Debatts anti iprorettrinpin Varliaintst.

OPENING OF THE SESSION.

The Queen opened Parliament in person on Thursday the 3d instant. Recent events, and the presence of the King of Prussia, drew large crowds within the House of Lords to witness the ceremony ; and adequate preparations were made to find room for all. In order to that, the seats of the spectators were totally sacrificed, that more might have standing-room ; and the strength of the galleries was previously tested by large bodies of men being placed in them. Every part of the House was crowded, except about the throne. The Peeresses' seats, the Lords' gallery, and the strangers' gallery, were crowded with ladies, in every variety of gay costume. The attendance of Peers was unprece- dented; and great numbers of diplomatists and foreigners of distinction were present. The House had been newly decorated ; the velvet of the throne was fresh dyed, and its framework newly gilt. To the right of the throne, and on a level with it, was placed a splendid chair of state for the Prince of Wales, the back magnificently ornamented with the plume of feathers. To the left of the throne, and one step be- low it, a chair of state was placed for Prince Albert ; and to the right, on the floor of the House, in front of the Bishops' bench, two chairs were placed, one for the King of Prussia and the other for Prince Fer- dinand of Saxe-Coburg.

At a quarter past one' the Lord Chancellor entered, in his Peer's robes, followed by the Judges. At half-past one, arrived the Duke of Cambridge, in his robes, accompanied by Prince George. Prince Ferdinand, in the uniform of an Austrian Hussar, next entered, with Prince Augustus and Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg. Then came the King of Prussia, in the uniform of the Prussian Guards, with the order of the Garter ; preceded by the Duke of Wellington bearing the sword of state, and followed by his suite. All present rose at his entry, and retnitpgal.,statilling. At two, salvos of artillery announced the ap- proach of the Wien ; and her Majesty shortly after entered the House in procession, DINliS order— Four Pursuivanteft Arms; Garter King at Arms, wearing his splendidly- embroidered tabars16and bearing his staff of office; the Duke of Bucclench, Privy Seal, and rad Wharncliffe ; the Lord Chancellor, bearing the seals, and preceded by tW-maa ; the Duke of Wellington, bearing the sword; the Earl of Shaftesbury, bearing the cap of maintenance; the Duke of Rutland, hearing the crown ; the Queen and Prince Albert. The Queen was dressed in white satin, embroidered with gold. She wore a circlet of brilliants, representing alternately the national recog- nizances, rose, thistle, and shamrock, with necklace, ear-rings, and sto- macher of brilliants. Prince Albert was in a Field-Marshal's uniform, adorned with various orders. The Queen looked well, and is observed to be " inclining to the embonpoint." The Prince looked paler than usual.

THE QUEEN, having ascended the throne, bowed to the King of Prussia and Prince Ferdinand, and desired their Lordships to be seated. The Usher of the Black Rod, Sir Augustus Clifford, was then com- manded by the Queen to summon the House of Commons. After a short pause, the rush of the Members was heard, and they appeared in considerable numbers, headed by the Speaker, at the bar. Her Majesty then read the Speech- " My Lords and Gentlemen—I cannot meet you in Parliament assembled without making a public acknowledgment of my gratitude to Almighty God on account of the birth of the Prince my son ; an event which has completed the measure of my domestic happiness, and has been hailed with every demon- stration of affectionate attachment to my person and government by my faith- ful and loyal people.

"I am confident that you will participate in the satisfaction which I have derived from the presence in this country of my good brother and ally _the King of Prussia; who, at my request, undertook in person the office of sponsor at the christening of the Prince of Wales. "I receive from all Princes and States the continued assurance of their earnest desire to maintain the most friendly relations with this country. "It is with great satisfaction that I inform you that I have concluded with the Emperor of Austria, the King of the French, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, a treaty for the more effectual suppression of the Slave- trade ; which, when the ratifications shall have been exchanged, will be com- municated to Parliament.

"There shall also be laid before you a treaty which I have concluded with the same Powers, together with the Sultan, having for its object the security of the Turkish empire, and the maintenance of the general tranquillity. "The restoration of my diplomatic and friendly intercourse with the Court of Tehran has been followed by the completion of a commercial treaty with the King of Persia ; which 1 have directed to be laid before you.

