THE MAGAZINES.

THE Fortnightly opens with a very strong and clear paper from Mr. Courtney upon "Our Eastern Policy," the drift of which is that British policy of late in the matter has been essentially feeble,

that the character of the Czar has throughout been mistaken by the Foreign Office, and that we should co-operate with Russia and Europe in raising up a Federation of Christian Powers out of the ruins of the Ottoman dominion. "We should cease to pursue the policy foredoomed to failure of maintaining the Otto- man Empire in Europe," and pay Russia for her services, not with territory, but with the right of passage to the Mediterranean. Mr. Courtney places the most discreditable incident in recent negotiations under a strong light :— a A right appreciation of the character of the Czar is absolutely necessary, if we would understand the diplomatic history of the past year. It is no empty phrase, it is a sincere and nuiveraal conviction, that he is most earnestly bent on avoiding war. He discountenanced the action of Sea-via; he tried to check Montenegro; he inspired the Berlin Memorandum ; he has held repeated conferences with the Emperor-King. No war, if possible ; but the good government of the subject-races of European Turkey cannot be sacrificed, though it be procured at the price of war. When the armistice was accepted, and the Conference was practically resolved upon, the Czar sought an in- terview with our Ambassador at his Court, and gave him the most solemn, the most earnest, the most pathetic assurances that he had no designs of territorial aggrandisement ; and he entreated the English Government to lay aside their unjust suspicions. This was on the 2nd of November, and the communication of tho Czar was at once tele- graphed to England. A week later the new Lord Mayor entertained the Ministry at the Guildhall, and the Prime Minister addressed to the citizens of London a speech in which he gave no hint of the Czar's pacific message, but instead, magnified our supposed treaty obligations to defend the Ottoman Empire, ridiculed the sincerity of the public action of Russia, and boasted of the abilities of England to support a second or a third campaign. Upon the treachery of this speech to the Czar and to the English nation—upon its iniquity, unparalleled, as far as I know, in the history of England as a constitutional monarchy—I lay no stress here."

There is a noteworthy paper on "Church and State," by Mr. F. Harrison, in which the eloquent Comtist attacks the union of the two powers from the religious side, and writes unintentionally in the very tone of a High Churchman :- "How long will Churchmen endure to see religions life thus vulgar- ised by a compact which forces devotion into the attitude of a parasite, and turns the voice of the preacher into the grating tone of a State official? Churchmen or not, we must all feel sometimes the stir of something within us, as we think on this ideal of the parliamentary gospel—this privileged, political, combative bureaucracy, saturated with lay interests and surfeited with temporal possessions, governed by the secular nominees of a secular parliament, and preaching, for good and sufficient consideration, the religion of Christ at the orders of an assembly, in which very many are not Churchmen and some are not Christians, but in which all are of the great and none are of the poor."

His main argument is, that the State in purchasing the submis- sion of one great sect is stepping beyond its function, and trying to perform a moral act which is beyond its power. The State "can act only in material ways, by preventing deeds ; it cannot act in moral ways, by inducing convictions or forming moral qualities." This is the key - note of the article, which is otherwise only an eloquent restatement of Nonconformist platitudes, and it is surely one of the largest assumptions ever made. Whether it is wise for a State to "induce convictions" may be debateable, but that it can do it and does do it is beyond all question. One of the first objects of the organi- sation of a free State is to "induce convictions "—for what else do "Parliaments exist?"—while every State, free or absolute, teaches and intends to teach moral truths by its legislation. Does the State do nothing in the moral region when it punishes suicide, protects animals from cruelty, and makes flight in battle for a soldier a capital offence ? So little can it help exerting a moral force, that many reasoners have pointed to legislation as one of the creative causes of conscience ; and among some races, notably the English, it is most difficult to discern where the operation of conscience and of legislation begins and ends, so greatly is conscience the creature of the State legislation. It is not too much to say that the special English respect for human life,—a respect not by any means founded on any mental peculiarity in the people, which is, in fact, when provoked, unusually careless of human life,—ia due to the exceptional severity with .. which the State, not only in theory, but in practice, has pursued the murderer. Whether it should use this great power to diffuse, or rather maintain, certain religious and ecclesiastical ideas, is of course a question to be argued, but that it can do it is indis- putable. Half the Episcopalians in England believe that Bishops are useful or necessary because the State appoints them. The Fortnightly also publishes an account of German parties, by Mr. Tuttle, notable for the distinctness with which he brings out the fact that in the German Parliament the continued existence of the State is still an open question ; a good though rather too thin sketch of Barry Cornwall, a poet in whom the last generation believed more than the present ; and an account, to us most interesting, of Turgot's government of the Limousin, in which the editor brings out once more the well-meaningness of the Royal government in France. Turgot was allowed to redeem the Limousin by measures, some of them legislative in character, without the smallest opposition from head-quarters, where in fact they approved his policy, though they could not or would not abrogate those aristocratic privileges which made any policy whatever almost hopeless. We never remember to have seen Turgot's remarkable capacity for administration so clearly displayed. He always used, like an English Minister, the materials he had. The Limousin was crushed by the core& for the maintenance of the roads, which, nevertheless, were not made. Turgot changed the burden into a money payment and made excellent roads. The conscription for the Militia was hated till the Limousin was full of insurrection and murder, when Turgot, by permitting substitutes to be purchased by the parish, removed all the discontent. The province was harassed by requisi- tions, the King's officers always seizing what carriage was needed ; but Turgot put a small rate on those liable, and ob- tained better cartage without creating any hatred at alL He was the first man on the Continent who established a poor-law giving the paupers work not as a right, but as an alms, while he sent all the beggars in the province to prison, and ordained that no tenant should be turned out of his holding until the harvest had been reaped.

