Lord Mayor Cubitt gave a banquet on Wednesday to the
leaders and the rank and file of "the great Counservative party." The Earl of Derby was, of course, the chief guest ; but nearly the whole of the late Ministry was present, _and an immense array of the staunchest members of her Majesty's Opposition. The usual toasts having been proposed, Lord Luean doing duty for the Army, Sir John Pakington for the Navy, and Lord Colville for the Volunteers, the Lord Mayor proposed the health of Lord 'Derby, in a speech pitched in the key of the warmest eulogy and respect. Lord Derby's answer embodied' a political manifesto of his party. After speaking of the honour con- ferred less epon him than upon the great constitutional party with which, for twenty-five years, he bad beeu fully united, and which for fifteen had honoured him with,generous undeviating confidence, he 'continued: "And, my Lord Mayor, I may say that never during the period I have been connected nth the party have I felt greater pride, never have I felt a higher -admiration for their position and their bearing than I do at the present moment. (Cheers.) Never, I believe, since the moment of their unfortunate disruption in .1846, have they atany time stood so high in the opinion of the country as they do at the present moment. (Cheers.) MyLord, what some persons call the cold shade of Opposition has failed to dissipate. their zeal or diminish their numbers. (Cheers.) In the country we see them day by day increasing in numbers and in .energy. Every fresh election bears testimony to the increasing hold their opi- nions and principles have on the country. Not that I would wish to be under- stood as saying that the feeling of the country is reactionary, but I believe that the country is becoming. awake to the conviction that the greatest promisers are not alwaystbegreatest performers—that the great cause of social advancement, of legal improvement—that much boasted shibboleth of civil and religious liberty, are at the least-as-safe in-the hands of the Conservatives as in the lands of the Liberal party, and of the great institutions of the country—the Church, the Peerage, and the Monarchy—may be a trifle safer. (Loud cheers.) My Lord, it is not, however, of the growing strength and power of the Conservative party that I feel chiefly proud ; ifis of the position which they occupy at this moment, the like of which I believe never was occupied by any party—and certainly by no party strong enough in itself to overbalance any one of the combined parties in the State opposed. to them. It is little—though that is indeed a height to which some political parties are unable to attain-4t is little to abstain from vexa- tious opposition to a Government in which you place no confidence—it is little to abstain from vexatious -division and hostile movement ; but it is no slight thing when a party for -the support of the Government to which they are opposed, sacrifice all their personal feelings, all idea of personal resentment, all feelings of private or party intereat, for the purpose of coming down day after day, not to offer any active opposition, but to give a cordial and zealous support to the Mi- nisters of the Crown, although the conduct of those Ministers be not such as to inspire that confidence. (Cheers.) And yet this is the course which, day after day, we have the pride to see the Conservative party pursue. My Lord, it is well known that if the Conservative party were-to cease the vigilance of their attend- ance in Parliament, for the protection of her Majesty's Government, the noble viscount at the head of the Government would very.thortly suatain the fate of Actmon, and be tern to.pieces by his own dogs. (Loud cheers.) We know that the jarring elements of which the Liberal party—God save the mark !—is now composed are kept together solely and entirely by their apprehension and fear of the united power of the great Conservative party who oppose them — (Cheers)—and if for one single moment we were to relax our vigilance, we know that their discards would break out into open rebellion, and that the Queen's Government could not be sustained during the -Session. Day after day and week after week the Conservative members of theHouse of Commons are going down to that House for the purpose of assisting her Majesty's Government in their weak and half-hearted opposition to Sores of of which they ,Itnow the danger, and supporting 4nd assisting them against their own allies in the great Liberal party, and not unfrequently repeating the triumph which Wednesday after Wednesday has seen—protecting, not, indeed, the Ministers of the country, but that which is more important than any ministry—the great institutions of the country—against the combined attack of the supporters of theldinistiy, and the half-accorded and feeble support occa- sionally-given by that Ministry itself. (Cheers.) But, my Lord. Major, perhaps I may be asked—If you do so much disapprove the composition of the Govern- ment, or, much more, of the composition of the supporters of the Government, why take the trouble to attend day after day to keep in officea Government which you disapprove? Why, I say this is the point in which I regerdwith the greatest approbation and the greatest pride the conduct of the Conservative party. .