"I am engaged in negotiations with several Powers, which, I trust, by lead- ing to conventions founded on the just principle of mutual advantage, may extend the trade and commerce of the country. "I regret that I am not enabled to announce to you the reestablishment of peaceful relations with the Government of China. The uniform success which has attended the hostile operations directed against that Power, and my con- fidence in the skill and gallantry of my naval and military forces, encourage the hope on my part that our differences with the Government of China will be brought to an early termination, and our commercial relations with that country placed on a satisfactory basis.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons—The Estimates for the year have been prepared, and will be laid before you. I rely with entire confidence on your disposition, while you enforce the principles of a wise economy, to make that provision for the service of the country which the public exigencies require. "My Lords and Gentlemen-1 recommend to your immediate attention the state of the finances and of the expenditure of the country. You will have

seen with regret, that, for several years past, the annual income has been in- adequate to bear the public charges, and I feel confident, that, fully sensible of the evil which must result from a continued deficiency of this nature during peace, you will carefully consider the best means of averting it.

"I recommend also to your consideration the state of the laws which affect the import of corn, and of other articles the produce of foreign countries. "Measures will be submitted for your consideration for the amendment of the law of Bankruptcy, and for the improvement of the jurisdiction exercised by the Ecclesiastical Courts in England and Wales.

"It will also be desirable that you should consider, with a view to their revision, the laws which regulate the registration of electors of Members to serve in Parliament.

"I have observed with deep regret the continued distress in the manufac- turing-districts of the country. The sufferings and privations which have resulted from it have been borne with exemplary patience and fortitude.

"1 feel assured that your deliberations on the various important matters which will occupy your attention will be directed by a comprehensive regard for the interests and permanent welfare of all classes of my subjects; and I fervently pray that they may tend in their result to improve the national resources, and to encourage the industry and promote the happiness of my people."

The Royal procession then retired ; but so great was the throng, both within and without the House, that two hours elapsed before it was cleared of the spectators.

THE ADDRESS: MINISTERIAL MEASURES.

After the usual adjournment, the House of Lords reassembled at five o'clock.

The Duke of WELLINGTON moved pro forma the first reading of the Select Vestries Bill ; and then the Marquis of ABERCORN rose to move the Address ; which was an exact echo of the Speech. The Mar- quis went over the several paragraphs seriatim. When he alluded to the question of the Corn-laws, and said that no experiment should be hazarded respecting it which had not received the fullest and maturest consideration, he was cheered from both sides of the House ; the Duke of Wellington, it is observed, audibly joining. He deprecated the great error of setting the manufacturing and agricultural interests against each other: ill-advised withdrawal of protection from the one or continued depression of the other must operate to the disadvantage of both. He would not enter into any details, but he would say that what could he done towards alleviating the distress which now prevailed would be duly considered and diligently applied ; but be would venture to remind their Lordships, that all ill-considered theories—that all rash and hazardous experiments, bearing, indeed, a semblance of advantage, but full of unsoundness within—were to be studiously avoided in the settlement of the great question affecting the importation of corn.

The Earl of DALHOUSIE seconded the Address ; like the mover, taking it up point by point ; and strongly urging the propriety of una- nimity on an occasion like the present.

Viscount MELBOURNE entirely concurred both in the Speech and in the Address; nor was there any thing in the speeches of the mover and seconder to excite offence : on no similar occasion had he heard speeches delivered which were more proper or more adapted to pro- mote unanimity. Regretting past causes of difference with Prussia, Lord Melbourne regarded what had happened on the recent joyful occasion

as a guarantee for the future friendship of the two countries. lie could not help observing, that it is a good omen when those who govern a Country have a good opinion of the state of the affairs which they have to conduct- .' It is izepossible for me not to congratulate the country," proceeded Lord Melbourne, with the frequent laughter of the Rouse, " on the much more fa- vourable and comfortable view which Ministers now take, compared to that which they expressed on the 24th August last. It is impossible for me not to rejoice, not to feel some degree of pride, that a more intimate acquaintance with the state of affairs—that a more intimate knowledge of the transactions

then and still going on—has convinced her Majesty's Ministers that affairs were not quite in such a desperate condition as they were then represented to be by