Mr. Tennyson's sonnet in the .Nineteenth Century on Montenegro is hardly up to his usual level, but Mr. Gladstone's paper on the same subject is very far beyond it. It reads like a speech, not an article, and is by far the best and most convincing speech yet delivered upon the conduct and character of this little State, which for 417 years has successfully resisted conquest by the Turks, and presented for 336 years a unique spectacle in Europe,—that of a State governed in peace and defended in war by a succession of twenty Bishops, who so trained their people that a Montenegrin is probably the most formidable soldier in Eastern Europe ; and last year,—

" On July 28 the men of Tsernagora encountered Muktar Pasha, and for once with superior force. 4,000 Turks were killed, but only seventy men of Montenegro. Osman Pasha was taken ; Salim was among the slain. At Medun, on August 14, 20,000 Turks were defeated by 5,000 of these heroic warriors, and 4,700 slain. On September 6, five batta- lions of Montenegro defeated Dervisch Pasha in his movement upon Piperi, and slew 3,000 of his Them. On October 7 Muktar Pasha, with 18,000 men, drove three Montenegrin battalions back upon Mirotinsko Dolove. Here they were raised, by a junction with Vukotitch, to a strength of 6,000 men. Thus reinforced, they swept down upon Muktar, and after an action of sixteen hours, drove him back to Kloluk, leaving 1,500 dead behind him. On October 10 Dervisch Pasha effected an advanoe from the south, until he found himself attacked simultane- ously at various points, and had to retreat, with a loss of 2,000 men. On October 20 Medan was taken, and the Ottoman General fled to Scutari, leaving garrisons in Spnz and Podgoritza. The armistice arrested this course of disasters, when the southern army (Dervisch) had been reduced from 45,000 to 22,000, and the northern (Muktar) from 35,000 to 18,000."

Montenegro performed these feats with an army which, refugees in- cluded, never exceeded 2,500 men. Cardinal Manning finishes the best account of the objects and procedure of the Vatican Council which, from his point of view, we have yet seen ; and there are two valuable papers on the position of the Church of England, but the most interesting paper just now is one on "Russian Revolutionary Literature," by Mr. Ralston. It is mainly, though by no means entirely, an account of the trial of a Russian secret society at St. Petersburg, and we only wish Mr. Ralston had worked it out in far greater detail. The leaders of this society were all gentlemen and ladies, and their utter sincerity was proved by their having for years lived the life, adopted the dress, and endured the hard- ships of the common people among whom they strove to propa- gate their doctrines :—

" Among the men were two Georgians, belonging to the class of nobles or gentry, named Djabadari and Tchekoidze, and a former stu- dent of the Technological Institute and the Medico-Surgical Academy, named Georgiefsky. Among the women, who all wore the dress of the common people, were a so-called Princess Tsiteianof ; the two daugh- ters, Olga and Vera, of an official named Liubatovich ; two ladies be- longing to the noble ' class, named Sophie Bardine and Lydia Figner •, and Betya Kaminsky, a merchant's daughter, who had studied at Zurich and at Bern. They all went under false names, and used forged pass- ports, and most of the women worked in factories."

