illliscellantous.

Private letters from Paris state that the Duke and Dutchess Be Nemours may be expected in London on Monday, on a visit to the Queen.

It is reported that Lord W. Hervey is to be Secretary to the Embassy at Paris, in the room of Mr. Henry Bulwer.

Count Surveilliers, (Joseph Bonaparte,) who has been residing at Florence for some time, has been attacked with a paralytic stroke, by which his life is endangered.

It is reported that Archdeacon Lonsdale, Principal of King's College, London, is to have the vacant see of Lichfield.

An Order in Council, recently issued, directs that the six Minor Canons of 'Westminster Abbey shall each in future receive an annual stipend of 1501. Another Braham! Ay, and by all accounts a scion worthy of the stock. We were accidentally prevented from witnessing the ddbut df Mr. Hamilton Braham, a son of the Braham, at his father's concert in the Hanover Square Rooms, on Thursday evening ; but those who went concur in praising him. His voice is "a real bass," not a bari- tone: it has extraordinary compass, but the best part is the low portion, and level bass music appears to be best suited to his style. He sang the music which has been sung by Lablache, Fornasari, and Staudigl ; and in such fashion that the critic of the Chronicle pro- phesies that "he will become one of the greatest bass-singers of the age."

The 'Reverend SydneyEniithlas renewed his attach on the 74pp:ill-

tionist State of Pennsylvania, in a letter of most felicitous pungency and force, addressed to the Morning Chronicle- " Sir—You did me the favour, some time since, to insert in your valuable journal a petition of mine to the American Congress, for the repayment of a loan made by me, in common with many other unwise people, to the State of Pennsylvania. For that petition I have been abused in the grossest manner by many of the American papers. After some weeks' reflection, I see no reason to alter my opinions, or to retract my expressions. What I then said was not wild declamation, bat measured truth. I repeat again, that no conduct was ever more profligate than that of the State of Pennsylvania. History cannot pattern it : and let no deluded being imagine that they will ever repay a single farthing—their people have tasted of the dangerous luxury of dishonesty, and they will never be brought back to the homely rule of right. The money- transactions of the Americans are become a byword among the nations of Europe. In every grammar-school of the old world, ad Grmeas Calendas is translated—the American dividends.

"I am no enemy to America. I loved and admired honest America, when she respected the laws of pounds shillings and pence ; and I thought the United States the most magnificent picture of human happiness. I meddle now in these matters because I hate fraud—because I pity the misery it has occasioned—because I mourn over the hatred it has excited against free insti- tutions.

"Among the discussions to which the moral lubricities of this insolvent people have given birth, they have arrogated to themselves the right of sitting in judgment upon the property of their creditors—of deciding who among them is rich, and who poor, and who are proper objects of compassionate payment. But, in the name of Mercury, the great god of thieves, did any man ever hear of debtors alleging the wealth of the lender as a reason for eluding the payment of the loan ? Is the Stock Exchange a place for the tables of the money-lenders; or is it a school of moralists, who may amerce the rich, exalt the

poor, and correct the inequalities of fortune? Is Biddle an instrument in the hand of Providence to exalt the humble and send the rich empty away ? Does American Providence work with such instruments as Biddle ?

"But the only good part of this bad morality is not acted upon. The rich are robbed, bat the poor are not paid : they growl against the dividends of Dives, and don't lick the sores of Lazarus. They seize, with load acclamations, on the money-bags of Jones Loyd, Rothschild, and Baring; but they do not give back the pittance of the widow and the bread of the child. Those knaves of the setting sun may call me rich, for I have a twentieth-part of the income of the Archbishop of Canterbury ; but the curate of the next parish is a wretched soul, bruised by adversity ; and the three hundred pounds for his

children, which it has taken his life to save, is eaten and drunken by the mean men of Pennsylvania—by men who are always talking of the virtue and honour of the United States—by men who soar above others in what they say, and sink below all nations in what they do—who, after floating on the heaven of declamation, fall down to feed on the offal and garbage of the earth.