noble lords opposite, more particularly by the noble lord the President of the Board of Trade, who took the most desponding view of the subject. My noble friend on that occasion said, that on looking to the state of the anoma- lous sort of war which we were carrying on in China, he saw no hope of our being able to bring it to a conclusion—that we were engaged with an enemy who would not fight ; that we were beaten in our negotiations; and that he SAW no hope of this country being able to finish the war. Now we are told, in the Speech from the Throne, in the drawing-up of which I suppose my noble friend joined, that we may encourage the hope that our differences with them will be brought to an early termination, and our commercial relations with that country placed on a satisfactory basis. The relations of this country -with Persia are, I apprehend, also a subject of peculiar interest to the noble lord; and, as communications recently received from Persia inform us that our affairs there have taken a more favourable turn than waz expected. I cannot but con- gratulate the noble lord on his finding his situation more comfortable and more agreeable than he anticipated, and that he is not surrounded by the hopeless difficulties and the interminable proceedings which he at that time expected. I am also glad to hear a promise held out in the Speech similar to the recom- mendation made in August last, for a consideration of the Corn-laws, and also for a general consideration of the subject of Import-duties. I suppose the measures are intended to be produced to Parliament without any Committee of inquiry ; and if so, I beg leave to say that I do hope Ministers will give the Sliding-scale their serious consideration, and that they will never sanction such an absurdity—an absurdity greater than any thing depicted in romance, or any thing on which Rabelais has written. I know there is nothing to which men may not be driven by necessity or by the urgency of party—there is nothing to which they may not be forced; but 1 do think Ministers were guilty of a great absurdity when, as leaders of the Conservative party, great in numbers and great in wealth, they could not, when on the threshold of office, make up their minds or declare their opinions on the question of the Corn-laws."

Lord Melbourne went on laughing at his opponents for mysteriously laying their heads together and confessing to agreement only on one point, the support of the sliding-scale-

" Now I do not know any thing more absurd. You will never do any thing with a sliding-scale. You will never do any thing by altering the mode of taking the averages. You will not obviate the insecurity and the unstableness of trade by such means—you will never get the better of fraud ; and therefore it is that I take the present opportunity to beg of the noble lord to give the sliding-scale his reconsideration before the intended measures are brought under the consideration of Parliament."

Lord Melbourne indeed did not impute all existing ills to the Corn- laws— "I cannot be a party to any measure which pretends to hold out a perma- nent remedy against future distress. The manufacturers of this country depend- ing so much on various circumstances—on demand subject to taste, fashion, foreign competition, and a hundred other causes—and having such masses of the people engaged in those pursuits and occupations, I fear that we should only hold out a delusion if we said that any measure which we could devise would prevent a recurrence of frequent distress, frequent difficulties, great vi- cissitudes in the wages of the masses, and of that misery and destitution conse- quent on want of employment. Whatever portion of the distress the Corn-laws may have caused, I believe that the difficulties and the destitution of the manufacturing population are inseparable from, belonging to, and inherent in that state of prosperity and capital engaged in manufactures, which exists in this country ; and though I am ready to consider any measure for the purpose of alleviating that distress, I can never hold forth that this can be produced by changes in the constitution, or by changing the persons who administer the affairs of the country. I am greatly opposed to this, because, if the existence of na- tional distress is to be looked on as a reason for organic changes in the consti- tution or in the individuals who compose the Government, there will be nothing but danger and instability in our institutions." The disappointment which followed Catholic Relief and the Reform Bill, Lord Melbourne believed, had not arisen from the working of those measures, for they have worked well, but from "the wild, the unmeasured, the exaggerated expectations which were entertained respecting them." The Earl of RIPON adverted to Lord Melbourne's remarks on his presumed changes of opinion— He never said that there was no prospect of a termination of the war with China : he had said that it was a war of a peculiar character, as it was a contest with an enemy who would not fight. Was it not so? Had not all the occur- rences of the war proved its extraordinary character, as carried on with a people who differed from all other people in the world, since in other countries the occurrences of the war would have led to peace ? His noble friend had said that he considered that there was no prospect of a peace with Persia: but he had said just the reverse—that peace might be restored with Persia.

If it were possible that members of the present Government should change their mind, they would have at least the benefit of Lord Mel- bourne's example in such a course. Lord BEAUMONT hoped that the anomalies of the sliding-scale and the averages would be set at rest.