Their main doctrine was nihilism, as it is called,—that is, a belief that all laws, human and divine, are oppressions ; that political and social distinctions are evil absurdities, and that the work of destruc- tion should go on till nothing is left but the land, eqnally divided among the common people. Their chief instrument is the circu- lation of tracts of a high-flown and utopian, but poetic character, and their chief danger the dislike of the peasantry for their doe- trines, which they constantly denounce to the police. The pro- pagandism, however, does not cease, and certainly reveals an intensity of hate towards existing institutions in a section of Russian society which has no parallel elsewhere. The cause of that bate is not visible to outsiders, but we believe, upon all the evidence, that it is horror of the torpor which is the distinguishing note of Russian social life, a sort of despair which the educated feel at the sight of Russian society analogous to the melancholy which the mountaineer sometimes feels when condemned to live in the plain. It is finely expressed by Tourgueneff, in a speech put into the mouth of a conspirator :—

"All, all is as it was wont to be. Only in one thing we have surpassed Europe, Asia, the whole world. Never before have my compatriots- been lapped in so terrible a slumber. All around me sleep—every-- where, in towns, in villages, in carts, and sledges, by day or by night, standing or sitting. The merchant sleeps, sleeps the official. The sentry sleeps on his watch, beneath the burning of the sunbeams or in . the snowy cold. Slumbers the prisoner in the dock ; dozes the judge on the bench. A death-like elnmber holds the peasantry. Ploughing and reaping they sleep ; sleeping they thresh the corn. Sleeps the father, the mother, the whole household. All elumber! The beater and the beaten both slumber alike. Only the dram-shop slumbers not,, never closes its eyes. And grasping a spirit-bottle in its right hand, its brow recumbent at the North Pole and its feet on the Caucasus, sleeps, with a sleep that knows no waking, our motherland, Holy Russia."

"A Modern Symposium " is concluded, leaving us still a little doubtful as to the effectiveness of that method of debate. Those who read the discussion carefully will carry away much, for a dozen selected disputants can hardly give their opinions upon a defined subject without producing some result worth re- membering; but the method destroys any impression of spon-.., taneity, and might in other cases, though it has not in this, foster reiteration. 'We hope, however, the idea will not be abandoned, as it has, we know, attracted a great many minds very impatient of the ordinary metaphysical essay. A little more direct conflict would add vivacity to the opinions offered.

The Contemporary is decidedly heavy, though it contains some papers of value, Mr. T. Hughes's protest against the tendency of the High Church to defy the law being perhaps the best. It is a very fair and clear exposition of the English form of the Eras- tian theory, and is unfair only in this,—that it does not sufficiently allow that liberation from State control in spiritual matters, when the State has ceased to be Christian, may be a conscientious object, even in minds which admit fully that a State Church is a useful or even a necessary institution. The great social in- convenience of such a belief strikes Mr. Hughes so forcibly as almost to blind him to the truth that it is a belief compatible, as we see in the instance of the Scotch Establishment, with the existence of a State Church. He says :—

" Even if the traditions of Convocation were far more satisfactory, the chief objection remains that to hand over the control of the Church to that body would be an infringement of the national principle, and an imitation of the practice of the sects, without any compensating advan- tege. For what ground from recent experience have we for believing that the various parties in the Church would agree better in Convoca- tion than they did in 1698? But to give the powers that are claimed to Convocation would be a certain step towards a severance of all con- nection with the State."

Agreement is not wanted in Convocation, any more than in Par- liament, nor is it English experience that violent party feeling breaks up a legislative machine or causes resistance to its orders. It might do so, no doubt, but there is no evidence from analogy that it would, and so far those who advocate a revival of Convo- cation have reason on their side. Nor do we see that while the supreme authority of Parliament is maintained in the last resort, and any grown man who proclaims himself a Churchman can help to elect Convocation, the national principle is in any degree abandoned, any more than it is now because the Church Courts only affect to try ministers of the single Church, and not ministers of all the Churches. Mr. Hughes pushes the " nationality " of the Church to a point at which, if the country thought as he does, the liberation of Dissenters from the direct interference of the State would be impossible. Of course he does. not mean to do this, but this is the logical conclusion of his whole argument against Convocation. His own remedy for the crisis is evidently patience, and that may be the right one ; but one distinctive characteristic of this age is that it is not patient, that it wants abuses or evils remedied as soon as they are detected, and we fear his advice will be considered by the parties too like a counsel of perfection, or that trust in God which does not prevent the soldier seeing to his powder-flask. Mr. Buchanan's strange poetic jumble, "Balder the Beautiful," is finished. It deserves a different notice from any we can give it hem, in a

