Books
For the sake of argument
William Waldegrave
The Foundation of the Conservative Party, 1830-67 Robert Stewart (Longman £1 2.00) Conservative Essays Edited by Maurice Cowling (Cassell £5.95) These two volumes, as different as could be in content, style, and intention, are both contributions to the intellectual and moral revitalisation which has set the Conservative Party back on the road to power. Mr Stewart's book combines with exceptional skill original research, critical analysis, and narrative. It is as good as Gash, and as good as Vincent — and to this reviewer, that means it is as good as the best. The volume is the first of the four planned for the History of the Conservative Party, a project launched under the aegis of Lord Blake and others. If the other three volumes are as good as Mr Stewart's, the project will have been a triumph.
Little can be done in a short review except briefly to describe, and wholeheartedly to applaud. The book starts in a sensible place in the 1830s, where, as Mr Stewart writes, Tarty waxed while the monarchy waned.' Faced with the dilemma of maintaining their opposition to reform which was countenanced by the King, at the same time as making loyalty to the Crown, Lords and Established Church the bedrock of their defence of the status quo, Canning, Peel and Derby developed for Britain the concept of a loyal opposition. By so doing they made a contribution to the development of democratic politics of fundamental importance. If the ultras had won the day, there can be no guarantee that British politics would not have followed a course much closer to that of the French, with attendant violence and disruption. Not the least achievement of these founders of modern Conservatism was the establishment of the forerunner of the present Party organisation. Peel explained his resignation in 1846 with the words, `A Conservative Government should be supported by a Conservative Party.' The theme of this volume is largely that of the growth of constituency and national Party organisations to provide the feet on which the Parliamentary Party could stand. And the growth of bureaucratic organisation itself furthered the cohesion of the Party at Westminster; as Mr Stewart observes, divorces between leading personalities declined as none could afford to risk that he alone would win custody of the organisation. The story of the growth of this organisation —of the 'Charles Street Gang,' the foundation of the Carlton Club, of Sir William Jolliffe, Derby's and Disraeli's great Chief Whip, and of the detailed calculations which surrounded the 1867 Reform Bill — makes fascinating and often dramatic reading. Derby emerges from behind the glitter of Disraeli as a politician of consummate skill, deliberately using the influence which opposition could give him to create a consensus within which the Conservatives could successfully govern again. Much is familiar — Party organisation was, from the start, for example, not only concerned with who was elected where, at whose expense (enormous expense, too — often £10,000 per seat in this period), but also with the Press, their influence, subornment, and placating. And the politicians' views of this latter activity have not changed much: as the Duke of Wellington wrote, 'the gentlemen!!! of the Press are so demoralised that nobody can approach them without incurring the risk of loss of character.'
It is not possible to applaud quite so unreservedly the collection of Essays edited by Maurice Cowling. The theme is right — that there is a real Conservatism, which reflects in practical action an appreciation of the complexity and the continuity of the civil association; which does not believe in the perfectability of man, and knows that there are more things in heaven and earth than are dreamt of in the philosophy of J. S. Mill.
But the volume falls somewhat between two stools. Too much is taken for granted, as in a conversation among friends and a rather cliquey club of friends, at that; the volume should restate, offer the arguments anew to those who (though it may seem odd to some of these writers) have Spectator there is something of waste here, in that t 1)71, hthatvoer 5 neAvuegruhsetar19;8 never heard them at all, Oakeshott, or read any Hegel whatsoever. this volume could have been a foundation stone, and is only a decorative finial. This sense of frustration is exacerbated by the presence in the book of three really good essays, one of them better than good, any one of whose authors could do the job of quarrying the foundation stone, given tune and space. Of these three, T.E. Utley, it !s said, will have the chance of inserting his message of wisdom and hope into the Leader of the Party's election campaign, and if he can do that successfully, he can be let off writing the book. It must be the best news for many months for Conservatives who know Mr Utley's writing that Mrs Thatcher should have made such an appointment. The second good essay is IV Kenneth Minogue, describing in good' robust language the evils of what he calls hyperactivism in British politics; `rather than getting on with living, we spend a disproportionate amount of time and energY, which results with each other about the rules. cehsyupeltsrafcrotimvismturins ainmg morbid cfroonindttli.clif:e towards arguing about the rules by which life should be lived.' That indeed is the chsemadseustorfy,maonddemrnucBhrietlisesh, government, and The most considerable essay in the book 0is f Raobgoe or kScrItuthoans'ss. zdskgeatpesh, and obscurities of compression. The argument is that a successful Conservative politican must in some sense engage .I11 a dialogue with the continuing soeletY, amongst whose several voices we may see high culture as the expression of that soc: iety's serious, continuing intention and interest. And it is with that voice that the politician who is more than demogogue must converse, as Pericles with the AthenIan people, if he is to understand more than just the whims of the people he serves.; With the single and important proviso that think Mr Scruton unnecessarily separates and despises the activities of the scientist from the rest of culture — perhaps he accepts the Popperian account of what scientific
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activity is like, which is not the best account. — his analysis could be the basis of ne,.‘" formulation of the relationship between tt7., Conservative Statesman and his state Wine"' we still need, even after Oakeshott's Human it. The Let us hope Mr Scrtito The opinions of Maurice Cowling and !tis friends are very different to those on which the present political studies establishifien` has nurtured its students. So alarming are they to some, the end of whose day they t foreshadow, that they will mostly be ni„e. with parody and insult rather than arg" ment by those in established places, the there are some unnecessary gifts t° tof parodist in this collection: some members,. this club are perhaps just a little too clubi; will out. But the truth is there too and the ttli
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