Lord BROUGHAM declared his satisfaction at the intimation of' an in- tention to propose a revision of the Corn-laws. A country which, like England, had been manufacturing for ages, might well apprehend a de- cline, on the extension of manufactures abroad: but that was no reason against every effort to stay that decline ; and one of the worst things in the Corn-laws is, their tendency to stunt the industry of the country by obstructing foreign trade. He was convinced, that the only safe mode of dealing with the subject was by a total repeal of all restric- tions—gradual, indeed, in its progress, but total in its result. Lord Brougham hastened to the new question with the United States, re- specting the Creole ; purposely abstaining from the general question of the right of search. He stated the case— The Creole was sailing with a cargo of slaves from one American port to another; a voyage perfectly legal, according to the law of the nation to which the vessel belonged, slavery in that nation being unhappily up to this hour recognized. In the course of the voyage, the slaves, as by natural ngbt they had, in his opinion, a title to do—as by natural right every human being had a title to do when a fellow-creature presumed to hold him in bondage contrary to the law of Nature and the will of Heaven—rose upon the captain and crew,

seized the vessel, and took her into an English port. In the course of the seizure a scuffle took place, and a life was lost. Upon arriving at the English port, one hundred and twenty slaves were landed and liberated ; and the remaining eighteen of the crew thus engaged in the capture of the vessel were taken into custody, upon a charge partly of murder andrti f

pa y o piracy.

Now, if it were demanded that we should give up the slaves, every one must at once perceive that that would be totally unlawful. By the law of this country, if a slave came to any part of our dominions, in which slavery did not exist by law, either into the United Kingdom itself, or since the 1st August 1834 into any of our West India possessions, from that moment, in whatever way he might have come, whether by leave of his master or by force it signified not which, from that moment he was free, and by the law of this country could not be given up. Then the question arose as to the eighteen who were said to be wrongdoers, and were charged with felony—with the offence

which led to the loss of the life of one of them. Now he ventured to state, that by the law of this country, no person, whether he were a British subject

returning from abroad, or an alien coming to our shores—no penult charged with having committed an offence out of the jurisdiction of Great Britain could be seized, or detained, or given up to any foreign government whatever, which

might demand to have him given up in respect to the offence with which he was charged. For example, if an Englishman in France were to commit a felony—say a murder—and to escape to this country, or if a Frenchman in France were to commit a murder, and escape to this country, the French Government might in vain demand of the English Government to have the alleged murderer given up for the purpose of being tried for his offence in France. There had, at different times, no doubt, been treaties between this country and France, and at one time there was a treaty between this country and the United States of America, for the mutual surrender by each Govern- ment, on the requisition of the other, of persons charged (according to the American treaty) with the two offences of murder and forgery ; and (accord- ing to the treaty with France) of persons charged with the three offences of murder, forgery, and fraudulent bankruptcy. But before those tree ies could be carried into effect in this country, it was necessary to pass especial acts of Parliament to overcome the previously existing jealousy of the law of England upon that point. If a doubt were to arise as to whether the act committed on board the Creole might not be piracy, he apprehended that the true course of proceeding would be to put the matter into a course of investigation—to have a proper judicial inquiry, so that all the facts and circumstances might be fully and clearly ascertained. But even if the circumstances connected with the seizure of the Creole amounted to piracy, it did not follow that those who had been guilty of it should be given up by the Government of England to the Government of any other country. Lord Brougham abruptly turned to another subject, the King of Prussia's visit to this country. He knew of no people more fond of Royalty and more devoted to the Throne than the English. The King of Prussia ought to remember the overflowing and over-abounding loyalty which he witnessed when he was here before in 1814: he would not have seen less in 1842. Two conclusions might be drawn from that— Since the King's former visit to our shores, great changes had taken place in the constitution of this country ; a very large increase of the privileges of the people had been effected ; a very mope extension of the representative system had been consummated—an extension which some bad called a revolution. Did his Majesty now find that there was any truth in the fears expressed as to the effect of Parliamentary Reform ? did he see any of those dangers which the world was told beset the path of the Reformer, lest he should overact the balance of the Constitution lessen the dignity of the Crown impair the loyalty of the subject, and shake ' ake our institutions to the base ? On the con- trary, does he not now find, if any change at all, an increase of' devotion and loyalty to the Crown, notwithstanding all the extension of the privileges of the people? Lord Brougham hoped and believed that the result of that Prince's observations in this country would encourage him in the prosecution of those most beneficial reforms which he was making in the constitution of his own country ; because it would show him that there was no danger, but only safety, in the fulfilment of the promises made by his predecessors—promises on the faith of which his predecessors raised the Prussian people, and were enabled by their aid to repel the invasion of France and to restore the inde- pendence of the Prussian Crown. Yes, his Prussian Majesty would gather from observation in this country, that the giving a representative constitution to his own people would be safe and beneficial, and even tend to the security of the Crown and the Monarchy itself. Lord Brougham drew the same conclu- sion with respect to the franchise in this country. Those who, ten years ago, had been alarmed at the idea of permitting an extension of the franchise, would are long have to consider how the franchise could be yet further reasonably, judiciously, but effectively extended, so as to admit within the pale of the constitution the great bulk of the working-classes. He concurred with what Lord Melbourne said of the Corn-laws on the first day of the last session : here, said the noble Viscount, was a code of laws made by one House of Par- liament wholly composed of landowners, and by another in a great part com- posed also of landowners; that was not a safe state of things ; it was a state of things liable to suspicion. Lord Brougham thought it was not a safe state of things either for the two Houses of Parliament, or for the Crown, or for the general stability of the constitution of the country, that there should be a representative system which excluded all save those who happened to be the owners of property. Earl FITZWILLIAM felt much gratified at finding that the measure for which during three years he had laboured unsuccessfully was now to be submitted to the House ; and that, too, by a Ministry which owed its possession of office entirely to the agricultural interest. He was sur- prised, however, that such a recommendation should have emanated from a Government of which the presiding genius was the Duke of Wellington ; whose attachment to the Corn-laws was known I Some- thing, it was to be presumed, was to follow from that recommendation : was that something to be so small that it would require a political microscope to discover it? He felt no assurance that the measure was not to be exceedingly small because the Duke of Buckingham had left the Cabinet. But he should like to know what the difference really was— If the noble Duke had evinced complete indifference as to office, (which he believed was not the case, for he bad not heard that the noble Duke bad been particularly pressed to become a member of the Government by those who formed the Administration,) if he had been an unwilling labourer, then it might easily be understood that he might have seized upon some light and trivial occasion as an opportunity for retiring. But he had not heard that WBS the case ; and he was therefore of opinion that some great and important change was in contemplation. The greater the better. He hoped it would be a large and comprehensive measure : he hoped that the noble Duke the in- spiring genius of the Cabinet was about to deal with the Corn-laws as he did with the Catholic question.