notice of the Magazines, but this extract will, we think, justify to most men the epithet we have applied to it. This is part of a description of the Alladur

" The light of doom is in his eyes, his arms spread wide for slaughter, He sits 'mid gleams of burning skies and wails of wind-blown water, Behind the outline of his cheeks the red aurora flashes,

He broods 'mid moonless mountain peaks, and looks thro' fiery lashes: On heaven and earth that round him float in whirls of snowy wonder. He looks, and from his awful throat there comes the cry of thunder,"

And this, which seems to e,ome from a poet different not only in kind, but in degree, is why the Gods hate Balder :—

s For this the most!

Because thy coming is as the ghost Of the coming doom that shall strike us dead.

For the rune was written, the rune was read, And we knew no rest till we bought our breath With the gentle boon of thy willing death. Why hest thou risen ? bow hest thou risen?

We gave thee the frost and the snow for prison ; We heard thy sigh and we let thee die, Yet thou criest again with a human cry From the gates of life! But I stoop at last To sweep thee hence with my bitterest blast, Out to the heavens of pitiless air, Where nevermore with a human care That face of thine May trouble the eyes of the gods divine!"

We see no use in a paper like Professor Zeller's, of Berlin, on "The Contest of Heathenism and Christianity." Those who know nothing of the subject will not care for it, and to those who know anything it conveys no information, is a mere restatement of the well-understood fact that Rome held Christianity to be a superstition hostile to her fundamental laws, and not merely a belief. Major Osborn's sketch of the origin of Mahommedan law will be newer to the public, who still fancy that the Koran is the law of Mahommedan countries—which is true, as it is true that the Ten Commandments are the law of Christendom—and his account of the early doctors is full of interest. The defect of the paper is occasional want of fullness. For example, we want a great deal more about the disciples of Abon Hanifa, whose sys- tem is the most popular of all, and still governs the Ottoman Empire, and some of whose conclusions are thus summarised :—

"The merit of logical fearlessness cannot be denied to it. The wants and wishes of men, the previous history of a country—all those con- eiderations, in fact, which are held, in the Went, to be the governing principles of legislation—are set aside by 'the legista of Irak ' as being of no account whatever. Legislation is not a science, inductive and experimental, but logical and deductive. It is built up from what may be termed certain legal axioms which have been divinely revealed, and whatever can be logically deduced from any proposition to be found in the Koran is to be considered as an integral part of that proposition. Thus there is a verse in the second Sura which says, 'God has created the whole earth for you.' According to the Hanifite jurists, this text is a deed of gift which annuls all other rights of property. The 'you' means, of course, the true believers; and the whole earth has been created for their use and benefit. The whole earth they, then, classify ander three heads:—]. Land which never had an owner. 2. Land which had an owner, and has been abandoned. 3. The persons and the property of the Infidels. From this third division the same legists deduce the legitimacy of slavery, piracy, and a state of perpetual war between the Faithful and the unbelieving world. These are all methods whereby the Moslem enters into the possession of his God-given inherit- ance. The Hanifite system of jurisprudence starts from this proposi- tion, and it furnishes a very good illustration of what I have just said on the subject of Mtiharoinadan toleration. The Moslem does not per- aecute a Christian on account of his religion, because the difference of religion makes the latter his slave."