"Persons who are not in the secret are inclined to consider the abominable conduct of the Repudiating States to proceed from exhaustion—' They don't pay because they cannot pay' ; whereas, from estimates which have just now

reached this country, this is the picture of the finances of the insolvent States. Their debts may be about 200 millions of dollars ; at an interest of 6 per cent

this makes an annual charge of twelve millions of dollars; which is little more

than 1 per cent of their income in 1840, and may be presumed to be less than 1 per cent of their present income; but if they were all to provide funds for the

punctual payment of interest, the debt could readily be converted into a four or five per cent stock, and the excess, converted into a sinking-fund, would dis- charge the debt in less than thirty years. The debt of Pennsylvania, estimated at 40 millions of dollars, bears, at 5 per cent, an annual interest of two millions.

The income of this State was, in 1840, 131 millions of dollars, and is probably at this time not less than 150 millions : a net revenue of only lit per cent

would produce the two millions required. So that the price of national character in Pennsylvania is lit per cent on the net income; and if this market- price of morals were established here, a gentleman of a thousand a year would deliberately and publicly submit to infamy for fifteen pounds per annum ; and a poor man, who, by laborious industry had saved one hundred a year, would incur general disgrace and opprobrium for thirty shillings by the year. There really should be lunatic asylums for nations as well as for individual&

"But they begin to feel all this : their tone is changed ; they talk with bated breath and whispering apology, and allay with some cold drops of mo- desty their stripping spirit. They strutted into this miserable history, and begin to think of sneaking out.

"And then the subdolous press of America contends that the English under similar circumstances would act with their own debt in the same manned But there are many English constituencies where are thousands not worth a

shilling, and no such idea has been broached among them, nor has any petition to such effect been presented to the Legislature. But what if they did act in such a manner, would it be a conduct less wicked than that of the Americans? Is there not one immutable law of justice? is it not written in the book? does it not beat in the heart? Are the great guide-marks of life to be concealed by such nonsense as this ? I deny the fact on which the reasoning is founded ; and if the facts were true, the reasoning would be false.

"I never meet a Pennsylvanian at a London dinner without feeling a dispo- sition to seize and divide him; to allot his beaver to one sufferer and his coat to another—to appropriate his pocket-handkerchief to the orphan and to com-

fort the widow with his silver watch, Broadway rings, and the orphan, Guide, which he always carries in his pockets. How such a man can set himself down

at an English table without feeling that he owes two or three pounds to every man in company, I am at a loss to conceive : he has no more right to eat with honest men than a leper has to eat with clean men. If he has a particle of honour in his composition, he should shot himself up, and say, I cannot mingle with you, I belong to a degraded people; I must hide myself, I win a plunderer from Pennsylvania.' Figare to yourself a Pennsylvanian receiving foreigners in his own coun- try, walking over the public works with them and showing them Larcenous Lake, Swindling Swamp, Crafty Canal, and Rogues Railway, and other dis- honest works. 'This swamp we gained (says the patriotic borrower) by the repudiated loan of 1828; our canal robbery was in 1830; we pocketed your good people's money for the railroad only last year.' All this may seem very smart to the Americans ; but if I had the misfortune to be born among such a people, the land of my fathers should not retain me a single moment after the act of repudiation. I would appeal from my fathers to my forefathers. I would fly to Newgate for greater purity of thought, and seek in the prisons of England for better rules of life.