The Duke of WELLINGTON, in reply to the noble Earl, stated that he was unwilling to enter into the details of the proposed measure until it was formally before the House. He had no doubt that he could easily clear himself from the charge of inconsistency ; but he thought that he ought not at that stage of the discussion to be more explicit as to the nature of the intended change.

The Duke of BUCKINGHAM would briefly satisfy Lord Fitzwilliam's curiosity— He could inform the noble lord that his opinions on the subject of the Corn. laws were those which he always entertained—they had undergone no altera- tion. During his connexion with the present Government, a measure was pro- posed for an alteration in the Corn-laws which he found it impossible to sup- port. As an honest man, he had no other course to pursue, under these cir- cumstances, than to retire from the Ministry. He had not had the misfortune to differ from his colleagues upon any other question; and although it was his intention to give that measure his opposition, upon all other questions brought forward which would conduce to the interests of the country, her Majesty's Government might rely on his cordial support.

The Address was agreed to.

The House of Commons assembled at half-past one o'clock. After attending the ceremony in the House of Lords, and adjourning for a short time, the Speaker took the chair again at a quarter to four. Some preliminary business disposed of, Sir ROBBRT PEEL preceded the motion of the Address by giving no- tice, amid loud cries of "Hear, hear!" that on Wednesday next he should move that the House resolve itself into a Committee of the whole to take into consideration the laws which affect the importation of corn. He added- " I would have taken an earlier day for the introduction and discussion of the question, had it not happened that there are some papers relating to it, which I conceive it will be advantageous, and no more than right, that the House should be in possession of prior to the matter being brought under its consideration."

The House then proceeded with the Address. It was moved by the Earl of MARCH ; who touched upon the various points of the Speech. He urged the necessity of providing a revenue which should be equal to the necessary expenditure ; and protested against the false economy of crippling the nation in its means of defence. He thought that ships of war ought not to be risked upon service without their due comple- ments of men, nor regiments on foreign stations exposed to mortality for want of a sufficient force to furnish the necessary relief. At the same time, he was anxious that the taxation which might be necessary for the establishments of the country should be of such a nature as would not press heavily upon the poorer classes. On the subject of the Corn-laws, he must say that he preferred to see their revision undertaken by those who would give a just protection to agriculture, (and the landed interests desired no more,) than by a party some of whom were for a fixed duty of Ss., and some for the removal of all protection whatever.

