TOrhatro auh Vrintrtago iu Varliamrnt.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WEEK.

norm OP LORD& Monday, June 30. Lord Stanley's Motion On the Affairs of the Cape Colony postponed-Abd-el-Kader's treatment noticed by the Marquis of Lon- donderry. Tuesday, July 1. Smithfield Market Removal Bill, reported against by the Stand- ing Orders Committee-Patent Law Amendment (No. 3) Bill, explained by Lord Granville, and considered in Committee. Thursday, July 3. Steam Communication with Australia, by the Cape-Smith- field Market Removal-Law Reform ; the Lord Chancellor and Lord Brougham- Representative Peers for Scotland Bill, read a second time-Patent Law Amendment Bill, read a third time and passed. Friday, July 4. Smithfield Market Removal Bill; Resolution to dispense with the Standing Orders, carried by 76 to 22-Purchase of Lands, &c. (Ireland) Bill, thrown out on second reading. Muss or COMMONS. Monday, June 30. Customs Bill : Adulteration of Coffee ; Mr. Baring's Amendment negatived by 199 to 122; Bill considered it Committee— Inhabited House-duty Bill, in Committee : Mr. Disraeli's Financial Amendment negatived by 242 to 129. Pinch% July 1. At Morning Sitting-County Conrts Extension Bill. considered in Committee, with progress. At Evening Sitting-Church Extension; the Marquis of Blandford's resolutions debated, and submitted to by Government-Cleopatra's Needle.

Wednesday, July 2. Ecclesiastical Residences (Ireland) Bill, read a second time- -Pharmacy Bill, read a second time pro forma, and withdrawn-Public-houses (Scotland) Bill; second reading opposed, and bill withdrawn-Medical Charities (Ireland) Bill, considered in Committee, with progress. Thursday, July 3. School-books of the Irish Board-Papal Aggression; Amend- ments of the amended Bill announced by Lord John Russell-Oath of Abjuration (Jew) Bill, read a third time and passed-Court of Chancery and Judicial Committee. Bill, considered in Committee-Customs Bill and Inhabited House-duty Bill, post- poned to Monday-Woods and Forests, &c. Bill, considered in Committee, with pro-

geese.

Friday, July 4. Steam Route to Australia. Prison Discipline, Law of Settlement; Questions answered by G overnment- Saturday Sittings to begin on Saturday the 12th instant-Papal Aggression; the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill suddenly passed, and sent to the Lords.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lords. The Comment.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment- Monday 4h .(m) la cm Tuesday Noon .... 2h 15in

5h .... 112h 45m

Wednesday Noon .... 55 54m Thursday 4h .010 lh 15th

Friday th .... 11h 30m

Sittings this Week, 6; Time, 4 It 39,5 this Session. 116; —455h 47m

PROTECTIONIST FINANCE.

The debate on the finance resolutions moved by Mr. DISRAELI, as an amendment to the order of the day for going into Committee on the In- habited House Duty Bill, consisted of few speeches. His own speech was long and elaborate ; but the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was content with a curt reply: it then seemed as if the debate would end pre- maturely, but Mr. NEWDEGATE said a few words, and then Mr. GLAD- nous contributed some weighty art isms; Mr. LABOUCHERE and Mr. HOME prolonged the discussion but l and the division was taken as soon as they finished. Mr. DISRAELI opened with some reference to a remark by Mr. Mitchell in the previous conversation on a stage of the Timber-duties Bill, to the effect that the course proposed by Mr. Disraeli would sanction " a swindle" at the expense of those timber-merchants who, in reliance on Sir Charles Wood's announcement of reduction, have already lowered the price of timber by nearly all the amount of the duty reduced. Though the vote of the House was " without opposition," replied Mr. Disraeli, did Mr. Mitchell mean that a vote of the House was to be equiva- lent to an act of Parliament ; and that too when the " circumstances are al- most entirely changed" ? Before the House was prorogued and they went to their constituents, it was proper that they should clearly understand the financial condition of the country : but he would defy any of them to go to his constituents and tell them clearly what is the condition of those finances —" whether we have a surplus or not; whether the sources of our revenue are permanent or fleeting; whether they are provisional, and if provisional whether they are provided for a time so brief that before another year may elapse the principal feature of our financial system may be changed." At the beginning of the session, the House were congratulated on the advan- tage of having a financial statement when they met early in February,—a financial statement which either in its details being considered, or even in its principles, is not completed at the end of June. There was to be a guppies of about 2,000,0001. ; but that surplus was assumed on the expectation that the House would renew the expiring tax upon income, not merely for three years but until certain results are obtained which the most sanguine cannot expect to be accomplished easily or soon. Considerable controversy has often taken place as to the intentions of the eminent Minister who first reintroduced the tax upon property and income into our modern financial system; consider- able controversy as to the actual intentions of Sir Robert Peel—whether, in fact, it was his intention originally that the tax on income should be a tem- porary tax, or whether that was only a Parliamentary pretence on which ha introduced a permanent feature into our financial system. "The very fact that Sir Robert Peel established his tax on income on so narrow a basis, and that he established exemptions on so considerable a scale, convinces me that in his use of that impost he had no other than a temporary object." But the case was the very opposite with the present Ministry. . . "I may be told there was no acknowledgment on the part of the Government that in their financial contemplation the Income-tax was to be a perpetual tax; but I speak in the memory of gentlemen on both sides of the House when I recall to their recollection the long catalogue of financial achievements which the Chancellor of the Exchequer indulged in which he enumerated to an amazed audience, and the completion of which alone was indicated by him Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment. Monday 6h eh 50m Tuesday 6h . 7h lam Wednesday No sitting. Thursday 51i 7h SOM

Friday oh 7h mem Sittings this u\ era, 4 ; Time, sh 51e this Session, 72; — 1225 52m