"This new and vain people can never forgive us for having preceded them three hundred years in civilization. They are prepared to enter into the most bloody wars with England, not on account of Oregon, or boundaries, or right of search, but because our clothes and carriages are better made, and because Bond Street beats Broadway. Wise Webster does all he can to convince his People that these are not lawful eituses of war : but wars, and long wars, they srdI one day or another produce : and this, perhaps, is the only advantage of repudiation,—the Americans cannot gratify their avarice and ambition at once, they cannot cheat and conquer at the same time. The warlike power of every country depends on their Three per Cents. If Caesar were to reappear upon eseth, Wettenhall's List would be more important than his Commentaries ;

Rothschild would open and shut the Temple of Janus ; Thomas Baring, or Bates, would probably command the Tenth Legion ; and the soldiers would march to battle with loud cries of Scrip and Omnium Reduced, Consols, and Caesar! Now, the Americans have cut themselves off from all resources of credit. Having been as dishonest as they can be, they are prevented from being as foolish as they wish to be. In the whole habitable globe they cannot borrow a guinea, and they cannot draw the sword because they have not money to buy it.

"if I were an American of any of the honest States, I would never rest till I had compelled Pennsylvania to be as honest as myself. The bad faith of that State brings disgrace on all ; just as common snakes are killed because vipers are dangerous. I have a general feeling that by that breed of men I bare been robbed and ruined, and I shudder and keep aloof. The pecuniary credit of every State is affected by Pennsylvania. Ohio pays; but, with such a bold bankruptcy before their eyes, how long will Ohio pay? The truth is, that the eyes of all capitalists are averted from the United States. The finest com- mercial understandings will have nothing to do with them. Men rigidly just, who penetrate boldly into the dealings of nations, and work with viFour and virtue for honourable wealth—great and high-minded merchants will loath, and are now loathing, the name of America : it is becoming, since its fall, the common-shore of Europe, and the native home of the needy villain.

" And, now drab-coloured men of Pennsylvania, there is yet a moment left : the eyes of all Europe are anchored upon you-

. Surrexit mundus justia fortis : ' start up from that trance of dishonesty into which you are plunged; don't think of the flesh which walls about your life, but of that sin which has hurled you from the heaven of character, which hangs over you like a devouring pestilence, and makes good men sad, and ruffians dance and sing. It is not for Gin Sling alone and Sherry Cobler that man is to live; but for those great principles against which no argument can be listened to—principles which give to every power a double power above their functions and their offices, which are the books, the arts, the academies that teach, lift up, and nourish the world—principles (I am quite serious in what I say) above cash, superior to cotton, higher than currency—principles without which it is better to die than to live, which every servant of God, over every sea and in all lands, should cherish. Uses ad abdita spiramenta

"Yours, &c., SYDNEY SMITS."

The Duke of Sntherland is the object of fierce controversial attacks by members of the Free Church of Scotland. He will not sell to the members of the Church sites for places of worship, asserting his right to abstain from encouraging a schism of which he disapproves ; while his antagonists contend that, as he holds nearly all Sutherlandshire, he thus practically proscribes the worship of the Free Church, and exercises a religious despotism. One gentleman, a Mr. Robertson, attacked him very violently in the Morning Chronicle, another, a "Scotchman," deprecates such attacks, but closes his letter in the fol- lowing strain of threats- " We assert also our right, founded not only in law, but on the immutable and everlasting foundation of truth, justice, and religion, to worship God ac- cording to our conscience. This right we will not yield to king or kaiser. We think it prior to, more solemn, and more binding, than the legal privileges of his Grace. Our forefathers did not bleed o'er hill and moor in order that their children should basely abandon the cause for which they fought. It is the business of our riders to prevent a collision of our rights and their rights. Bat if the struggle must come, then let it. The spirit of our ancestors is in ti& Multitudes, who have hitherto remained aloof from the quarrel, because they disapproved of the extravagant pretensions on one side and the insulting in- difference on the other, will flock freely to the better battle-ground, and the standard of religious freedom will float bravely in the wind. Scotchmen will remember their ancient renown, their unsubdued valour, and their great en- durance. They will remember also the purity and holiness of their cause. Confiding themselves to the God of Battles, they will not descend to the weak warfare of opprobrious language. Respecting the opinions and rights of others4 they will advance their own ; and, in the arbitrement of blows, that Almightfy Being, who protected their forefathers in greater troubles, will not desert thew children."