The chief point in the speech of Mr. BEcKErr, in seconding the Address, which he also developed point by point, was his testimony to the severe distress in the manufacturing-districts-

Six months ago, statements were made in that House regarding the dis- treeaed condition of the manufacturing and commercial interests, which at the time were considered as highly coloured ; but it was now his painful duty to assure the House, that those spriptoma of distress were fearfully and exten- sively aggravated. He feared, indeed, that a strict examination into the con- dition of the commercial and manufacturing interests would prove that distress was fearfully on the increase, and that its effects were felt by all classes of so- ciety. He knew the confidence reposed by the House in the Right Honour- able Baronet the Member for Tam worth ; but still they would permit him to say, that he trusted that whatever measures might be proposed to remedy this evil would be founded on this basis—that prosperity could never be arrived at and maintained in this country without the adoption of means for affording re- gular employ ment to the poor.

Mr. EWART hoped that Ministers would adopt !some at least of the suggestions contained in the Report of the Committee on Import-duties. He was particularly anxious for a reduction of the duties on sugar and on coffee. He would be disposed to support a property-tax, fairly im- posed upon landed and funded property alike, and tending to relieve the labouring-classes. He feared that the plans contemplated by Go- vernment on the subject of the Corn-laws were not very likely to in- volve any arrangement which would increase our export of manufac- tures to America, and bring hither the corn of that continent in return. While England continued her exclusive system, the United States would continue theirs. The same erroneous policy on our part had in- jured also our trade with Germany, which had now become a manufac- turing country. He was anxious to see the sliding-scale abandoned ; and should rejoice to find Sir Robert Peel now prepared to change his commercial policy, as be had formerly changed his views upon religions freedom.

Lord Jour; RnssEirs, heartily concurred in the early portions of the Address. With respect to the parts relating to Foreign Powers, he had little to observe. He trusted that all differences with the United States would be satisfactorily arranged by the mission which has been sent out. As to whether it was wise to send out a special mission or whether it were better to endeavour to arrange the points of difference by the usual correspondence between the two Powers, he would express no opinion. With regard to the parts of the Speech relating to the do- mestic situation of the country, he had very great satisfaction in ob- serving the topics which were adverted to— "it may be that, when the measures are brought forward which are alluded to, they may not be such as I can support. But it is a satisfaction to me to find that the nature of the measures to which her Majesty, under the advice of her present advisers, has thought fit to call the attention of Parliament, are of a nature similar to those which it was the pride of the late Government to bring under the consideration of "Parliament. In our hands they were to be questions which would excite discord between one class and another, which would inflame public discontent, which would injure the institutions of the country by unjust results, and which would lead to incalculable evils: but they are now to be submitted to the House as those questions upon which remedies for the financial difficulties of the country and for the distresses of the people may best be founded."

He agreed that the disorder of the public finances required correction ; but that subject ought not to be considered except in conjunction with the laws affecting trade. Remedies very different from those advanced by the late Government had been lately suggested- " There were, first, the delegates with respect to the Ten Hours Factory Bill; and after their somewhat theatrical interview with the right honourable Baronet and other members of the Government, and a great deal of stage &s- play, they thought fit to encourage the hope, no doubt raised first by the gen- tlemen who came to the Government in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, and who turned out, after all, to be the Socialist editors of some new Moral World, that the attention of the Government would be given to the subject. But now it appears, from a letter written some short time ago to a noble lord,

who is most sincere, I believe, in his exertions on this point, (Lord Ashley,) that the right honourable Baronet, who, I have no doubt, Is no less earnest, and is actuated by motives no less praiseworthy, but with more wisdom and

caution is ready to oppose the Ten Hours Bill, and that limit of labour which, if adopted, would cut to the roots the manufacturing prosperity of this country. We next heard of a great scheme of emigration, which was to be the great remedy for all difficulties—by which the people of this country were to be transported to our Colonies at the public expense: but now, by a letter written yesterday or the day before by the noble lord

at the head of the Colonial Department, it appears that no such extensive scheme of emigration is entertained. The noble lord seems now to contra- dict this suggestion. If such a scheme is to be brought forward, I hope that the noble lord will see that it is calculated to remedy the existing disorder of the finances before he proposes a wholesale scheme of emigration : but until

I hear the notice given, though it has been thrown out as a remedy proposed to

be applied, I shall disbelieve there is any intention to bring forward a scheme which may lead us into fresh difficulties, and give rise to a new and extravagant

expenditure. Another class of persons have predicted, that, as a great portion of the party who have now come into power are opposed to the Poor-law, and that as the Poor-law is tyrannical and oppressive, the Conservative Go-

vernment (as it is called) will not be long before they propose a law, if not for the total repeal, for the abolition of the office of Commissioners, and every thing that is odious in the existing law. We have had a practical denial of that

by the appointment of a third gentleman to act as Commissioner—fully qualified to hold that office—whose nomination to the performance of its duties does honour to her Majesty's Government and to the Secretary of State for the