as the term when this country could be freed from the impost. I hare great confidence in the vitality of the existing Government. (A laugh.) The many escapes they have had, the disasters they have encountered, the crises they have baffled, all indicate the position, that if they are not immortal they have at least most enduring qualities ; and therefore, with regard to the noble Lord and his colleagues, I fully recognize their claims to the post they occupy. But, sanguine as may be their own views of the term of their administration, I do not think that even the Chancellor of the Exchequer could have contemplated his tenure of office to be such as that it would be his fortune to achieve those objects the accomplishment of which he had laid down as the only condition of terminating the tax on income. I may fairly conclude, therefore, that the tax, as now framed, is to be a permanent feature of the financial system of her Majesty's Ministers." Upon the surplus assumed on the continuance of a tax, false, dangerous, and pernicious, as every direct impost which is large but not dgeneral ap- plication must necessarily be, the Chancellor of the Exchequer based three measures of importance, and some others of minor interest. Of the Window- duties it may be said, that if it were advisable to revise them it would have been better to simply and completely repeal them. But they did net re- mit the Window-tax : the Chancellor of the Exchequer, wanting the moral courage—rather the financial courage—to do that, takes out of the armoury of a financial Minister one of the most inestimable weapons, and uses it for the most futile and meanest purposes. He gives you an imperfect remis- sion—a commutation ; and thus he wastes that great resource which is offered by a house-tax on a most limited, and, comparatively speaking, contemptible result. The reduction of the Timber-duty is said by Sir Charles Wood to be due to the builders of ships in this country. But the interests of that body would have been more properly consulted by allowing them to use the raw materials which they use, in bond, and without payment of the duties. By that means, you would put them in fair competition with the foreigner who brings his ship duty-free into this country, while the Englishman builds his ship subject to a variety of duties. The other propositions of the Budget need not be again dwelt on. "The items are familiar to the House. What- ever were their value, it is unnecessary for me to calculate them, because no sooner were they offered than they were withdrawn." (Loud cheers from the Protectionists.) Touching on the subject of agricultural distress, noting the obligation which lay on Ministers to attempt some relief for that distress which they professed to commiserate, Mr. Disraeli again called on Ministers to make the effort : but in doing so, he did not suggest that they should retract their surrender of the Window-tax—" that complete remission of the Window- duties which I consider a realized result, and which no Government can dis- turb." Yet if this tax had been retained, and if that agricultural burden the portion of the Poor-law rate not subject to the control of the ratepayers nor to local administration had been taken off, it would have been an exempli- fication of sympathy towards the farmers, that would have gone far to allay that asperity, to soften that animosity, and to terminate those emulations between the rival interests of the country, which are so much to be depre- cated, and the encouragement of which Mr. Disraeli believes has endangered, and is endangering, the very institutions of the State.

These references to the agricultural mind introduced a retort personal, aimed at Mr. Philip Pusey, in reply to his recent letters to the county of Berkshire. "The honourable Member for Berkshire has lately made some ob- servations upon my Parliamentary career, which it would certainly have been less inconvenient, and might have been perhaps more ingenuous, if they had been made here, and made in my presence. The honourable gentleman is of opinion that the motions which I have brought forward are, in the first place, futile motions; and secondly, that in bringing them, I as the mover of them was insincere. Now, these are harsh opinions. The motions may have been futile; but, at any rate, motions that have been supported by a very large party in the House of Commons must bear upon their surface a prima fade symptom that they are not altogether insignificant. What may have been the motives of the mover of them is another matter. It is always difficult to penetrate the bosom of any man, and, in the absence of a know- ledge of the real motives of man, it is always considered the juster course to give him credit for good motives. That is the more natural, the more cha- ritable, and the more obvious course. (Cheers.) I may have been mistaken, and yet not insincere. My reason may have misled me, my vanity may have misguided me : I may have been a foolish man, or a very vain man. It is better to think that than that I should be an insincere man. At least it must always be a question of controversy whether my motions were efficient or inefficient, or whether my motives were sincere or insincere. But what are we to say of a Member of Parliament who when motions are brought forward which he believes to be futile, and by a gentleman who he is coi.vinced is insincere, yet omits no opportunity of following him into the lobby and supporting him by his suffrage ? (Renewed cheers.) Why, I might turn round upon the honourable Member for Berkshire with great advan-

tage ; for there is scarcely an epithet of vituperation, scarcely a phrase of in- vective, that, under such circumstances, I should not be justified in lavishing

upon him. But, Sir, time has taught me not to judge too harshly of human nature. We all know that men are actuated not only by mixed motives, but often by confused ones; and it is very possible for a man to be in the possession of very considerable ability, to have received remarkable culture, to be in possession of many reputable and of some amiable qualities, and yet to be gifted with such an uncouth and blundering organization that he is perpetually doing that which he did not intend, and saying and writing that which he did not mean : and that is the charitable view I take of the honourable Member for Berkshire." (Cheers and laughter.) Resuming his thread, Mr. Disraeli passed from criticism of the Budget measures to the motion made by Mr. Hume—" an honourable Member on the other side, who is the great ornament, and one of the moat valuable, if lie is not indeed, as I believe, the father of the House; one who looks on us all in a paternal light; whom I may describe as one of the most constant and the most consistent supporters of the Whig Ministry ; who, though he may sometimes chide them, chides them as a father • who, though he may some- times castigate them, castigates them in an affectionate manner—(Cheers and laughter)—and always steps forward at the right moment to extricate a not always grateful Government from an impending catastrophe." That motion was carried. The basis on which the whole system of the Chancellor of the Exchequer wag raised fell from under the superstructure, and the fairy pa- lace vanished in a night. It is impossible to deny, then, that from that moment the financial position of the Government became precarious, and became, in fact, a provisional one. . . . . How many Cabinet Councils were held thereupon I do not know, but this I do know, that a most remarkable circumstance occurred in the House. One of the Metropolitan Members rose and demanded from the noble Lord some information with respect to the intentions of Government. He wished to know if the Window-tax was really to be repealed or not. The answer of the noble Lord was extremely unsatisfactory; and the question was repeated from another quarter in a tone full of menace; whereupon the noole Lord, turning his back on us who sat on this side of the House, answered in a very deprecatory tone the ques- tion of the honourable Member. In fact, the noble Lord was hustled by a Finsbury mob ; he was met on Saffron Hill, got knocked about, and had his pockets picked of all hie money—(Cheers and laughter)—and, after some fortnight of questions and interpellatione, he screwed up his courage to pro- ceed with his measure of remission, to be supplied by an unknown surplus from a still imaginary budget. The House has now to consider what is the prospect of the Income-Sam being renewed at the next meeting of Parliament. There is an universal admission that it is unjust, incitire to fraud, repugnant to the feelings of Englishmen ; and those best qualified to judge say, without exception, that those odious features cannot be remedied. There is a growing tendency to economy—one which Mr. Disraeli appreciates when he recollects that he lives in a country which never yet could afford money to build a national gallery worthy of its name. On the other hand, we foresee the dangers of surrendering any less unjust source of income. Recalling to mind the drain for the Caffre war—hinting that great international struggles are approach- ing, in the course of which we may lose by force empires and colonies which we gained by the sword—he ironically referred to the elements of political strife at home, which the Ministry are additionally laying in store for a period no later than the very next session. " At the very moment when you will probably have a deficiency of millions to supply, and to determine the prin- ciple ou which your financial system shall be established—at that very mo- ment her Majesty's Government stand pledged—mind yon, pledged—to in- troduce a very extensive measure of Parliamcntary reform." With reference to his own party, Mr. Disraeli concluded—"We ore wil- ling to support Ministers in the complete repeal of the Window-tax "; " the reduction of the duties on timber and coffee we oppose." "I and my friends are prepared to support Ministers in a measure to enable the British ship- builder to build in bond, free of duty. The Chancellor of the Exchequer estimates the loss of revenue consequent on his proposed reduction of the Timber-duties at 284,000/. If lie will adopt the plan I suggest, I will guarantee that time loss of revenue shall not exceed the odd 84,0001. I see the President of the Board of Trade smiles at that, as much as to say, Yes, you may support us in carrying those measures ; but when they are carried, and a vote of censure is proposed by some of our friends behind, you will walk into a different lobby from that into which we may go.' I assure the right honourable gentleman that he is mistaken. We will support him and his colleagues, not only in carrying the measures, but also against all the menacing consequences which lie anticipates from discontented followers." Mr. Disraeli introduced his resolutions with an elevated laudation of British credit. Enumerating the evidences of that credit, showing that mere sections of our revenues are greater than the full public income of all other states in the world, and referring to the " enchanted pile" in Hyde Park and its contents, he asked—" What is the magic spell, what the cause of all this ? that this island should produce a revenue greater than all these vast dominions ? It is, that in this country we have associated our material interests with the inspi- ration of a great moral principle, and that we have built up public wealth on the foundation of public credit. That is the choicest production of the British Isles—more precious than all the harvests of Tropic climes, than all the gems of Golconda, or the auriferous deposits of the sierras of the Pacific. Of that treasure the Parliament of England was the creator, as it is the champion and the guardian. I cannot doubt the House of Commons will be faithful to its office and fulfil its duty ; and it is with this conviction I re- commend to the consideration of the Ministers of the Queen and the Repre- sentatives of the People the resolutions I now move."

