BOOKS.

WHAT JAPANTHINKS.*

THE special value of this book is that the articles collected in it were written by Japanese writers for Japanese readers. The opportunity is given to English readers of catching Japanese thought, as it were, in undress ; the Japanese writers had put on no disguises to impress themselves upon foreigners, or diplo- matically to explain or exculpate themselves. The articles have been taken from various Japanese newspapers and periodi- cals and have been competently translated—except the few which were originally written in English.

No English reader will fail to notice how different the Japanese habit of thought is from the English. Some political ideas which we should think of first-rate importance are passed over lightly and the writers concentrate upon what seems to us of secondary importance, though to them it is evidently of much significance. And the argumentation is different—points which we should regard as having only the value of an illustration are presented as having the force of argument in themselves. A good example of what we mean is the article by Professor Fujisawa (originally written in English) on the Monroe Doctrine and the League of Nations. He writes about what he calls the Feaji Doctrine. The English reader naturally supposes at first sight that the word "Feaji " is a Japanese word, and he is all attention to discover what this -doctrine may be of which he has never heard before. It turns out, however, that nobody even in Japan ever heard of the doctrine before this article was written. Professor Fujisawa lays it down that the safest course for the Great Powers is to act as allies in peace as they were allies in war. They are to use their power to keep the world quiet. The word " Feaji " is simply made up of the initial letters of the countries which Professor Fujisawa thinks ought to carry out this policy France, England, America, Japan, Italy. Professor Fujisawa insists that Article XXI. of the League is an express approbation

• What Japan Thinks. By K. K. Kawakami. London : Macmillan.

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of the principle of the Monroe Doctrine. He re-writes Article XXI. in terms of his own policy. Article X XT. of the League reads Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the validity of international engagements such as treaties of arbi- tration or regional understandings like the Monroe Doctrine for securing the maintenance of peace."

Professor Fujisawa re-writes it as follows :-

" The regional understandings in accordance with the Feaji principle recognized by the Members of the League are the Monroe Doctrine for the American Continent, the Sun-Never- Sets Doctrine for the British supremacy on seas, the Ishii- Lansing Doctrine for the Far East, and the Franco-Italian Doctrine for France and Italy and the neighbouring countries."

It should be remembered that everything in this book was written before the Washington Conference. In the light of that Conference all the writers would be compelled to change some- thing of what they have said. But the spirit of the book remains as revealing as it was before the Conference. The conflicting policies and parties in Japan are easily die-

tinocmished. There is an Imperialistic party which is militaristic in spirit, and this party claims for the military caste privileges

and prestige comparable with those which were enjoyed before the war by the corresponding caste in Prussia. As there used to be in Germany a Peace party which was the natural protest

or reaction against militarism—though that Peace party was a miserably obscure, feeble and timid body—so in Japan there

is a Peace party ; but happily it is of considerable strength, and its strength seems to be growing. There is no doubt about the thoroughgoing character of the Japanese militaristic pro- gramme. Professor Uyesugi, whose article is entitled "Mikado- ism," offers an ideal programme for the Imperialists :-

" (1) Unify National sentiment by suppressing all ideas which are inconsistent with the healthful existence of the State ; (2) Found a Greater Japan by mobilizing ' the whole nation, in order to secure peace and independence for the Orient ;

(3) Encourage militarism and a system of universal conscrip- tion by every possible means ; (4) Devise measures to reconcile Capital with Labour and develop Japan's industrial power to a maximum ;

(5) Establish the Japan-for-Japanese principle and revise the present Civil Code, which is based on individualism, in accord- ance with the criterion of the nationalistic ideals proper to tho Japanese, and also abolish the peerage ; (6) Overthrow the democratic form of parliamentarism and bring ' centripetal Mika,doism ' to its full play in national polities, and also adopt a universal suffrage system."

The combination of Emperor worship with universal suffrage is very curious.

One of the writers describes the great spread of anti-Imperial- istic doctrines amongst students. He says that if the students in the Universities were asked whether or not Japan ought to withdraw from Siberia ninety out of one hundred would stand for withdrawal. He believes, also, that 90 per cent. of the students would give Korea independence, and that 90 per cent. would wish to give Shantung back to China. In considering Japanese militarism it must be remembered that the Navy is more impor- tant than the Army because Japan is an island power. Japan emerged from her hermit phase too late—the flags of other countries were already flying over the greater part of the uncivilized world. Japanese arguments in favour of a strong Navy are exactly like British arguments, and possibly they have an even stronger application. Foreign trade is as essential to Japan as it is to Great Britain, but as Japan has no Dominions to support her or to trade with her everything depends upon her single-handed efforts. No intelligent or sympathetic reader, therefore, can possibly be surprised when he observes that talk in the Western world about the Yellow Peril has its counterpart in Japan, where some politicians talk of the White Peril. Although it is certain that the Washington Conference has had a real effect upon Japanese suspicions about the intentions of America the popular idea when this book was written was that America was building ships with the intention of attacking Japan.

There would seem to be an unmatched opportunity now for the moderate and rational supporters of a pacific policy to forge ahead rapidly. The good faith of America in the matter of reducing armaments is obvious and therefore the anti-Imperial- ists, and those liberalising politicians who want to reform the Japanese constitution and make it truly democratic in practice, should work together for all they are worth. Unfortunately, the reforming parties waste a great deal of their strength in fighting one another instead of combining against the oligarchs. The growth of left-centre opinion is evidently what is needed in Japan—a political state of mind which will equally avoid

Prussianis' m and the kind of ill-conditioned proletarianism which adjures the Japanese to make their power felt by joining the Russian Bolsheviks.

A particularly interesting chapter is that which discusses the question whether Japan can be Christianized. The Japanese writer thinks that Japan would accept the Christianity of the Gospels freed from all the traditionalism of the Churches, but he does not mean that it would be accepted by itself ; the Christianity of his imagination would be an eclectic religion, mingled with a large proportion of Buddhism. It is a remarkable fact, if we may take the writer literally, that the demand for Bibles in Japan is inexhaustible :-

" Go to the American Bible Company at Owaricho, Ginza, Tokyo. There you will see that they can never print enough Bibles to meet the demand. It is surely not 200,000 Protestant Christians alone who want the book, and it proves that the Japanese nation is demanding to know Christianity."