THE MAINE BOUNDARY AND OREGON DISPUTES.
Mr. Muter, in his despatch to Mr. Dallas of May 24, respecting the Central American question, after stating that there are certain points affecting the construction of the Bulwer-Clayton treaty which the Pre- sident "would not decline to refer to arbitration," says—" He is aware of many practical obstacles to the adjustment of any international difference of this nature by arbitration; of which difficulties both Great Britain and the -United States had experience in their attempt to settle, by such medns, a previous controversy on the subject of the boundary between the United States and the British Provinces in North America." This is perfectly correct so far as the United States is concerned, but not as re- gards this country. Our only difficulty in the case arose from the re- fusal of the American Government to accept the award made by the King of the Netherlands. The dispute as to the North-East boundary, which was left unsettled by the treaty of 1783, was referred to him, in accordance with a clause in the treaty of Ghent, which provided that this and certain .other questions should be submitted to a friendly power for arbitration. He proposed a new conventional line, by which a considerable portion of the territory claimed by the State of Maine was ceded to Great Britain. This award was accepted by our Government, but rejected by that of the ;United States. A few years later, the Whig-Radical Ministry of which Lord Palmerston was a member made a new attempt to bring the ques- tion to a settlement, but their offer also was rejected. The dispute was allowed to rankle for a while longer, nor did there seem any disposition on the part of America to come to reasonable terms. Mr. Webster contended that the American claim to the disputed territory was unquestionable, and that their interpretation of the treaty of 1783 was the only correct one. In a debate in the Senate, in February 1839, he declared that "Great
• Britain ought instantly to be told, that unless she would settle the ques- tion by the 4th July next, according to the treaty of 1783, we would then take possession of the line, and let her drive us off if she can." As to what he understood by settling the question, no room was left for any doubt. In the same speech he said, he had" never entertained a doubt that the disputed territory belonged to the United States." In his opinion this was "perfectly clear—so clear, indeed, that the contro- versy never seemed to him to rise to the dignity of a debateable ques- tion." Other speakers in Congress went much further than Mr. Web- ster, working themselves up into the most extravagant rage against this country, for what they called her "arrogance. and grasping ty- ranny." The effect of such discussions, which were carried on for some time, may easily be conceived. The "public mind became so furiously ex- cited against Great Britain as to cause great fears of a hostile collision. Mr. George Combe, who was in the United States in 1840, was much surprised at the angry feeling against this country. "Into every circle into which we enter," he says, "almost every voice is raised for war. The battles both by land and sea in which the Americans have been victorious over the British are fought over again in the'newspapers ; and if one were to judge from the tone of the public mind, war would appear inevitable." Elsewhere he says, with reference to the same topic-
" There is a want of moral courage in the leaders, which, though easily
accounted for, is not the less to be lamented Party spirit runs so high, that if at this moment the wisest and best men in the Union, of one party in polities, should present the most forcible yet respectful appeal to the good sense of the people against war, their political opponents would instantly seize the opportunity to manufacture political capital' out of it. They would pervert every sentence of the address, hurl denunciations of cowardice and want of patriotism against its authors, and offer the grossest adulation to the vanity of the nation."