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER declared that he felt quite unable to extract any practical proposition from Mr. Disraeli's two-hours speech, beyond a proposition that we should allow ships to be built in bond.

His motion says, repeal no taxes ; but his speech says, repeal the W indow- tax unconditionally ; and then, after the surplus is thus disposed of, his speech concludes with reflections on the necessity of upholding public credit, couched in high-flown language about the empire of the Ciesars with its triple crown, the mines of Golconda, pillared palanquins, and other 'flings having as little to do with the question. These poetic fancies are very pleas- ing,, but the House would have better liked to hear the arguments in sup- port of this motion against repealing taxes. Sir Charles felt that he would be justified in dismissing the speech at once, and calling on the House to negative the resolutions; but he.would correct some misstatements. The surplus for this year is not uncertain : it was estimated at 1,900,0001., and that is the es- timate of it still : it does not depend on the Income-tax, and is uninfluenced by the resolution on Mr. Hume's motion. It is not true that Sir Charles has contemplated the tax as permanent ; or that he has said it ought to continue till the long catalogue of taxes enumerated by Mr. Disraeli are repealed : what he proposed was the repeal of taxes that imperatively required repeal, and then that the House should decide whether it would maintain the In

to enable the repeal of the other duties. If the motion has mean- ing in its words, it means that reductions twice approved of by the Housa should not take place. Mr. Disraeli would not jeopardize public credit ;

only six days after Mr. Hume's motion was carried, Mr. Cayley moved the House to yield up 5,000,0001. for the repeal of the Malt-tax. " If it is wrong to jeopardize public credit, surely it was as much endangered on the 8th of May as it was on the 30th of June ; and yet on the division list in favour of that motion I find the name of Benjamin Disraeli. (Laughter.) Can it be that there are two Benjamin in the field—(Renewed laughter)—one Benja- min voting for the reduction of 5,000,0001. of taxes, and another Benjamin voting who is afraid that to meddle with a surplus of 1,600,0001. would en- danger the finances of the country ? (Continued laughter.) I should be glad, in these days of explanations, to know whether this is so or not. I do think that upon this point a little sober, quiet, sensible explanation, would be more satisfactory than the lively flight in which the honourable gentle- man has tonight so largely indulged." For a moment or two after Sir Charles Wood sat down, no one rose ; and there were loud cries of " Divide ! " Mr. NEWDEGATE briefly explain( d, that while he should vote with Mr. Disraeli, he should reserve liberty to support in any future session any reductions of taxation which might be proposed in opposition to Government.

Mr. GLADSTONE then took up the debate. He had certainly hoped for a fuller development of one part of the subject from Mr. Disraeli—in reference to the particular course which he would have- the House to pursue "in the event of this motion being carried." He could not refuse a motion asserting a sound financial principle in opposition to the- objectionable plans of the Government. It certainly appears unwise and hazard- ous to the permanent maintenance of the public credit, to part with an im- post of so important a character as that of the Window-taxi and hi professing to find a substitute for that impost in the form of a House-tax, to place ti house-tax upon the very narrow, and as he thought the very illegitimate basis which the Government had chosen for its foundation. The plans cf. the Government are bad for two reasons. They propose the reintroduction, without the slightest qualification, of those great anomaliesin the imposition of the tax—the inequalities of its inoidenoe on the mansions of the grist, as compared with the mansions of a medium character—which wore the so e cause of its abolition in 1834; and then they exempt altog,ethersoinething like six-sevenths of the house property of the country. That is done for ern gaud reason on earth ; and the doing of it will give those houses something Ake a charter of exemption hereafter. Yet there is no more legitimate subject of taxation, if taxed on a sound general principle, than house property. But the particular position of the House in respect to the income-tax adds tenfold importance to these oonsiderations. Let the House serious-

lv consider this point. It is impossible to conceal that the pro-

ceedings of the present year have inflicted a heavy blow upon that impost. It is scarcely possible to conceive that its renewal can be again proposed to the House, without serious, probably an obstinate opposi- tion, from one or more parties in the House. ("Hear, hear ."') There is a large body of gentlemen who say that it is grossly unjust to levy the Income-tax upon a uniform percentage on the several schedules embodied in the act ; and those gentlemen have so far succeeded in impressing the House with their views as to have obtained a Parliamentary Committee, avowedly for the purpose of considering, not exclusively but mainly, whether there ought to be a varied percentage upon the different schedules of the act. Then, again, he did not suppose the Government themselves are to be looked upon as friendly to the permanent imposition of the tax, while there is another party whose opinion he gathered to be, that the frauds perpetrated under schedule D are of such a nature and extent as to constitute a serious, and if not mitigated an insuperable objection, to the renewal of the tax. ("Hear, hear !") He bad said that there is a party opposite who insist that there must be a varied percentage under the different schedules; but there is also a party on the Opposition side of the House who under no circum- stances will be induced to assent to the renewal of the Income-tax if the percentage be varied, because they believe, whether rightly or wrongly, that, apart entirely from considerations of policy, the House is absolutely pre- cluded, by a solemn and formal pledge on the statute-book, from adopting any such variation. ("Hear, hear !") In what condition, then, is this unfor- tunate Income-tax, which has been committed to the mercies of a Par- liamentary Committee, to come out of that Committee ? Will it come out with a recommendation in favour of a varied percentage under the different schedules ? If it do, then he predicted that the Income-tax will not receive the assent of the House. ("Hear, hear !") If, on the other hand, it come out of the Committee without such a recommendation, it will still be certain to meet with the hostility of a powerful party. It is impossible, indeed, to forecast all the contingencies which may befall the tax ; but it may certainly be said that this impost, yielding 5,000,0001., is in a most precarious position : and if so, is it politic, is it altogether honest, to exclude from the view a contingency so great, and at the same time so possible, as total lapse of the tax ? Disclaiming the duty of pointing out to Ministers the details of measures, he thought they should adopt the principle of Mr. Disraeli's motion—that the surplus in hand is not at this moment justly and wisely to be dealt with as permanent income, and given away without reference to future necessities. But if it should be thought desirable not to disappoint the expectations that have been raised with regard to the Window-tax, let them so construct the House-tax as to make it available for yielding a considerable suns to the exchequer. The precise basis of such a house-tax he could not pretend to state : whether it would be wise to take the limit of the Parliamentary franchise and tax houses above 101. only— whether it would be advisable to go lower and adopt a graduated scale of taxation—whether it would be right to levy a tax on the owner or the oc- cupier—whether it might be necessary to go so far as to make all house pro- perty whatever Basle to taxation—are questions on which it would be alto- gether premature to express an opinion. His fundamental ob;ection to the plan of the Government is, that it will cut oft' from the reach of the House of Commons a valuable source of revenue, at a time when it is highly pro- bable such a resource may be essential to maintain the interests of the coun- try and the public credit. LABOUCHERE combated the notion that any fatal blow was struck at the public credit by the affirming of Mr. Hume's motion—deeply as be nevertheless regretted that motion. If the House determine next year not to continue the tax, it will not shrirk from placing the finances of the country on a firm footing: the real question is, whether it would dis- appoint the country in respect to the repeal of the Window-tax and the remission of the Coffee and Timber tax.