There is a curious history of "the American Liquor Laws," from which those interested in the teetotal question will learn many facts, and especially this one,—that no American State has yet tried the only logical system of repression, the condemnation of liquor-selling as a crime in se, and the consequent prohi- bition of it under all circumstances whatsoever. Such a law seems to Englishmen, of course, impossible, but it is, never-

theless, the only one which has ever succeeded. Entire races have been made teetotallers by it, and as far as we see, are rather worse and worse off than the races which drink, but still the law has succeeded. The strictest American law does not prohibit sale absolutely, no State has the constitutional power to prohibit importations, and the prohibitionists are afraid to forbid the manufacture of cider. The law, therefore, is continually violated. There is a very good paper by Mr. Tyrwhitt, on "Artists and Artisans," in which he fights with some eloquence for the art.education of artisans, as a work which must precede the art-education of the public, and calls on the Department at Kensington to help in the matter by, among other things, regis- tering all good work which in their judgment is worth popular reproduction. We should not envy the lives of the men who had- to make the selections, or the Courts, with the fresh burden of libels which would be thrown upon them.

Macmillan this month gives us a varied list at all events, ranging from "The Hopes of Theology," by Dean Stanley, a reprint, unfortunately, of his address to the University of St.

Andrew, an address likened by the Times to a beautiful landscape softened—and, perhaps, we should add, a little obscured—by impenetrable mist, to Professor Mahaffy's account of Greek athletics, which might be read with pleasure by a fighting publican. At least, most men of that kind would be rather interested to know that the Greeks, with their wonderful forms and their devotion to the arena, missed the secret of training, as they missed to a great degree the secret of medicine. They fancied, being a Southern people, with a habit of feeding temperately, that they could train best on huge meals of meat :—

" The discovery of Dromeus was adopted by Greek athletes ever after, and we hear of their compulsory meals of large quantities of meat, and their consequent sleepiness and sluggishness in ordinary life, in such a way as to make us believe that the Greeks had missed the real secret of training, and actually thought that the more strong nutri- ment a man could absorb the stronger he would become. The quantity eaten by athletes is universally spoken of as far exceeding the quantity eaten by ordinary men, not considering its heavier quality."

It follows, of course, that Greek athletes did not perform very wonderful feats, as feats are considered in modern times. It is probable that their running was very bad, for they made the course only 125 yards long, and were accustomed to cover that distance with their arms going like the sails of a windmill, and shouting as they ran,—two actions which a modern trainer would pronounce fatal to speed. Their wrestling was rather fighting, for it was allowable in the wrestler to break his opponent's fingers, and one man made a practice of it; while their jumping was most probably "standing jumping," and they carried dumb-bells in their hands. The most extraordi- nary stories are related of these jumps, but they are probably exaggerations, and one, the celebrated jump of Phayllus of Kroton, certainly is. He is said to have jumped fifty feet on level ground, double the longest leap ever recorded of a horse, and absolutely impossible. The boxing was really fighting with knuckle-dusters, or with weights carried in the hand, and it seems certain that the blows were given downwards or round from the shoulder, as little boys give them, for "a boxer was not known as a man with his nose broken, but as a man with his ears crushed." The violent probability is that Tom Sayers would have thrashed any Greek boxer in five minutes, that Captain Webb would have drowned him in an hour or two, and that O'Leary would have beaten him in any walk or run, though the specialty of the Greek runner was endurance. The human frame has not de- generated, but improved, and scientific medicine has taught us how to train, though it has not yet taught us all the secrets of endurance known to the lower races. A Turkish hamal lifts weights that would kill an English porter, and a Peruvian would, we imagine, without training, but with coca, tax Weston or O'Leary. Macmillan, besides the continuation of Mrs. Oliphant's novel, "Young Musgrave," publishes an excellent account of the affairs in the Transvaal, disfigured only by an accusation of cowardice against the Boers, which is inconsistent with their whole history and with the Dutch character ; a good though too favourable criticism of Miss Martineau, and an over-brief sketch of Austrian Croatia, by Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice, in which he explains why the Magyars are so hostile to the annexation of Bosnia. They believe they would lose Croatia, which, with its two millions of people, gravitates heavily towards a Servian king- dom, and in helping to constitute one might have the sympathy of all Slays. This gravitation would not, however, matter to the Hapsburgs, if they finally decided to join in the partition of Tur- key, and govern Hungary, Transylvania, Dalmatia, Bosnia, and Herzegovina as a South-Slav kingdom.