(Cheers.) It is little, indeed, for one who, like myself, has attained, very, wide- servedly, the highest honours a public man can attain to—it is little for one vho has held, and may hold again, distinguished station, to wait their time with forbearance aud patience ; but there are youpg and laudable ambitions panting for opportunities of distinguishing themselves, conscious of their own powers, con- setpus of the powers of their own party ; and I say that to see them restrain their • personal and political feelings. to see them give a daily support to a Government they distrust, is an act of self-command, of forbearance, and discipline which in corps like themselves, essentially volunteer, may well put to shame the disci- pline and tactics of a trained army and of a disciplined leader ; aud depend upon it, gentlemen, as in war so in politics, self-control, forbearance, discipline, waiting for the right time, if they-are not more effectual in winning a battle, are certainly more effectual in winning the campaign than the most brilliant valour and daring onslaught- (Cheers.) it is this quality, I say, 'l most honour in the party which has done me the honour to Mow my advice. But I say again, why do we take this course? Why, because we are firmly convinced that, what- ever our personal advantages, it is for the advantage of the country, whose in- terests.are, and I trust ever will be, the prime object of our Conservative attach- ment, that there should not be constant changes of government. (cheers.) We desire to see a,strong government. I fear we.have not one at present, and must confess honestly I do not see the mode of forming a strong government; but that which is most to the prejudice of the country is a succession of week governments, and a perpetual chase, creating embarrassment and inconve- nience—embarrassment to the Sovereign-..embarrassment inall our foreign and diplomatic relations—embarrassment and want of steadiness in carrying on the the domestic policy of the country. And we know by past experience that if, by any hasty move or any impatience, we were to do what it is little to say any week or fortnight we have the means of doing—compelling the resignation of the present Government—the union of the Conservative party in ofhce would lead again to those renewed combinations of the advanced sections of the 'Liberal party which might again cause another change, disturbance, in the social and political relations of the country. (Cheers.) It is for this reason—and I think it is an honest, prudent, and sound reason—that we deem it to be our true policy-, as far as we can, to support and maintain the present Ministry in office, at the same time exercising over them and their advanced supporters that controlling and regulating power which belongs to a party so great, and numerous, and powerful as ours. (Cheery.) My Lord Mayor, I cannot say that I look with entire seas- faction on the state of parties in this country. I look, above all, with deep regret and concern on the position of the remnants ef that great Whig party that was honoured by the names of Grey, and Brongham, and Macintosh, and to which I deem it an honour to-belong. I see with great regret and concern men of dis- tinguished character, of talent, and of eminence, perhaps from an henourable, bat, I think, misguided fidelity to names, overlooking entirely the -difference of minciple their names conceal and cover, allying themselves with men from whose principles and politics they wholly dissent,and dragged into a reluctant support of measures and of men, of which and of whom in private they would not hesitate to speak in the most depreciating terms, and who, in return, I am bound to say, reciprocate, without stint or hesitation, that particular amount of personal affection and friendship which is known to subsist between the extremes of the great Liberal party. (Cheers.) My Lord, I say I regret the position of honourahle and distinguished members of the Wing party, between whom and the great Conservative party at the present time there is really little or no difference of principle, if they were allowed to act on their own principles and opinions."