Mr. HUME briefly stated that he has no alarm about the public credit. His objection has been to the modes of levying the Window-tax and the Income-tax : all houses above 40s. a year, ought to pay, and the Income- tax must be made permanent, and even increased, while rendered more just. On a division, the numbers were—

For Mr. Disraeli's amendment 126 Against the amendment 243 Majority against the resolutions 113 The House went into Committee on the Bill, resumed, and gave leave to at again.

CHURCH-EXTENSION.

The Marquis of Bias:prom) moved the following resolution- " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she would be graciously pleased to take into her consideration the state of spirit- ual destitution existing throughout England and Wales, with a view that her Majesty might be pleased to direct the adoption of such measures as she might deem expedient for affording more efficient relief to the spiritual wants of the people, and for an extension of the parochial system corresponding to the growth of a rapidly increasing population, by the help which might be drawn from the resources of the Established Church itself."

The speech by which the Marquis supported his resolution was rather characterized by a conciliatory and persuasive tone than by new statistics or religious arguments. His object was " rather to disarm opposition than to cope with it when raised."

The statement of the Commission, that 600 new churches were required, is in itself an epitomized proof of the spiritual destitution which exists. In 131 parishes, containing a population in 1841 of 3,972,850, there were 1,895,832 persons who had no opportunity of entering a church ; and in the same parishes, considering that one clergyman cannot efficiently attend to more than 2000 persons, there was a deficiency of 237 clergymen. The enormous augmentation of episcopal duties has also rendered an increase of bishops imperative. Since the Reformation, the number of the population is increased fourfold at the least, and the clergy in something the like propor- tion ; but the bishops have only increased by two. Several of them have 1000 clergymen under their charge. It is desired that the ancient type of the episcopos should be revived ; that bishops should once more gladden the eyes of the people as "pastures inter pastores "—as spiritual leaders, who resident among their clergy, diffuse among them the same blessi bun and the same benefits that the clergy diffuse among their flocks. The Marquis re- ferred to the description of what the bishop of our Church should be given by Mr. Housman in the debates of last session : no words could nacre elo- quently or truly express his own feeling of the type which he desires to see restored. He went over the recommendations made by the. Commis- sioners as to the sources from which to gain funds for these parochial and episcopal extensions—the revenues of the rural deaneries, the sale of the church patronage of the Lord Chancellor, and the improved manage- ment of the tithes. In applying the deanery revenues to the exten- sion of bishoprics, it would be well to select the bishops from existing deans : the plan might be adopted with infinite good in Westminster. In other cases, the bishop might act as dean within his own diocese, while the revenue of the dean would establish a new bishopric elsewhere : thus you would at all events secure residence. The proposal for selling the Chan- cellor's patronage is not new ; it was made by Lord John Russell as in refer- ence to a motion of Sir Robert Peel. The plan proposed for the management i of the tithes would increase the value of the interest of the Church by at least 200,0001. a year. He did not ask for a grant of public money, but that the Legislature should take immediate means to apply the property, already possessed by the Church in extending and carrying out those spiritual purposes to which the piety of our ancestors originally devoted it. Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR praised the spirit and tone in which the mo- tion had been brought forward. If the Chancellor's livings be sold, they will probably fall into the hands of respectable laymen, who will increase the stipends, and see that the duty is properly administered. Mr. HUME proposed, as an amendment upon or as an addition to the motion, the insertion of a very long form of words calling for a return to the House of all property of every kind and sort whatsoever belonging to the Established Church, in separate returns for every bishopric and ec- clesiastical body, with the value of the rents and fines of all sorts. He entirely concurred with the object of the original motion, and only de- sired to point out how that important object can be effected. He intro- duced a few statements concerning the enormous revenues derived by the best-endowed of the bishoprics.

Sir BENJAMIN HALL supported both the motion and the amendment : for he was earnestly desirous of church-extension, and he believed that Mr. Hume's amendment would if carried reveal "incalculable" funds at the disposal of the Church for its own fitting purposes. He then pro- ceeded to support both propositions in his own way, by an exposure of the many abuses in the management of Church property, which ho con- siders will never be remedied till they are at least known. He especially assailed the abominable system of taking fines on the re- newal of leases, in which the bishops persist. Each of those fines he con- siders a robbery of the Church. Some years ago, it was determined by Par- liament that the bishops should have fixed incomes, ranging from 45001. to 15,0091. a year; and it was arranged that the bishops should pay to the Ec- clesiastical Commissioners the surplus beyond, or receive the deficit short of those amounts. But what has occurred in six sees, during the last seven years ? The Bishops of Chester, St. David's, Norwich, Oxford, Rochester, and Salisbury, have received 28,267/. more than they ought to have re- ceived; and it is astonishing to read how they suffer themselves to be dunned by the Secretary of the Commission. The Bishop of London ought to hare received 14,0001. in fourteen years, but he has taken 237,0001. ; the Bishop of Winchester ought to have taken 98,0001., but he has taken 151,166/. These two prelates and the Bishop of Durham have between them deprived the Church of about a quarter of a million of money, which would have gone to the increasing of small livings. An ancient charity at Rochester gave 40/. to six poor bedesmen : the last of these bedesmen, Thomas Fea- therstone," died in 1790: since that time noise had been appointed, and the Dean and Canons took the revenue. Till lately, the Chapter Clerk regularly called "Thomas Featherstone, come forth, and receive your annuity" ; "Thomas Smith, come forth, and receive your annuity." That abominable imposition went on under the eye of the Dean and.Canons, though they knew that those men had been in their coffins for sixty years. The exposure

i of a return presented to the House, at Sir Benjamin's instance, lately caused a restoration of the charity to its proper channel—aged naval and military veterans now receive the annuity. The Prebendary of St. Paul's holds pro- perty in St. Pancras rated at 208,000/. a year ; the Church has been robbed of all that amount, except 3001. a year. Would the Roman Catholics suffer these things ? The only plan is to take the whole of the property of the Archbishops and Bishops, Deans and Chapters, and take care that all the clergy have good incomes and no more.

