THE MAGAZINES.
Tux magazines, serious and light, are this month more than usually full of interesting articles. In the Nineteenth Century, Prince Kropotkin discourses on "The Coming Anarchy." Apparently the ideal of the Prince and that of the advocates of non-interference by the State is very much the same. There is to be no Government, and nothing but voluntary unenforceable agreements between man and man are to bind society together, —if, indeed, there is to be any society. In " Where are the Letters ?" Mr. Taylor Innes raises the following question,— " How many are there of the 700 cases of psychical research— how many even of those 350 first-hand narratives of our letter- writing age—in which the indefatigable editors have 'seen or ascertained' a letter or a document issued at the time by the narrator so as to prove his story to be true P" " The answer," says Mr. Taylor lanes, " must be—Not one." In the course of his article, Mr. Taylor Innes analyses several very curious in- stances of phantasms of the living, shows that their complete verification depends upon the fact that certain letters were written, and yet that in no ease are these letters forthcoming. Whether the Psychical Society have any answer to this, we do not know. At any rate, they should certainly give it, if they have. Mr. Gladstone, in an article entitled "Mr. Lecky and Political Morality," is able to make a very complete defence of himself from Mr. Lecky's attack on his financial policy. In the following passage, Mr. Gladstone tells a very interesting piece of contemporary history :— " The Aberdeen Administration, of which I was an original member, had made no promise whatever on the permanency of the tax. It was in order to avoid egotism that I recited with extreme brevity the pledge of 1853. I am now driven, however reluctantly, into somewhat greater length. The great mission of that Government, as stated by the Prime Minister in the House of Lords, was to restore finance. The Tory Party under the guidance of the Tory Government, and probably two-thirds of the Liberal Party from conviction and pre- ference, favoured the differentiation of the tax. The school of Peel was convinced that this meant financial confusion. The Chancellor. ship of the Exchequer was the post of danger. It was offered to me. I endeavoured to persuade my honoured friend Sir James Graham to take it. He had passed sixty, his health was no longer strong, and he declined. My first duty was to examine, with extreme labour, a subject which Mr. Lecky appears to comprehend by the facile method of innate ideas. My next was to ask the Cabinet to adopt a plan which handled the Income-tax in a manner known by us to be un- acceptable at the time to a very large majority of the House of Commons. My third was to propose the plan to Parliament. Parlia- ment threw aside the ruinous scheme of differentiation, and also gave the tax not as before for one year, bat for seven, upon an elaborate argument from the Government to show that in all likelihood the impost could be dispensed with at a future date. It was a bargain of honour with the House of Commons. It is in my view a little strange to find that I ought to have forgotten it. But is it not more than a little strange that my censor should convey this doctrine in the name of political morality P"
In "American Opinion on the Irish Question," Mr. Godkin enters into what we are bound to confess is a rather tiresome attempt to prove that he is not, as Mr. Matthew Arnold asserted, " the only highly instructed or widely informed person " he (Mr. Arnold) had met with in America who took a favourable view of Mr. Gladstone's scheme of Home-rule. After all, what does it matter whether American opinion as to the Irish Question is formed on sound or unsound information P The Americans themselves have taught us how unworthy is a nation that, at a great national crisis, regards any outside influence. The North rejected, and rightly rejected, with scorn the opinion of the civilised world, which bade them yield to armed rebellion in the South. We intend to follow their example. Dr. Jessopp's "Trials of a Country Parson" is, as usual, full of delightful stories. We wish we had space to quote the story of the wife of the locum tenons and her fourteen brindled bull- dogs. The articles describing respectively the sanitary regula- tions enforced in Germany for the prevention of rabies, and the comparative merits of the English and American Press, are well worthy of attention.