Notwithstanding this bravado, the Maine boundary was settled with- out much difficulty after all. In 1842, Lord Ashburton, who had been sent by our Government for that purpose, succeeded in persuading the American Government to- agree to an amicable arrangement of the long-pending dispute. Mr. Webster was the Commissioner with whom he had to deal; and in spite of that statesman's settled conviction that we had no right to any of the land in dispute, his Lordship obtained for Great Britain a more advantageous frontier-line, and 700,840 acres of territory more than had been awarded by the King of the Netherlands in 1842. After all their loud talk and bluster on the subject, both Whigs and Demotrats were obliged to sit down contented with a much more un- favourable divisional line than the one they had rejected. No sooner was the Maine boundary question settled than a new sub- ject of controversy arose regarding the right to the Oregon territory. This region, which extends Westward from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, and from the 42d degree of North latitude to 54° 40, compre- hends an area of nearly 400,000 square miles. On several occasions the United States Government had made proposals for the division of this territory, but none of them had been deemed acceptable by our Govern- ment. In 1843, President Tyler, in his first message to Congress, re- ferred to the matter in dispute as one which ought not to remain any longer unsettled. "The United States," he remarked, ‘ would at all times be indisposed to aggrandize themselves at the expense of any other nation," but • they would as unwillingly contient to a surrender of their rights "; and these, according to his construction, entitled them to claim the whole of the Oregon territory. Negotiations had been resumed with the British Government with a view to obtain a settlement of the question and in the event of our not agreeing to the terms proposed, he hinted that the natural •" law of expansion " • would soon determine the dispute. " It is proper to remark," said President Tyler, "that many of our citizens are either already established in the territory or are on their way thither for the purpose- of forming permanent. settlements, while others are preparing to follow ; and in view of these facts, I must repeat the recommendation contained in previous messages for the es- tablishment of military posts at such places on. the line of travel as will furnish security and protection to our hardy adventurers against hostile tribes of :Indians inhabiting those: extensive regions. Our laws should also follow them, so modified as . the circumstances of the case may seem to require." Of course the jobbing politicians made good use of so
excellent- subject for manufacturing "political capital." Thus the Democraic Convention of 1844, after nominating Mr. Polk for the Presidency, passed the following resolution regarding Oregon; just as the Cincinnati Convention the other day, after nominating Mr. Buehanan, declared its determination to annex Central America in due time-- • "Resolved, That our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon is clear and unquestionable; that. no portion of the same ought to be ceded to Eng- land or any other power ; and that portion, reoccupation of Oregon and the re- annexation of Texas, at the earliest possible period, are.greatAmerican mea- sures, which the Convention recommend to the cordial support of the Demo- cracy of the Union." President Polk adopted the first portion of this resolution in his mes- sage to Congress; and there was no lack of warlike speeches. in support
of it when the question came under discussion. General Cass was then, as he is still, in favour of a bold and determined course. "As to rece- ding," said the Senator from Michigan, "it is neither to be discussed nor
thought of. Nothing is ever gained by national pusillanimity." Mr. Douglass; from Illinois, who has gained so much notoriety by his Ne- braska Bill, and who'.almost obtained the nomination for the Presi- dency at the late Democratic Convention, was no less bellicose.
"Re did hope that there would lk no dodging_on this Oregon question;
that there would be no delay. He (Mr. D) had felt pretty-brave last year with reference to Mexico and her allies, and he felt equally so now He be- lieved if we wished to avoid a war upon this Oregon question, the only way we could avoid it was by preparing to give them the best fight we had on hand. The contest would be a bloodless one • we should avoid war, for the reason that Great Britain knows too well 'if she had war about' Oregon farewell to her Canada." •
This was mild, however, compared with 'the sound and fury of a Mr. Gordon, from New York. After stating how much he abhorred and de- tested the British Government, he indulged. in the following outburst of patriotic feeling--
"Would to God that the British people, the Irish, the Scotch, the Welsh, and the English, would rise up in rebellion, sponge out the national debt, confiscate the land, and sell it in small parcels among the people. blever in the world will they reach the promised land of equal rights exceptahrough a red sea of blood. Let Great Britain declare war, and I fervently hope that the British people, at least the Irish, will- seize the occasion to rise and assert their independence. I again repeat, that I abhor that Government: I abhor that purse-proud and pampered aristocracy, with its bloated pension- list, which for centuries past has wrung its being from the toil, the sweat, and the blood of that people."- - The debates in Congress regarding the Oregon question occupied the greater part of the session of 1846, and throughout the whole of them the only cry that was received with favour was " the whole of Oregon or none." But the loudest party was not the largest. When it tame to a trial of strength in the Senate, the advocates of war found themselves in a minority. In the month of June negotiations with Great Britain were brought to a close by a treaty concluded with Mr. Pakenham the British Minister, which close, the boundary at the 49th degree, instead of that "54° 401" which the Americans were resolved to fight for. Mr. Polk was very much dissatisfied with the terms proposed, but the Senate was more reasonable. After 'three days' discussion with closed doors, the treaty passed that branch of the Legislature by a majority of 38 to 12. How far the proceedings of the people and Government of the United States in these two cases may serve to indicate the course they are likely to take in reference to Central America, remains to be seen. So far as the Government is concerned, we fear that its readiness to obey the dictates . of the hot-headed multitude is much greater now than it was ten years ago, and that the danger of a hostile collision between the two countries is proportionably imminent.
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