Mr. MORRIS defended the Bishop of St. David's from imputation.

Mr. A. J. B. HOPE thought that the report of the Commissioners does not at all grapple with the evil : the features of their plan are but timid expedients to heal a wound too far gone to be closed by 600 new livings or 25 curate bishops.

It is not more parishes, or mere multiplication of churches, that is wanted, but more opportunity to the poor man to go to church at all times, and not at this fixed hour or that fixed hour, as at present : no cut-and-dried scheme will suffice for times when men's hearts are stirred as now : men claim the right to meet and decide for themselves and by themselves what the circum- stances of their church demand.

Sir GEonois GREY mingled approbation of the motion and opposition to it in gentle admixture.

The tone of the speech had been most admirable, but the motion was ex- ceedingly vague. There is much spiritual destitution to be relieved; but measures are already in operation which will diminish the evil. The motion implied that such measures have not been taken; whereas they have ; and no shorter method than those in operation for removing the difficulties of the subject is pointed out. As to the amendment proposed by M. Hume, the information it calls for is no doubt very desirable, but it will take years to obtain it. He must move the previous question ; not because he did not concur in the object of the motion, but because it would lead to an erroneous view of the opinion of the House.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT supported his noble friend the mover.

He would rejoice to see the Chancellor's patronage diffused through the country ; for the more the connexion between the laity and the Church is strengthened by these indirect means the better. The plans of Lord Bland- ford will be more effective than the plans of Lord John Russell for meeting the creation of hostile bishops : the former will be the better champion against Papal aggression.

Sir ROBERT INOLIS and Mr. GOVLBURN vindicated the various bishops and ecclesiastical bodies assailed by Sir Benjamin Hall. What revenues they take are due to them by right, and are no greater than Parliament has declared it to be just and expedient they should enjoy. Mr. HORSMAN revived tho topics of episcopal abuse, by narrating the particulars of the case of the Horfield estate.

The points of the narrative were, that the present bishop accepted the see under an engagement not to renew a lease for lives, which former bishops had resolved should fall in for the benefit of the see ; that by letter he re- pelled as an "insult " the insinuation that he was about to renew the lease, saying, " I am sorry the Commissioners suspect me of acting so very a part "; but that since those engagements he has renewed the lease, making his elm secretary the lessee, inserting his own children as the new lives, and thereby depreciating the value of the property (according to Mr. Finlaison) ninety per cent.

Mr. WIGRAM and Mr. BOOKER complained of the injustice of this ex-parte statement : the question between the Bishop of London and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners is of a complicated nature, full of legal difficulties ; and the _Bishop only recurred to his original rights in respect of the Horfield estate when deprived of other portions of his episcopal rights. The Marquis of BLANDFOIID having replied, Mr. HUME offered to withdraw his motion. After the Speaker had put the question on the original motion, Sir GEORGE GREY rose and stated, that as there was so general a consent to the principle involved in the motion, if it were ex- pressly understood that there was no pledge given to adopt the recom- mendation of the Commissioners for the sale of the Crown livings, he thought the resolution might receive the assent of the House.

The motion was then agreed to, nem. con.

CHURCH-ENDOWMENT LAW IN IRELAND.

Mr. NAPIER moved the second reading of the Ecclesiastical Residences (Ireland) Bill, the Churches and Chapels (Ireland) Bill, and the United Church of England and Ireland Bill, with explanations.

These measures constitute "a complete and consistent code, to be substi- tuted for a patchwork system of legislation" on the subject of the laws re- lating to the residences of the parochial clergy and the erection and support of churches and chapels by private endowment. They consolidate and amend forty-one statutes ; and they select from fifteen other statutes appli- cable to England alone. Ecclesiastical residence is enforced under a penalty ; improved regulations are laid down as to dilapidations, rebuildings, and new erections ; and a system of registering the charges of these matters is intro- duced, to give full information to every incumbent of his liabilities : power is given to sell houses too large and costly for the clergy, and buy more mo- derate ones. The voluntary principle in aid of new erections, and of main- tenance and endowment funds, is stimulated by encouraging and regulating rules; the provisions of the statutes relating to proprietary, parochial, and district chapels, which commenced in the time of George the Second, are ap- plied to all classes, instead of to peculiar classes exclusively. The object is to give no new powers, but to extend the operation of existing acts ; to put the Church in working order, and enable it to fulfil its mission. The bills were read a second time, without remark from any other speaker.

JEWISH DISABILITIES.

The Oath of Abjuration (Jew) Bill passed its last stage in the House of Commons on Thursday, with only verbal protests from the objecting mi- nority. Sir ROBERT lamas said he regarded it as one of the most unhappy .measures that ever came into that House of Parliament ; but after the division in favour of the second reading, he would not do more than record his strong repugnance to make a sacrifice of the Christian character of the Legislature, which no earthly advantage can compensate. Lord JOHN RUSSELL introduced, with sonic general defensive observa- tions, a reference to the recent election at Greenwich, and an overture to the Rouse of Lords founded on the mutual respect of each House for the privileges of the other.

When that other House of Parliament came to consider this bill, he hoped they would recollect that there has been of late a very great sensitiveness shown with respect to the privileges of the House of Lords. He would not say it was an undue sensitiveness, but with regard to a bill now before them, (the Court of Chancery Bill,) it is known that objection has been taken to a clause of that bill—not to its substance, for that is right, and not to its ob- ject, for that is laudable—but because it does that which the House of Lords deems it right to do, and that which it ought to do by itself. Ile should therefore cease to insist upon that clause ; and he should propose to leave the House of Lords to determine whether by this clause, or by what other act, they can attain the object which the Legislature has in view. But the de- ference which he is ready. to pay to the privileges of the House of Lords when they consider them in danger, he claimed for this House when for the third time this House has declared its opinion that the Jews ought to have seats in the House. When two bodies of constituents in this country have so acted, he thought it right for the House of Lords to consider whether this is not a matter in which the people may be left to their own choice,—whe- ther, after such elections, it is not due to the representatives of the people, and the great body of the people themselves, to allow them to consult their own wishes on the subject.

°

Mr. NEWDEGATE thought that under the circumstances it was a work of supererogation once more to express his opinion against the bill. Mr. HODGSON renewed his protest. Mr. PLuarrerne again declared how strong his feelings are against it, but he would not now ask a division : the unexpected smallness of the majority for the second reading—only 202 to 177—will not be forgotten. Mr. HENLEY confined himself to open protest.

The bill was then read a third time, and passed.