In the Fortnightly, Mr. Swinburne treats the public to one of his satirical rhapsodies on men and letters. " Whitmania" is the title of the article, and in it he deals in his own wonderful style with what he considers the follies of the preachers or the proselytes "of the Gospel according to Whitman." Such phrases as "the flute-notes of Diogenes Devilsdung," in reference to one of Carlyle's verse-translations, "the orotund oratist of Man- hattan," or " the dirty, clumsy paws of a harper whose plectrum is a muck-rake," scattered freely about his pages, show that Mr. Swinburne's hand has lost none of its cunning. " Three Dreams in a Desert " can hardly be called a very successful attempt at mystical allegory. To make visions attractive, the style must be faultless; but can that be said when we have words like the "Age-of-dominion-of-muscular-force "P In "The Material Progress of Ireland," Professor Leone Levi puts together some very interesting facts and figures ; while in "French Peasant-Proprietors," Mrs. Betham-Edwards has some pleasant things to say about rural life in France. "The Growth of Co-operation in England," by Mr. Holyoake, is written with an enthusiasm difficult to be withstood by the reader. The following passage on the future of co-operation will interest our readers:— "The question people frequently ask is, Will co-operation stand For more than forty years it has not only stood but extended itself, and is still extending. The stores of Lancashire and Yorkshire stood the cotton famine. Halifax stood under the loss of all its accumu- lated capital. Like many wiser and more experienced men, the directors invested in Honduras bonds and other foreign securities, which promised a high rate of interest. Not regarding the maxim that large interest means large risk, they found one morning that they had lost L70,000. No panic occurred in the store when this came to be known. They had invested like gentlemen, and they bore the consequences like gentlemen. They shrugged their shoulders as far as was possible without producing discomfort—wrote off their loss, and resolved to invest more prudently in the future. It was no case of fraud, but an error of judgment. The directors had invested in the hope of making a large profit. Had the profit come, the members would have condoned the unwisdom of the investment for the sake of the advantage ; and as in that case they would not have blamed the risk, they had the good sense not to blame the loss, and in due time they became rich again. Co-operative workshops have made as yet comparatively small progress. Even now there are few in England entitled to that name, in which capital being fully and fairly paid according to its risk, the whole profit made is divided among all concerned in producing it, according to the money value of their services. There are festivals of distributive societies held every year all over England, but only one festival of a productive society—that of Mr. Gimson's workmen in Leicester, a few years ago—has yet been held. Mr. George Thomson, of Huddersfield, an employer of energy and generous enthusiasm, has, however, con- verted his works into a real industrial partnership, and it seems likely that the movement will extend. When profit-sharing workshops come to prevail as stores do now, co-operation will sensibly determine the future of the working class by superseding hired labour, and terminating the precariousness of competitive remuneration. Trades unions are beginning to consider the policy of advising their members, wherever they have a choice of employment, to give the preference to firms which concede a participation of profit to workmen. Capital will then have assured security. The employers will be freed from anxieties which now wear out many of them, and will be able to show their workmen well housed, well dressed, and gladsome from the hope of competence, with as much pride as they now show their stately factories and splendid machinery."
The ingenious editor of the Fortnightly has invented a new game to play with English men of letters which will afford considerable amusement to his readers. He has written to such people as Mr. Matthew Arnold, Lord Carnarvon, Mr. Grant Allen, Mr. Andrew Lang, Mr. George Meredith, Mrs. Lynn Linton, Mr. Swinburne, and others, asking them what are their favourite pieces of verse and prose. Mr. Matthew Arnold replies that he likes best in poetry the passage from the Iliad describing the pity of Zeus for the horses of Achilles, and the " Linquenda tellus " stanza of Horace ; and in prose, Bossuet'e passage on St. Paul and Plato, and Burke's tribute to John Howard, the prison reformer. It is certainly interesting to look over the various quotations collected by Mr. Harris, though it cannot be said that anything very remarkable is to be found among them.