After expressing an especial regret that Mr. Gladstone shoulfi have consented to become the mouthpiece of the Bright party he turned to foreign policy. On this subject-there is little difference of opinion among any class of Englishmen. We all sympathize with efforts to obtain constitutional liberties, but we desire that they should be-won-by the countries themselves, and not obtained through the intrigues of foreign powers. We desire peace, but-are compelled to submit to an oppressive burden of taxation for the primary object of niaintaieing the military, and especially the naval power of the country. But there is a party all for peace at. any price, a party whose objects are remnant to our feelings and honour. "No man desires unnecessary expenditure ; but I most say it has been with regret, not unmingled with surprise, that I heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his place in Parliament, censure what he called the exorbitant amount of the expenditure of the country, and find fault with those very Estimates for which he himself is primarily responsible. I venture to say this, that while the Conser- vative party is desirous, as it always has been, to check unnecessary expenditure, there is no amount of finance, no amount of pecuniary assistance which they will withhold from the Minister of the Crown, and which will not be cheerfully given by the representatives of the people for the purpose of supporting the great na- tional interests of the country. But then I do think, on the other hand, that we have a right to expect that the burden of taxation shall be imposed in such a manner as to press most lightly on the permanent sources of the industry and property of this country; that it shall be placed, not as some persons desire it should be placed, and as appears to be the favourite system of finance in the present day, so as to press with all its concentrated weight first on the accumu- lated and realized produce of successful industry—than which I can conceive no principle more discouraging or dangerous in a great commercial country—and next concentrated on a few articles of foreign import, which enter as necessaries of life into the primary and constant consumption of every family, the humblest in the kingdom. (Cheers.) I say to concentrate on these objects, upon realised -property and the prime necessaries of life, the whole burden of the taxation of the country is an enormous and imprudent waste of the resources of the country. (Cheers.) It spares that which could well afford taxation, it places wastefully and extravagantly an amount of taxation difficult to be borne on those sources of revenue which ought to be lightly touched, except in great emergencies, and thereby deprives us of that great power which, when an emergency occurs, we ought to have of suddenly enlarging and increasing the resources of the country. (Cheers.) Ithave ventured to touch on these topics because at this momeut a question is pending in one of the Houses of Parliament as to the application of the surplus of the present year. I do trust that the House of Commons will cor- dially and diligently consider the various modes which may be proposed to them for the distribution of that presumed surplus. I say presumed surplus because although I am not myself satisfied with all the calculations of the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to that probable surplus of the year, we are compelled to accept as a matter of confidence that the accounts be presents are fair, just, and reason- able ; and the question -which the -House of Commons will have to consider is, not whether there . is a surplus, but in what manner that surplus may be best applied in diminishing the burdens and relieving the necessities of the country. I have a very strong opinion myself that one portion at least of the mode in -which the Government propose to deal with this question ienot the mode vrhioh, financially or politically, is most desirable ; and I believe if the country were polled from one end to the other—it would -almost tecoucile me to that favourite nostrum, that skulking hole of political cowards, the vote by ballot, if I could put before the country for their deliberate decision the question whether they would give for the advantage of the country 1,250,0001. for the abolition of the duty on paper, or 1,250,000l. on the remission of the duty on tea. (Cheers.) That is the question which the House of Commonswilthave to decide this week; and I think, without pretending to be afraid of the consequences, I can venture to say, that it' her Majesty's Government should find themselves in -a minority, on the question, they will nut appeal to the constituencies of the country to confirm their policy. Nothing I should like better than for the Ministry to go to the country with such a motto inscribed on their banner 'Down with the Duty on Paper and up with the Duty on Tea.' (Cheers.) I have mentioned this subject, not oily because it is a question of immediate urgency, but because it is one on which great political as well as financial considerations are involved—whether the House of Commons is prepared to make a large increase in direct taxation and a further considerable reduction in indirect taxation. I have said it is a question for the House of Commons seriously to consider; and I say emphatically the House of Commons, because no man is more ready than myself to say that to that House belongs exclusively the imposition, and mainly, if not exclusively, the regulation of the taxation of the country ; and that when a surplus has been established to the satis- faction of that House, and they have formed their judgment as to the best mode of dealing with it, they need not apprehend what some persons pretend to appre- hend, any collision upon the subject between the two Houses of Parliament (Cheers.) It is quite true that last year, when circumstances had altered, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer came forward with an amended budget, entirely falsifying the previous calculations, showing a manifest deficiency in the revenue, the House of Lords did feel it their duty to exercise an exceptional, but at the same time a by constitutional right by interposing to diminish the extent of the deficit by retaining the million and a quarter of the paper duty, and although the Chancellor of the Exchequer was very angry with his colleagues for pocketing the affront, he with the greatest possible composure pocketed the ad- ditional million and a quarter, and thereby to that extent improved his own position. (Cheers.) It is for the House of Commons then, to decide how that surplus shall be applied, and I do not hesitate to any dial, however that question may be decided, they very little know the spirit that actuates theHouse of Lords who believe that the moderation prescribed by the Constitution will be exceeded by that branch of the Legislature, or that they will be tempted to forget their own dignity or resent any petty pique to provoke a collision between the two Houses." (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Disraeli replied to the toast, "the House of Commons." His speech was brief, and its main theme was the high character, prin- ciple, and courage of the Conservative party.
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