PAPAL AGGRESSION.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL informed Mr. Freshficld, on Thursday, of certain ameadments which he proposed to introduce on the latest amendments ot the amended Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. He did not propose to make any alteration in the preamble, or the first clause, as modified by Sir Frede- rick Thesiger's alterations; but from the second clause he proposed to omit the words introduced by Sir Frederick imposing penalties on the publication of certain bulls and rescripts, and giving to the common in- former the right to proceed with the consent of the Attorney-General. Mr. GLADSTONE suggested, that the omission of these two extremely im- portant amendments would much affect the bill; and that there should be one more debate on the merits of the bill, not upon the third reading but on the question that the bill do pass. Lord JOHN RUSSELL confessed the convenience of discussing the general principle of the bill " in the shape in which it will finally appear" : "if the House would consent tomorrow to the third reading, the discussion might be taken afterwards upon his motion to omit the amendments, and then the general debate might be taken, as suggested, on the question that the bill do pass."

THE NEW CHANCERY COURT.

In Committee on the Court of Chancery and Judicial Committee Bill, the main features of the discussion were the expression of doubt on the general plan of the measure by Sir JAMES Gmairam • and the acknow- ledgment by Lord Jonar RUSSELL that it would be desirable to pay the Judges of the different courts out of the Consolidated Fund, instead of out of the "fee-fund " and the " suitors' fund" in Chancery. Sir JAMES GRAHAM saw this serious danger and inconvenience in the bill, that the office of Chancellor would henceforth be primarily political and secondarily judicial; whereas it ought to be primarily judicial and secondarily pelitieal.

i There is infinite danger, under such a plan, that the highest judicial of- fice be filled by a man of second-rate ability. A man really preeminent in his profession, enjoying the health necessary for the full and vigorous dis- charge of his duty, is still competent to perform the whole duties of the Lord Chancellor ; but when this court of appeal has cleared the arrears accumu- lated from acoidental circumstances, and has by character diminished ap- peals, there will scarcely be sufficient work for it and for the Lord Chancellor ; and then, as the standard of exertion falls, the standard of the men may also be degraded. There is, however, but a choice of difficulties; and no doubt this appellate jurisdiction, viewed abstractedly, will be an efficient tribunal, that will exercise its functions to the satisfaction of the public.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said, that in the practical working of the measure it is not at all probable that the time will ever arrive when the Court shall have disposed of all appeals and be able to hear original causes ; but the power to do so will be convenient against the case of the illness or temporary absence of a Vice-Chancellor. The salaries of the two new Judges were criticized. The question was asked, why should they have 6000/., when 50001. is thought enough for the Puisne Judges of the other Courts ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought the salary a proper one for Judges who are to sit as a Court of Appeal over the decisions of the other Judges in Chancery. Sir JAMES GRAHAM con- curred. Mr. Hume then raised the point about the fund whence the sa- laries shall be paid.

Payment out of the suitors' fund, instead of out of the Consolidated Fund, serves to cloak a variety of charges which the House and the country know nothing about. The public is thus kept in ignorance of the disposi- tion of some 100,0001. charged on the suitors' fund and the fee-fund. It is a great neglect of duty in the Chancellor of the Exchequer not to take this money into account. The Select Committee recommended that all fees in Chancery should be abolished as soon as the charges on the fee-fund have been done away with : therefore no new charge should be imposed on it ; but an account should be taken and kept of the whole, and of the charges continuing ou it from year to year. A beginning should be made of a good system by charging these new salaries on the Consolidated Fund.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL was not disposed to contest what Mr. Hume laid down. He saw no reason why the salaries of the Judges should not be paid out of the Consolidated Fund : but that is a measure of a more ge- neral nature than to be adopted in reference to these two appointments only ; there is no use in applying that principle to " this particular ease."

Sir JAMES GRAHAM testified his most unqualified satisfaction at this avowal : but as there is nothing like beginning a good course, why not begin here ? What has become of the bill for charging on that fund the Chancery salaries at present paid out of the suitors' fund ? The recom- mendations of the Committee ought to be forthwith attended to; and if Government urge the measure this session, it will not only pass but do them great honour. Mr. HENLEY was glad to hear the general opinion in favour of putting these payments on the Consolidated Fund nothing could be more advantageous for the public.

The bill passed through Committee.

COUNTY COURTS EXTENSION.

In Committee on the County Courts Further Extension Bill, two points engaged attention,—the increase of the salaries to the judges and clerks ; and the proposed modification of the existing rules as to the employment of barristers and attornies. The bill proposes to raise the maximum salary of the judges from 12001. to 15001., and proportionately to raise the salary of the clerks above the present maximum of 600/. This pro- posal was not directly opposed by any Member. The other point was raised on an additional clause proposed by the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, ex- empting the cases between 201. and 50/. which are now added to the jurisdiction of the courts from' rom th4 operation of the clause in the original County Courts Act, which declared that no persona should appear for the suitors but attornies, or barristers instructed by attornies, and that banisters should not appear but by leave of the judge. The Attorney- General said that this provision operates unfairly on the bar ; and as the local courts are absorbing more and more business, it threatens to extinguish the profession which alone can supply the judges of these and the superior courts. The attornies are entering into combinations to exclude barristers, but the barristers cannot take briefs directly fron;a1Ae parties to suits. The clause will remove the restriction, and will Eso restore to barristers and attornies "such sights and privileges as have been hitherto used and exercised by them respectively in the Superior Courts of Common Law at Westminster." [That is to say, it will render it necessary for the attornics to employ barristers in every case between 201. and 501.] Mr. Frrzaow and others opposed the introduction of this provision, as in opposition to the aim of the County Court system that justice should be cheap. Mr. EVANS, suggested, that at least the clause should be confined to an exemption from the County Courts Act clause, and should not enact specifically anything fresh about respective privi- leges. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL adopted this suggestion ; and the clause was put into the bill as amended, with the understanding that the bill should be reprinted and recommitted.

" RASH" LAW REFORMERS.

A question put by Lord BROUGHAM to the LORD CHANCELLOR on Thursday, and the reply to it, formed the foundation of a warm conversa- tional rally between them on the distinctions between acting reformers and professing reformers of the law, and on the merits of " rash " legis- lation, perpetually requiring amendment and repeal. Lord BROUGHAM inquired respecting a bill introduced by his lamented friend Lord Cottenham last session, to give validity to the acts formerly per- formed by the late Mr. Sergeant Lewes as Registrar in Bankruptcy, but since his death performed " provisionally under another arrangement." The office was allowed to drop in order to make a national saving, and this clause was intended to make valid the provisional acts done under the arrange- ment : but Lord Cottenham's bill was thrown out in another place, and so all the acts provisionally performed remain illegal. Is it meant to re- medy this unfortunate state of things ? The Loan CHANCELLOR replied, that it is meant to do so : a bill will be brought in for the purpose. He diverged into criticisms of the persons who take on themselves the responsibility of altering or rejecting bills without being aware of the consequences that flow from their acts. He himself has been complained of because he had not complied with certain recommenda- tions in reports of Committees to abolish the Secretary of Briefs" and the " Chaff-wax." In the first place, he believes no such reports exist, or were made ; and in the second place, both the offices have been abolished for years. Then it is said he has seven secretaries. It might as well be said that the First Lord of the Treasury has so many secretaries, because the Secretaries of State are subordinate to him. On entering office, he had two Gentlemen of the Chamber : the office of ens he abolished, the salary of the other he reduced from 750/. to 500/., and the office is no sinecure at that salary. The other secretaries have all of them well-ascertained duties, which are not at all inadequately remunerated by the salaries they now receive. .It is said that there is too much inquiry and too little done : his own duties occupy him alined day and night; and though certainly a grout deal remains to be done, it is most unjust to say that a vast deal has

beenwho know not the evils generated by alterations made by rash hands, who undervalue what has been done." In consequence of these evils, the Court out in that court ; but the parties who formerly came to the Court of Chan- noble and learned friend belonged, and he was almost disposed to place him

at its head. SMITHFIELD MARKET.