In the Contemporary, Mr. Holman Hunt continues his ex- tremely interesting series of autobiographical studies ; while Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji attempts an answer to Sir Mountstuart Grant Duffs views about India. "The Great Depression of Trade" is discussed with his usual power and knowledge by Mr. David A. Wells ; and Miss Julia Wedgwood gives an interesting study of Count Leo Tolstoi. The most important article of the number is Lord Thring's exhaustive criticism of all possible forms of Home-rule, under the title of "Ireland's Alternatives." " Speeches, lectures, pamphlets, articles, leaflets, relating to Home-rule and Land Law in Ireland have been showered on the public," says Lord Thring, "as 'thick' (and perhaps as dry- absit omen)' as autumnal leaves that strew the brooks in Venom- brosa.' " Yet, undeterred by his own warning, Lord Thring proceeds to an exhaustive discussion of the old subject. Tiresome, however, as is the Home-rule controversy, it must be admitted that Lord Thring's writings, while they are the most moderate, are also the most effective exponents of the Gladetonian schemes. His present article, from whichever side we view it, is very valuable in clearing our ideas on this subject. Lord Thring sums up in the following manner the results of his paper
" What, then, are the conclusions intended to be drawn from the oregoing premisses P 1. That coercion is played out, and can no longer be regarded as a remedy for the evils of Irish misrule. 2. That some alternative most be found, and that the only alternative within the range of practical polities is some form of Home-rale. 3. That there is no reason for thinking that the grant of Home-rule to Ireland—a member only, and not one of the most important members, of the British Empire—will is any way dismember, or even in the slightest degree risk the dismemberment of the Empire. 4. That Home-role presupposes and admits the supremacy of the British Parliament. 5. That theory is in favour of Home-rale, as the nationality of Ireland is distinct, and justifies a desire for local in- dependence; while the establishment of Home-rule is a necessary condition to the effectual removal of agrarian disturbances in Ireland. 6. That precedent is in favour of granting Home-rule to Ireland- e.g., the success of the new Constitution in Austria-Hungary, and the happy effects resulting from the establishment of the Dominion of Canada. 7. That the particular form of Home-rule granted is com- paratively immaterial. 8. That the Home-rule Bill of 1886 may readily be amended in such a manner as to satisfy all real and unpartisan objectors. 9. That the Land Bill of 1886 is the beet that has ever been devised, having regard to the advantages offered to the new Irish Government, the landlord, and the tenant ; and that any Bill intended to be just to the Irish landlord, the Irish tenant, and the British taxpayer, must follow the line of that Bill to a very great extent."
As to the first of these conclusions, we desire to point out that no Unionist has ever supposed coercion to be a remedy for the evils of Irish misrule. We hold it to be the necessary means in Ireland, as in every other country, for withstanding anarchy ; but surely this is something very different. Lord Thring's second contention, that some alternative must be found, we hold to be an entirely fallacious way of meeting the problem. With his contention that precedent is in favour of granting Home. rule to Ireland, as shown by the success of the new Constitution in Austria-Hungary and the Dominion of Canada, we are also entirely unable to agree. The Constitution of Austria-Hungary just manages to hold together under a popular Sovereign, but who shall say how long it will last ?—while the difficulties of the Canadian form of government are at this moment being brought into prominence by the extremely dangerous quarrel now pro- ceeding between the Province of Manitoba and the Central Government. Ae to points 7 and 8 in Lord Thring's con- clusions, we can only express our astonishment that be should have advanced them as serious arguments.
The National Review, which has this month opened its pages to Liberal Unionists, begins by an appeal from the editors to the Liberal Unionist leaders to induce them to form a coalition with the Tory Party. They urge with considerable force the dangers to the Union that would arise were the Government to be beaten by the defection of the Liberal Unionists, since the dissolution that might follow such an event would find the two sections of the Unionist Party in no spirit conducive to active co-operation. " The force of gravitation," say the editors, "operates in politics as in physics, and it is the larger body that attracts and absorbs the smaller one, not the smaller one the larger." This may be all very well, but the editors seem to have missed the practical point, which is, that the present configura- tion of the Unionist Party keeps a greater hold on the electorate than a closer connection might keep. Meantime,since the Liberal Unionists are quite as much, or more, devoted to the cause of the Union than the Conservatives, there is no fear that votes of theirs will be given so as to endanger a Unionist Govern. ment. We have always been for coalition, but we cannot think the present moment opportune for the change. Lord Selborne, in his article, " The Opinion of 'the Civilised World," puts together some very weighty considerations in favour of disregarding that opinion. He makes one extremely good point against Mr. Gladstone's boast as to the late resolutions of the Canadian Parliament in favour of Home-rule. In 1 2, it appears that the Dominion Parliament passed an address to the Crown of a similar nature :—
" What was the answer of Mr. Gladstone', Government, in 1882, to that address ? I will state it in the words used by the Prime Minister of Canada, in the debate of April 26th last := It was a solemn answer by her Majesty's Government to the respectful and loyal Address, the contents of which I have just spoken of; and we were told that, while any representations which were made concerning the interests of Canada would be listened to with great interest and respect, so far as regarded the subject of our Address in 1882, it was the exclusive province of her Majesty's Government to deal with, and her Majesty would only listen to her Imperial adviaers It was not the mere statement of Lord Kimberley ; because, if you look to the English "Hansard," you will find that, in answer to a question, Mr. Gladstone used language literally no nearly approaching the language of that despatch, that it was quite clear that he dictated the despatah, and was personally responsible for it. He bad then a different line of policy ; and therefore he snubbed Canada for pursuing a course which to-day he will perhaps thank us for, and be very grateful for ?'" Lord Lytton's poem, "The Ring and the Casket," has the meretricious ornament of that writer, without mach of his usual point and spirit. Some extremely interesting facts are to be found in the Countess Martinengo Cesaresco's paper on Italian agriculture. If she is not exaggerating, the condition of things in Lombardy is little less than desperate. In 1885, it would seem that there were almost the beginnings of an agrarian revolution in the Province of Mantua. We cannot leave this number of the National Review without regretting our inability to notice Sir William Anson's interesting paper on Oxford Liberals and Home-rule.