Home Department. I rejoice not leas in the statement made in the Speech from the Throne than in the omissions which I observe in it, that none of those measures' some of which I should think most dangerous, almost all of which

I should think most futile, are to be resorted to. But I am glad to

find that the principles to be acted upon by the present Government are no other than those wholesome ones proposed and advocated by theoretical writers

for some time, supported by the best of statesmen in this country, and which

the late Government on their retirement from office left as a legacy to the country, and which I hope to see eventually carried out,—principles which be-

fore long I trust I shall see established on the statute-book of this country." . Into the subject of the Corn-laws he would not now enter in detail : but he must press the principle of the fixed duty ; and he begged Sir Robert Peel to consider the evil consequence of making an arrangement which would presently be disturbed by fresh discontent and agitation. Some disapprobation mingling with the cheers that followed this remark, Lord John observed- " I heard a murmur, as if honourable gentlemen opposite seemed to think that the passing of an act of Parliament was quite sufficient to put an end to all discussion and discontent on the subject. But I beg them to believe that that will not be the case; that great as the authority of Parliament may be—and I wish its authority to be great, still it will not supersede and override the conclusions which sensible and reflecting men draw from their own observation of the working of any particular law." He was not prepared to promise his assent to new taxation : his own opinion was, that it would be more proper to try a modification of Our commercial system, and await its effects upon the Exchequer. There Was nothing, however, to preienilietitiantin6uS Ate on the Akldresi. t Sir ROBERT PEEL was gratified, but not surprised, to hear Lord John recommend an unanimous concurrence in the Address. His colleagues and himself had long held the opinion that there was great inconveni- ence in forcing the House of Commons on the first day of its assem- bling, when it was without the means of ascertaining the sentimeuts contained in the Address, to pledge itself to positive measures ; and therefore they had purposely framed the Address in a manner which would not necessarily provoke a collision of opinion. He ought not to

refer, however incidentally, to the part of the Address which Lord John had passed over lightly, of the foreign relations, without bearing testimony to the cordial cooperation which Russia had given to the arrangements with Persia. Lord John seemed to doubt the policy of the special mission to the United States— "1 think the noble lord should bear in mind, that some of the causes of- dif, ference between this country and the United States have long existed; that

the attempts on the part of various Governments by means of correspondence

to bring them to a satisfactory conclusion have failed, and that the continuance of the cause of discord leads to fresh and increasing difficulties. Hence it has

appeared to her Majesty's Government, without implying the slightest reflec- tion upon the very able Minister who represents this country in the United States, Mr. Fox, desirable to send out directly to that country a person who has held high stations in the Council of this nation, and who, fully posseso:d of the views and intentions of her Majesty's Government, should attempt some other mode than that which has hitherto been resorted to, and which had not been successful, for effecting that which would be a great object fur the inte- rests of humanity and the civilization of the world—namely. the restoration of perfectly friendly and cordial relations with the United States—or, I should rather say, for the determination of existing differences. Certainly, my noble friend, in undertaking at his advanced period of life such a task, has been actuated only by a sense of public duty. The sacrifices he has been called

upon to make are great : but my noble friend has yielded to the conviction we felt that, considering the relation in which he stood—the estimation in which his respected name was held in that country—there could not be a more wel- come messenger of the views of her Majesty's Government than Lord Ash- burton-"

Lord John had adverted to several supposed remedies for the distress, to be propounded by Ministers-

" The noble lord had heard of a plan of general emigration : but that ap-

peared without any authority on the part of the Government ; and I think the noble lord's experience of the conduct of a Government might have led him to

know, that because certain measures were imputed by the public papers to the Executive, it does not follow that they entertain any serious intention of carry- ing them out, or that there should be an authorized reply. The noble lord has also referred to certain dramatic reports of interviews which Ministers have

had with deputations from the Northern manufacturing-districts. I am sur- prised the noble lord should have spoken with such disparagement of the Social editor of the New Moral World. It is true the deputation were received; but still we did not encourage them to expect the high honour of presentation to her Majesty. Would the noble lord have thought it becoming to me to de- cline to receive them until I had first ascertained the private characters and the political opinions of those who composed the deputation? I saw the per- sons who called upon me, and who succeeded in deceiving me so far that on

entering the room I believed them to be a deputation as represented—a belief which was strengthened by the perfect knowledge of the subject on which t bey came to speak ; but I am no party to the publication of what took place Sur- prised as I was to find that a lengthened and detailed report of what passed had been published, I am innocent of an, intention to derive an advantage from the dramatic effects of which the noble lord spoke; and until I saw that these persons were editors of a newspaper, I remained under the pleasing delu- sion that I bad been talking to workmen deputed by their brother workmen to give an account of their sufferings." With respect to the Poor-law, Lord John's apprehensions might have been quieted by the course which Government took lest session.