learned friend about his bills, but it puts him in a bad temper; but that 3dONT argued that the bill is a public bill, and not a private MIL Law Amendment (No. 3) Bill; is not a new bill, but is the result cording1S-" land, and Ireland, who are to be called the Commissioners of Patents for he would submit. In- ventions. This body will draw up the rules under which the law is to be Friday, first stating on Thursday the specific motion.

administered, and then the Law-offieers of the Crown will be chiefly concerned ADULTERATION OF COPPER.

it becomes copyright; but a patent gives the patentee an exclusive right to The motion was negatived, by 199 to 122. the use of his invention. Yet the foundation of the right is only the public good. But whatever might be Lord Granville's opinions on the abstract right,

received. Board of Education, to the schools in that country in connexion with the Lord BROUGHAM admitted that the preponderance of testimony is in Board; and whether Government means to secure to poor schools in Eng- favour of a patent law ; but he is not ashamed to admit that, after hearing land the power of purchasing those books as cheaply as before ? Mr. the evidence of many skilled and knowing witnesses in the Committee, CORNWALL LEWIS stated, that complaints have been made that the grant his opinion is shaken ; and if the law is left altogether unamtended, he must for Irish education has not been confined to its purpose, but partly di- go the whole length of Lord Granville. Earl GREY entirely concurred vested to producing books for the English schools and the public at large: with Lord Granville's opinions. The Duke of ARGYLL, the Earl of these complaints have been considered, and it is thought desirable to eon- Hannowar, and Lord CAMPBELL, made suggestions of improvement to fine the grant to the supply of books in connexion with the Irish National a measure which they entirely approve of. Board. But the Government has requested the Commissioners to make reading. is ground to expect that private parties can publish these books at the The object is to improve the qualifications of pharmaceutical chemists, and same prices as those charged by the Irish Board. The papers shall be require them to pass an examination before they become entitled to their laid before Parliament

not already hem done. Mauy chauees hire heal in the d:plow.i. Sundry attempts hive bassi male to leaislete oa behalf of the ruptcy law ; it has been uttered five or six times : " it is only those public in reference to the chemists, but those attempts have had the sire of subjecting the chennstato the regulations of an external body, the corpora- tion of Apothecaries. The chemists resisted these attempts, and at last, in 1843, procured their own incorporation. They now seek to effect the desired

of Bankruptcy is avoided by the merchants of London and the most respect- 1843, by creating a machinery to be established in their own body. able solicitors : it is notorious that not one in tweuty large cases is worked improvements

The bill respects the interests of chemists who are now earning their bread without the qualifications to be required; but it provides that after a certain eery, with all its evils unredressed, now have recourse to a private tribunal time no person shall deceive the public by assuming a name thandoeanot of their own. He would lose no opportunity to advance the reform of the

Court of Chancery, disregarding accusations that he is against reforms; for belong to him. It is not for 1851 that the bill legislates, but for 1860 and he was a reformer before reform was in fashion, and will not cease to be one 1870: in about ten or twenty years a great improvement will be manifest. now. It would be a great comfort to see the matter taken up by Government : but Lord BROUGHAM made a personal application of Lord Truro's reference to as Government has not been persuaded to undertake the enterprise, Mr. Bell the frequent alterations in the Bankruptcy law. His were the " rash hands" introduced this measure with the permission of the Home Secretary. which dared to interfere with the ancient and venerable system of Bauk- Mr. HUME adverted to the "difficulties enough" found in dealing with rapt law and to establish the new jurisdiction of the Court of Bankruptcy. the three medical bodies already in existence—the College of Physicians, What ! did his noble and learned friend hanker after the old system, with the College of Surgeons, and the Company of Apothecaries : a fourth body its seventy Commissioners, and its abuses, which caused LordEldon, the invested with a monopoly of its particular business would only complicate first day he took his scat in court, to say the whole was corruption from be-

the matter still further. The duty which it is proposed to devolve on thig ginning to end ? Is it a disaster that parties can now divide the efficts of pharmaceutical body ought to be the duty of the Apothecaries Company. an estate before it is run away with, partly by " preference creditors and

partly by the " respectable solicitors to whom a bankrupt suit was a nice Mr. HENLEY criticized the details of the bill, to show that they would not little income ? His friend Lord Truro declared himself the friend of law re- , effect the object contemplated. Sir GEORGE GREY suggested that time form : it has been Lord Brougham's lot to see many friends of law amend- should be given to consider a complicated measure on a very complicated ment, from the time of Lord Eldon ; but they were all friends to the cause matter : let the bill he read pro forma, and postponed till next session. in general—come to particulars, and they objected to every reform proposed. 11fr. CARDWELL backed the suggestion, and Mr. BELL was quite willing to When these professing reformers were called upon to act, their acts directly adopt it. So the bill was read pro form&, and ordered to be reprinted, as belied their professions. That was the class of law reformers to which his a starting-point for the future.

The LORD CHANCELLOR disclaimed any application of the term "rash I The Smithfield Market Removal Bill was threatened with death at the hands" to Lord Brougham ; but proceeded to observe, that he " did not very threshold of the House of Lords. Lord REDESDALE, as Chairman of know whether his noble and learned friend was a party to the annihilation the Standing Orders Committee, reported on Tuesday, that the standing of the Court of Review " : and he added, "such changes we are likely to

orders have not been complied with : certain notices required by the bill have as long as we live ; but a little care at the beginning would have rev- for the protection of " private rights " had not been given. Lord Beau- tiered such trouble unnecessary." Nobody can say a word to his noble and should not prevent himself from making suggestions whenever the occasion Government had introduced it as such ; the other House had.treated it as may arise. such, and passed it as such and the Peers themselves had treated as privrite

Lord BROUGHAM rejoined : he found that his noble and learned friend had the analogous Metropolitan 'Cemetedes Bill. The Corporation of London had been attempting suicide, and not manslaughter; for some of the changes ample and equitable notice of it; and might, if they had chosen, have claim- which he repudiates so much were made by himself—he being one of those ed to be heard at the bar by counsel against it. He did not impugn the de- who prepared the measure. For the rest, the system has worked so well vision of the Standing Orders Committee, but would move, that appeal is found to be superfluous. "That, considering that the Smithfield Xfarket Removal Bill partakes more of the PATENT LAW. nature of a public than a private bill, the House is of opinion that compliance with

the standing orders should not be required in it, as in the ease of a private bill ; and