Punch has come, with all his humour, on the Irish Masaniello ; giving last week a capital parody of O'Connell's stereotyped addresses, apropos to the Clontarf proclamation- " Free-born Irishmen l—ah, no !—slaves. We stand upon a spot where, six hundred years ago, the green turf beneath our feet was purple with the blood of our fathers. -Fathers ?—oh, worse !—mothers and their lovely daughters. This blood was shed by the Saxons—by those who are now longing to cut yonx throats. Oh! do not think—do not dream of cutting theirs. There would be an excuse for you, a strong excuse, a mighty great, an almost total excuse ; but you would not be right—not quite right. And what did the Saaons do when they had shed all this blood ? They wrote the word 'potatoes' with it, "Oh! be calm—let me ask you to be calm. I see the lightning of indig- nation flishing from your eyes. I hear the thunder of your ire. It shakos heaven ll and earth ; and all the butter-milk turns sour. I tremble at what I have said. I fear I have gone too far. I would not go too far for all the world. Suppose, only suppose, you were to rush to Dublin, storm the Castle, and put the slaves and despots in it to the sword—What should I do? I do not know what I should do. Oh! shoat, and say you will not do this if you can help it. That shout satisfies me. If your endeavours to obtain justice should longer be frustrated ; if we do not get Repeal by constitutional means; you might be driven to act as I have said. Mind, I only say, if—mark that if if you were so to act, Posterity would not blame you. Posterity would say you vindicated your just rights. But I should blame you. I am obliged to say I should blame you, although I should agree with Posteritythat you had vindicated your rights. 'Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not

Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ? '

But I am certain—that is, nearly certain—that you will not strike such a blow. Oh, no ! you are too loyal to our gracious Queen. Hurrah, boys, for the Queen! Another cheer ! Yes ; we love our Queen. We should not love her if what she said of us in her Speech from the Throne were not the words of her Ministers. Three groans for the Ministers ! I wish they could hear those groans. They are doing their utmost to drive us to rebel. If we were to rebel, we might hurl the miscreants from power, and secure our inde- pendence for ever. But let us not rebel—I should be very sorry if we were forced to rebel. One word more : never forget that money is the sinews of agitation; and let each contribution to the Repeal fund exceed, if possible, the last."

Alluding to Mr. Smith O'Brien's accession to the Repeal cause, the Times calls to mind that he started in life "a red-hot Anti-Radical." With an unsettled spirit, he has shifted his ground with the varying course of agitation, until he has finally become "the hanger-on of a constituency of priest-ridden Repeaters." During the Whig regime, Mr. O'Brien resisted the pressure from the Limerick electors, and op- posed Repeal ; probably, the Times surmises, because he ,thought the

Union really threatened while the Whigs were its defenders; whereas now, with the counsels of Sir Robert Peel, backed by a masterly distri- bution of military power and the State prosecutions, there is no such danger that Repeal can be carried, and therefore Mr. O'Brien, and his colleague, Mr. Caleb Powell, are free to curry favour with their con- stituents. Thus, the Times construes the adhesion of Mr. O'Brien, and Mr. Powell into a proof that they are" satisfied of the tottering condition of Repeal, and of the physical impossibility of advancing it to any fea- sible, that is, to any fatal issue."

The Times, classed as a " Ministerial" paper, sometimes freely criti- cises the conduct of Ministers ; whereat other " Ministerial" people have been not a little offended; and a person wrote a letter to the Times remonstrating, and complaining that it either damned Sir Robert Peel with faint praise or " denounced " him. The editor of the leading jour- nal put this letter in the fire ; on which the writer sent a copy to the Standard. That more Ministerial paper was thus placed in an embar- rassing dilemma—either to refuse giving voice to the just indignation of Ministerialists, or to alienate the great ally of Ministers. It took a middle course; published the letter, but suppressed the name of the paper, leaving it superscribed "To the editor of the —." Now. the Times comes out in its wrath ; sneering at the Standard, crushing the feeble complainer, and asserting its own independence-