Sir Robert had wished to bring on the financial and commercial policy of the country both together, but was withheld by a consideration of the public interest. He would, however, redeem the pledge which he gave last session, that no unnecessary delay should take place in ex- plaining the views of Government- . I do not ask for delay : I do not intend to postpone the announcement of the Budget, as it is called, to that period of the year at which it is usually brought forward. Indeed, so far as concerns the convenience of her Majesty's Government, we are prepared to state to the Rouse now the measures with re- ference to the commerce and finance of the country which we mean to propose ; and I should have wished to state the nature of those measures simultaneously with the views which we have arrived at on the subject of the Corn-laws: but I think that there would be disadvantage to the public interests in postponing the consideration of the Corn-laws, and that it would be better that her Ma- jesty's Government should propose to the House, their vie" s relative to those laws on Wednesday next, and on the earliest possible day following disclose the whole of our financial and commercial policy in Committee of Ways and Means."

Mr. CHARLES VI-Lames did not dissent from the Liberal generalities which had been uttered ; and he rejoiced that the landed proprietary shrunk from maintaining the Corn-law, now that its mischiefs were generally detected. He only wished that Sir Robert Peel would seri- ously consider a permanent settlement of the question. He would avail himself of the earliest opportunity to take the sense of the House re- specting the principle of taxation upon food.

Mr. Escow hoped that Ministers would bring forward a measure which should settle the Corn question, with a view to the interests of all. The agriculturists had sustained a great loss in the separation of the Duke of Buckingham from the Queen's Councils; but they were not averse from some change : they desired only to have that change of such a nature as to terminate the anxiety and uncertainty which had now been so long endured.

The Address was agreed to.

MISCELLANEOUS.

NEW WRITS were moved, by Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE, for West Cornwall, in the room of Lord Boscswen Rose, who has succeeded to the Earldom of Falmouth ; Leominster, on Mr. James Wigram's ele- vation to the Vice-Chancellorship; Bandon Bridge, Sergeant Jackson having been appointed Solicitor-General for Ireland ; Dublin Uni- versity, Mr. Lefroy having been raised to the Bench; King's Lynn, Sir Stratford Canning having accepted the Chiltern Hundreds ; Liver- pool, vacant by Mr. Cresswell Cresswell's elevation to the Bench ; Taunton. where Mr. Bainbridge has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds ; and. Ciackmannan-and_Roas, Colonel Abercromby having done the same.

CORN-LAWS. Mr. GLADSTONE moved for an address to the Queen for a great variety of statements respecting the various Corn Acts and the prices and supplies of corn.

NOTICES were given—by Mr. Goutatunte, of a bill for the application to the service of the year 1841 of the sums granted in either of the two last sessions of Parliament ; by Lord STANLEY, of a bill to amend the Act 5 and 6 William IV. for regulating the carriage of passengers in merchant-vessels, and of a bill to regulate the survey and sale of Crown lands in the Australian Colonies and New Zealand ; and by Sir GEORGE CLERK, of the usual Sessional Orders and Committees.

Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE also gave notice, that it was the intention of the Vice-President of the Board of Trade to move, on the 8th, for a bill to amend the law regulating the salaries and defining the diocesan boundaries of theBishoprics of Jamaica, Barbados, and the Leeward Islands; for a bill to amend and consolidate the laws relating to the trade in the British Co- lonies, and to alter certain duties ; and that it was the intention of the Chancellor of the late Exchequer, on the 15th, to call the attention of the House to the Exchequer Bill fraud; and of the Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancaster to move' on the 17th, for a measure to secure a more effectual inspection of houses licensed to receive insane persons in Eng- land and Wales.

PRINCE ALBERT AND HIS SON. In the House of Lords, a motion of Lord WHARNCLIFFE was carried, to present an address of congratulation to Prince Albert on the birth of the Prince of Wales.

LORDS' CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES. On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Earl of Shaftesbury was appointed Chairman of Committees in the House of Lords.