Earl GRANVILLE explained on Tuesday the provisions of the Patent that the said bill should be considered as a public bill, and be proceeded with at- of the two previous bills introuced by himself and by Lord Brougham, The Marquis of SALISBURY said that such remotion ought not to be made after they have been mixed up and amalgamated, and improved upon, by without notice. Lord liES.UMONT was quite ready to give notice. Lord the Select Committee to which they were referred. LYNDHURST said, there were several clauses in the bill which made it pub- The broad features of the measures are these. Instead of the eight offices lie ; and if so, it was not liable to these standing orders. Lord BROUGHAM to which a person seeking to take out a patent must apply, there shall be only suggested that the motion should be withdrawn, and made without its two—one of them of a public nature, the other "partaking rather of a pri- preamble. Undoubtedly, the House could adopt it at their discretion - if rate nature." The first is to be the Great Seal Patent-office existing at they could not, they would be the mere slaves of their standing orders, present; and the other a new office, to consist of the Lord Chancellor, the After further conversation, Lord BEAUMONT withdrew his motion, and Master of the Rolls, and the first Law-officers of the Crown for England, Scot- gave notice that he would Call the attention of the House to the subject on in administering those ruler. The Commissioners also appoint persona of Mr. THOMAS BARLNG renewed in Committee on the Cuatoms Bill Iris scientific acquirements to act as examiners and officers in execution of the act. The mode of getting a patent will be this. The applicant will deposit recent efforts to prevent the adulteration of Coffee by chicory moving a a provisional swdfication describing his invention. This provisional specifi- resolution that it be an instruction to the Committee " to make provision cation, if satisfactory, will entitle the inventor to a certificate of the fact, which for preventing the mixture of chicory with coffee by the vendors of eof- will protect his invention for six months—a term capable of being specially ex- fee." The debate took very much the same form as lately. All that the tended ; and at the end of that time, on application, the privilege will cease, coffee-growers ask, said Mr. Baring, is that chicory should be sold for or will be replaced by the formal letters-patent. Any persons having an in- what it is, and not for coffee. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER re- terest in opposing the latter alternative, will have left the particulars of their peated the maxim "caveat emptor "; and added, there is no sort of at- objection for the consideration of the authorities. The cost of a patent is to tempt at fraud here, because coffee in the berry is notoriously about twice be altered. One patent is to apply to all the United Kingdom, but not to the the price of ground coffee. Sir Jona TYRELL insisted on the benefit of Colonies; and the payments are to be 251. on the application for letters- the chicory trade to agriculture : he knows a person who farms 160 acres patent, (not for the provisional specification,) 401. more and a 10/. stamp at

with chicory, and employs thirty labourers where with grain crops he the expiration of the third year of the patent, and 801. more with a 20/.

could employ only fourteen. Sir John quoted from a letter—" All this stamp at the seventh year. Lord Granville concluded with a declaration of his own opinions on the agitation against chicory has been got up by the coffee-growers ; and they general subject. He is opposed to any patent law whatever; and is so op- do seem to say that the lancet and other publications are in their pay." posed in the midst of distinguished company—Mr. Cubitt, the civil engineer, Mr. OSBORNE had no doubt that Mr. Baring's motives are pure ; but there a gentleman who has raised his own fortunes by the greatest ability; Mr. are parties behind him—the large consignees of tea and coffee—who if the Brunel; Mr. Ricardo, M.P. ; Colonel Reid, the author of the work on Storms Treasury minute be reversed will add twenty-five per cent to their money and Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Great Exhibition; and stock by the withdrawal of chicory from the market. Mr. WAKLEYi t who gentlemen eentlemen of consideration. The present Vice-Chancellor and the Lord entered the House some time after Sir John Tyrell had finished speaking, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas have had great doubts raised in their defended himself with warmth from the imputations Sir John had quoted minds; and the Master of the Rolls is converted, by official expe- from some anonymous letter.

rience, to Lord Granville's opinion that a patent law does no good to " The conduct pursued by the Government on this subject is most unjust, the public, nor to the honest and deserving inventor. There is no most immoral, and most injurious to the character of the Legislature. It is i patent law n Switzerland, where invention is rife; and here the best general calculated to exercise an injurious effect on the morals of the people ; and security for invention, and the best reward of it is found in the public en- that effect has already extended to the honourable Member for Essex. That coumgement. A deserving workman is taken into partnership, and it is his honourable Baronet was once esteemed and respected as a noble-hearted and interest to be always advancing on his first improvements ; while as a mere very droll but straightforward and honourable man ; but now, he does not patentee it is his interest to adhere to and stereotype his first improvement. hesitate to read in the House a letter conveying scandalous imputations." Patent right and copyright are not analogous. The copyright of a book does

not prevent its adding to the intelligence and resources of the reading world ; Sir Josue TYaBLL explained, that he had not for a moment thought the a person can improve his style and make use of the ideas the next day after letter would be listened to seriously.

GOVERNMENT TRADING IN EDUCATION BOOKS.

he would be wanting in Ids duty if he did not endeavour to improve the exist- ML. SIDNEY HERBERT inquired, on Thursday, if the Government has ing law according to the best of the multitude of suggestions which he has resolved on confining the sale of books printed at the expense of the Irish The bill passed through Committee. such arrangements as shall secure to English schools and the public a con- EDUCATIONAL EXAMINATION OF ORE.-MISTS AND DRUGGISTS. tinuation of the supply of these books in an authentic form and at the 31.r. Janos BELL explained his Pharmacy Bill, and moved its second same moderate price at which they have hitherto been procured. There eLBOPATRA'S NEEDLE.

Mr. HUME moved for an address to the Crown praying that direc- tions may bo given for bringing to England the granite obelisk given by the late Mehemet Ali to the British nation ; and pledging the House to supply funds. The obelisk now lies on the bench at Alexandria. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER demurred : "further inquiry must be made." Sir Gardner Wilkinson says that many of the hieroglyphics are so mutilated and obliterated by the sea sir, that the obelisk is not worth removing. The obelisk removed to Paris is considered to have suftbred much deterioration.—Motion withdrawn.

ABD-EL-KADER'S TREATMENT.

The imprisonment of Abd-el-Kader by the French Government in breach of the promises made to him by his captors and by the Duke D'Aumale as Governor-General of Algeria, was brought under the attention of the House of Peers on Monday, by the Marquis of LONDONDERRY, in a speech recount- ing the incidents of his recent correspondence with President Louis Napo- leon on the subject. The Marquis declared himself strongly persuaded that Louis Napoleon wishes to liberate the captive, and only wants the sup- port of this great nation, and the assistance of the opinion of the English Parliament, to succeed in his object. He asked if Government would in- struct our Ambassadors at Paris and Constantinople to facilitate the libe- ration ? The Marquis of LANSDOWNB expressed his warm sympathy as an individual, but reminded the House, that we have not the least right, nor any special interest, to interfere. Lord BROUGHAM did not blame Louis Philippe for this unprecedented passage in modern times ; but the public opinion of France, which is anything but sound and credit- able to that gallant and illustrious nation.