" Our accuser mistakes our relations to Sir Robert Peel. They differ materially from those which possibly are, or are to be, his own. The Premier is not our master '—we 'get' nothing from him—we are under no implied understanding to remain with him' for one moment longer than our own judg- ment tells us that he ought to be supported. The very allegation that we 'denounce him in the most unmeasured terms' is palpably inconsistent with every one of these assertions. We are independent critics, exercising and bound to exercise an independent judgment on the measures and character of every man who claims to influence the destinies of our nation. Our objector appears unable to grasp this idea of independence. Political relations other than those of 'getting' seem unknown to him. He assumes, as a kind of fundamental axiom, that we must be under some obligation to those whom we generally support ; and then abuses us as 'unfair, cowardly, and un-English,' because we move about in entire freedom from those fetters which his imagina- tion has imposed upon us. Men call us a Government paper, and then charge us with inconsistency because we do not act like one. Let them reconsider their own premiss—let them judge us by our own acts, not by their own assumption. It may turn out that we are not inconsistent, but they mistaken."

The Standard replies. It sets out with the position, that "the first requisite for the faithful service of the public is the utter abandonment of self"--the laying aside of "vanity, timidity, and worldly interests." In- stincts, when in their origin laudable, are generally good guides ; and it is the instinct of most men to throw their whole hearts into a contest in which they are once embarked. The Standard will not give its help "by halves" to "a militant Administration or party "— " He is a false ally, though he may mean truly, who aids the enemy by findir le fault with his friends. Let him leave that to the opposite party : they are sufficiently vigilant to detect the blot if there be one, and it is their business to detect it. We are allies, not censors and mediators. • • • Men have, no doubt, a clear right to confound the character of censors and par- tisans, if the public will give them credit for sincerity in the mixture. For our part, we claim to be partisans only; not, however, partisans of a party, but partisans of those principles which we have maintained through evil report and good report : whoever maintains those principles with us may count upon our unqualified support, whatever that may be worth."

The Post this morning, instigated by a correspondent, bursts out into an indignant attack on the Standard for calling the Duke de Bordeaux a "young French nobleman," wIth other enormities implying that the Standard recognizes the Orleans dynasty. The Post considers the young French nobleman to be "dejtire Henry of France."

The Standard makes answer this evening, declaring that it would have "the young gentleman treated with all possible courtesy "; for "he is a member of one of the oldest families in Europe, though not of a family older, or in early ages more illustrious, than that of many an untitled English gentleman" : but courtesy must not be mistaken for any disposition to support the schemes of the Royalists in France. The Standard avows its belief that not ten men in England would lift a finger to place the Duke on the throne of France, whereas millions would de- fend Louis Philippe. The writer calls to mind that his was "the very first journal in the British empire to express unqualified approbation of the Revolution of 1830 " ; and, rejecting extreme jure-divino principles, thus defines Conservatism—" The Conservative principle in this country is, choose the good; and, when you have it, defend it at all costs, without inquiring how long it has been in your possession—one hundred and fifty-six years, or thirteen years!"

The Gazette of Tuesday contained the Speaker's official notifica- tions of the vacancies in the representation of Salisbury and the County of Kilkenny, by the deaths of Mr. Wadham Wyndham and Mr. George Bryan ; and announced in the usual way the issue of the writs for new elections at the end of fourteen days.

We have received a letter from Mr. W. H. Potter, of Upper Fore Street, stating that the account given by Sir Robert Peel, at Tamworth, of an agricultural experiment with different kinds of manure, is calcu- lated to convey an erroneous impression. In the experiment, equal measures of Potte:s and guano were used, and the produce of potatoes was greater in the ground prepared w Rh guano ; but as guano weighs 85 pounds in the bushel, and Potter's only 56 pounds, in fact a propor- tionately smaller amount of Potter's was used; and the produce was therefore larger in proportion to the weight of the manure.