Murray's Magazine contains an interesting article, called " With Mr. Forster in Ireland in 1882," by Captain Ross-of- Bladensburg. He describes how he accompanied Mr. Forster to Tana, the scene of an agrarian outrage of a peculiarly revolting nature which had recently taken place. Finding that a large number of peasants had assembled in the Tulle market-place, Mr. Forster walked in the crowd When well among the Tulle peasants he said, as they looked somewhat disconcerted at his approach—' I suppose you know who I am ?'—There was no move, no answer.—' I am Mr. Forster, the Chief Secretary for Irelaud:—Immediately every hand was raised to the owner's hat, and there was a general response, ' Ab, God bless your honour !' Having now arrested their attention, and thus publicly introduced himself to their notice, he proceeded in the following
strain I have come here to witness with my own eyes the scene of the latest outrage, and to see for myself the state of your district. I have just visited the victim of the recent moonlighting expedition that has occurred among you. Poor Michael Moroney will soon die. And now I want to know why it is that an inoffensive man, one of yourselves, has been butchered in your midst? Why do you not avenge him, and hunt down the cowardly miscreants who have com- mitted this shameful deed ? You are men, not beasts ; if you have a quarrel with the Government, and if you have the instincts of men, why do you not strike at me ? It is I who am opposing the designs of those that lead you! If I have done you harm, why do you not avenge yourself upon me; but cease, in the name of Heaven, from preying upon each other like the brutes of the field, and cease to torment by your dastardly conduct those that are the weakest and most defenceless among you.' With that he strode out with a look of scornful pity upon his face, leaving them utterly speechless and unable to stir or make any sign."
Macmillan's Magazine is this month particularly good. Mr. George Saintsbnry contributes a very just estimate of Francis Jeffrey and his work as a critic. He points out what he terms the curious " Gallicanism " of Jeffrey's mind. "At Little Gidding " is another interesting article. It describes the foundation of a Protestant House of Religion by the Ferran and Collet families in the earlier part of the seventeenth century. Mr. Anstey begins in the present number a new story, " Milner's Mistake," which, however, does not furnish his usual fund of entertainment to his readers.
The best article in the Cornhill is "The Dolomites of Pegnitz." Indeed, it is just what alight article of travel ought to be. Very amusing is the account of the fat women who drink the waters of Marienbad to reduce their size, and eat steadily through the enormous bill of fare of the table d'hdte. "From Skiddaw Top on Jubilee Bonfire-Night" contains some fairly written pieces of description. Nevertheless, it fails somehow or other to bring before the reader the wonderful spectacle which the view must have presented, when at 11.30 onehundred and forty-eight watch-fires were blazing from the hills of Cum- berland and Westmoreland. One word must be said in praise of the ingenuity of the short story, " Olive's Lover."
Longman's Magazine contains the beginning of a weird story by Mr. Christie Murray and Mr. Henry Herman. In the present number, Mr. Rider Haggard concludes "Allan Quatermain," and Mr. Julian Sturgis his story entitled "Thraldom."
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