Blackwood, besides its stories, gives us two papers on travel, one of which, "Rambles round Travel," is full of accounts of things in France and Italy, as they were in the early days of the "grand tour ;" and the other is a rather feeble defence of Nelson's conduct at Naples, and two most amusing sketches, one of "The Anglo-Indian Tongue," and another of "Whist at Our Club." The former is an account of the curious composite dialect, half- Hindostanee and half-English, in which old Anglo-Indians converse with one another, and which would, if Anglo-Indians remained in India all their lives, develop into a new lingua franca. Its specialty is the use of Indian nouns and a few Indian adjectives instead of English ones, audits object, like that of all English efforts at language, is extreme terseness, the native word expressing at once what in English would require a sentence. The oddest thing about it is that it is an absolutely useless language, being used only by the English in talking among themselves, and totally un-

intelligible to anybody else. It helps to bind the Anglo-Indians together, however, and produce that curious sympathy they all have for one another, which time and separation seem unable to kill. The writer should have added dates to his stories, some of which are exceedingly old, and leave, therefore, a false impression, and we should like to know his authority for declaring "dual" (broker) to be a common term of abuse. The paper on whist is rather on the humours of whist-players, and contains sketches of all the varieties, even of the man who cannot bear to win because it takes money out of his neighbour's pocket, except one very common one, the "resigned player," who enjoys whist, and would play all day if he could, but who regards the faintest squabble as an annoyance, bows to any scolding he may get and passes the cards, and is never angry except with a slow dealer. He is a special variety of player, but he exists, and as a rule, gets on in life ; while he, and he alone, will sometimes acknowledge that it was possible for him to have played better. This is very amusing, and so far as we know, entirely original :— " The wonderful thing in whist is this,—that ignorance of any of those intricate rules by which the game is governed is regarded as so disgraceful that nobody will admit it ; nor will any one allow that he is wanting in that perfect and prolonged practice without which no proficient in any art can bring his rules to bear at the moment in which they are wanted : and yet players generally would be ashamed to have it supposed that they had devoted to a mere game of cards so great a proportion of their intellect and their time as to have mastered these rules, and to have fanyliarised themselves with the practice. Who would not be ashamed to be known as a first-class billiard-player, and to confess an intimacy so close with pockets, chalk, and ivory balls as to have left himself time for no more worthy pursuit? For to play billiards as billiards can be played requires the energy of a life. Here and there a man has the leisure and the intellect, and in the absence of a higher ambition he devotes his life to elucidate a game. We admire his ingenuity, but we do not think very much of his career. But in whist it seems to be implied that if a man does not know and practise all the rules which have ever been invented, he ought to be ashamed of himself l" Is not something like this true among boys about cricket ? Not one in sixty of them knows the rules of cricket, and not one in six hundred would ever acknowledge that he didn't.

Fraser has some readable papers, particularly an account of contemporary French poetry—in which the writer criticises men who, like Coppee, are absolutely unknown in England—and an essay on Russian literature full of information, but there is nothing this month of striking or unusual interest ; while the Coruhill relies mainly upon its stories, but there is a thoughtful article upon ridicule as a test of truth, in which the writer takes the negative side, and an admirable though too short paper upon Transcaucasia. The author has poured upon his subject a flood of white-light, deciding ultimately that while the Russian govern- ment in those regions is not a vivifying one, it is not oppressive, the whole territory being a "fairly contented and peaceable part of the Czar's dominions." This content is due, he says, mainly to the character of the conquerors :— "All subjects are admissible to office ; this has been long a tradition of Russian administration, and it is, no doubt, one reason of its success in conciliating the good-will of its subjects, wherever there has not been, as in the dismal case of Poland, a vehement race and religious hatred to begin with between conquerors and conquered. That sort of good-nature and susceptibility to impressions which is so marked a feature in the Russian character, makes them get on better with strange races than either we, or the Dutch, or the Spaniards have ever been able to do. It is not occasional acts of cruelty, it is not even a perma- nently repressive system, that makes conquerors hated nearly so much as coldness, hauteur, contempt, an incapacity to appreciate or sympa- thise with a different set of customs and ideas. Doubtless we English govern India far better than tbe Russians do their Asiatic dominions,— that is to say, we do more to promote the welfare of the people and to administer a pure justice, and we hold ourselves far more impartial in religions matters. Nevertheless, there would not appear to be, either in the Caucasian countries or in the south and east of European Russia, where so many strange races live beneath the sceptre of the Czar, nearly so much bitterness of feeling among the subjects as there is towards ourselves in India, or to the French in Algiers now, and in the West Indies formerly."