DISRAELI again enforced his view, that the subject should be discussed in the House before it was referred to a Select Committee. Would the House abdicate its deliberative functions? When Parliament met in December, there was a general feeling that troops might have been sent more ex- peditiously to India, and the public expected a discussion., But one of the habitual supporters of the Government gave notice of motion for an inquiry, thus making himself master of the situation ; and by some ho- cus-pocus there is to be no discussion.

The subject ought to be brought before the House in a Parliamentary_ manner, and not, as at present, like a thief in the night, to vanish ulti- mately in the dust of a Select Committee. Lord Palmerston's moral objection to the proposal to send troops overland was that he could not go cap in hand to a foreign power and ask for leave for British troops to be conveyed through its territories. Surely it would not have been degrading to make such a request to a friendly power. The physical objection was, that the noble lord could not take the responsibility of allowing British troops to face the monsoon in the Desert. But that had been faced even by women and children. After what had passed, and seeing that the resolution had godfathers of all kinds, it would be best to withdraw it, and give a formal notice that would permit a full discussion.

Lord Pmareasrore said, if his eves did not deceive him, one of the godfathers of the resolution [Sir -John Pakington] sat close to Mr. Disraeli.

As to the ante-Christmas sittings, they were not hurried over to avoid a discussion on this subject. Mr. Disraeli and a noble friend of his in the other House were far more anxious to put an end to the session than the Government. Mr. Disraeli now came forward as the champion of the Go- vernment, and described the injustice of inquiring into its conduct without hearing its defence in debate. The Government thanked him for the care he took of their interests, but they were of opinion that an inquiry would lead to a more satisfactory conclusion than a debate. "There have un- -doubtedly been some details adverted to by the right honourable gentleman which I am afraid even the searching inquiry of a Committee would not be able entirely to ascertain. The right honourable ..eentleman spoke of the disastrous effects of the monsoon in the deserts of Egypt ; and, although he di/ not mention it, I presume he also meant to turn his thoughts to a sand- .storm in the midst of the Indian Ocean. (Laughter.) But these meteoro- logical details I leave to the right honourable gentleman and the right ho- nourable baronet who sits next to him." Mr. Disraeli's complaint that be was surprised was not complimentary to himself. He has had six weeks to prepare a speech; he is not a man to be taken unawares ; and therefore "‘ the very unwillingness he has Blimp to enter into this subject proves that something has been passing in his mind during the Christmas recess which leads him to think that the result of an inquiry before a Committee will not be precisely that which may suit the views of those who sit on his side of the House."

After this speech the debate relapsed again into a conversation ; during which Sir DE LACY EVANS denied that he was an habitual supporter of the Government, or that in the present case he had made any arrange- ment.

On a division, Lord John Russell's amendment was negatived by 147 to 78; and the resolution as it originally stood in December was agreed to.

Sir George Grey's Corporation of London Bill, and several minor mea- sures or matters of form, were disposed of; and the House adjourned at half-past seven o'clock.

Tun LONDON COUPOB.ATION Bria.. This bill, brought in by Sir George *Grey, and read a first time on Thursday, is based on the recommendations of the Commissioners. The wards are to be reduced from 26 to 16, and ren- dered equal in area and population. The number of Common Councilmen will be reduced (including Aldermen) from 232 to 112, each ward electing one Alderman and six Councillors. The constituency will consist of all house- holders paying a rent of ten pounds, whether freemen or Parliamentary voters or not. The Aldermen will be elected for life, and will sit as magistrates; but neither they nor the Lord Mayor will sit in the Central Criminal Court. Any Alderman or Common Councilman will be eligible for the office of Lord Mayor, and he will be elected, not as heretoffire by the Livery, but by the Common Council. The Recorder will continue to be elected by the Alder- men. The bill also contains clauses abolishing all exclusive rights of trading, street tolls, the right of metage, and the exclusive right of the fel- lowship of porters ; but the coal-duties are untouched.

LIBEL. Lord Campbell's Libel Bill, also read a first time on Thursday, gives, in the first place immunity to all correct accounts of the proceedings of both Houses of Parliament ; in the second, immunity to all faithful ac- counts of lawful public meetings where no loss or damage has been done by the publication ; and in the third place, it contains a definition of what should be considered a public meeting assembled for a lawful purpose.