i3ebateit an Praceettingst in parliament. OPENING OF THE SESSION :

TIIE ROYAL SPEECH.

Tim third session of the Second " Reformed " Parliament was opened

on Thursday, by the Lord Chancellor, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Melbourne, and Lord Duncannon, acting as the King's Commissioners. About two o'clock the Com- missioners took their seats on the Woolsack ; the attendance of lords and ladies being very thin. The Commons were summoned ; and on

the appearance of the Speaker, accompanied by a considerable body of Members, Lord Chancellor COTTENHAM read the following Speech— "My Lords and Gentlemen—We are commanded minded by his Majesty to acquaint you that his Majesty continues to receive from all Foreign Powers the strongest assurances of their friendly disposition ; and his Majesty trusts that the expe- rience of the blessings which peace confers upon nations will tend to confirm and secure the present tranquillity.

" His Majesty laments that the civil contest which has agitated the Spanish monarchy has not yet been brought to a close; but his Majesty has continued

to afford to the Queen of Spain that aid which, by the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance of 1834, his Majesty engaged to give if it should become necessary; and his Majesty rejoices that his cooperating force has rendered useful assistance to the troops of her Catholic Majesty. "Events have happened in Portugal which, for a time, threatened to disturb the internal peace of that country. His Majesty ordered, in consequence, a temporary augmentation of his naval force in the Tagus, for the more effectual protection of the persons and property of his subjects resident in Lisbon ; and the Admiral commanding his Majesty's squadron was authorized, in case of need, to afford protection to the person of the Queen of Portugal, without, however, interfering in those constitutional questions which divided the con- flicting parties.

" His Majesty has directed the Reports of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the state of the province of Lower Canada to be laid before you, and has ordered us to call your attention to that important subject.

" We have it also in charge to recommend for your serious deliberation, those provisions which will be submitted to you fur the improvement of the Law and

of the administration of Justice, assuring you that his .Majesty's anxiety for the accomplishment of these objects remains undiminished. o We are enjoined to convey to you his Majesty's desire that jou should con- sult upon such farther measures as may give increased stability to the Esta- blished Church, and promote concord and good-will. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—The Estimates of the year have been prepared with every desire to meet the exigenres of the public service in the spirit of a wise eeonotny. Hie Majesty has directed them to be laid before you without delay. The increase of the revenue has hitherto more than justi- fied the expectations created by the receipts of former years. His Majesty re- commends an early renewal of your inquiries into the operation of the Act permitting the establishment of Joint Stock Banks. The best security against mismauagement of banking affairs, must ever be found in the capacity and in- tegrity of those who are intrusted with the administration of them, and in the caution and prudence of the public ; but no legislative regulation should be omitted which can increase and insure the stability of establishments upon which commercial credit so much depends.

" My Lords and Gentlemen—His Majesty has more especially commanded us to bring under your notice the state of Ireland, and the wisdom of adopting all such measures as may improve the condition of that part of the United Kingdom. His Majesty recommends to your early consideration the present constitution of the Municipal Corporations of that country ; the laws which regulate the collection of the Tithes ; and the difficult but pressing question of establishing some legal provision for the poor, guarded by prudent regulations, and by such precautions against abuse as your experience and knowledge of the subject enable you to suggest. His Majesty commits these great interests into your hands, in the confidence that you will be able to frame laws in accotdance with the wishes of his Majesty and the expectations of his people. His Majesty is persuaded, that, should this hope be fulfilled, you will not only conttibate to the welfare of Ireland, but strengthen the law and constitution of these realm!, by securing their benefits to all classes of his Majesty's subjects."

After the Speech had been read, the Commons retired to their own House ; and adjourned to four o'clock. Several new Peers and the Bishop of Killaloe took the oaths and their seats ; and the Peers adjourned to five o'clock.

On the resumption of business in the House of Commons, Mr. ABERCROMBY, the Speaker, read a copy of the Royal Speech, a copy of which he had procured, as usual, "to prevent mistakes."

Mr. AYSHFORD SANFORD then rose to move an Address in answer to the Speech. He went regularly through the various topics men- tioned in that document ; carefully avoiding any irritating expressions, avowing his confidence in 1Winisters, and his hope that, especially as regarded Ireland, the course of legislation during the present session would be more prosperous than it had been during the last.

Mr. HENRY VILLIERS STUART seconded the motion. He dwelt for some time on Irish questions ; and inveighed in strong language against the proceedings of the Orange-Tory party in Ireland, whose peculiar loyalty he said, was like woman's love—so jealous that it would allow of no division or copartnership in the affections of the Sovereign. It was the practice of this party to denounce as traitors the great bulk of the Irish nation ; but, happily, the King had never shown any want of confidence in his Irish subjects; and who were the men to stand be- tween the King and his regard for the people of Ireland ? Mr. Stuart expressed his satisfaction that Poor-laws were about to be introduced into Ireland ; and loud cheers from both sides of the House proved that this was not regarded as a party question.

The Address having been again read from the Chair,

Mr. ROEBUCK rose and said, that as a silent vote in favour of the Address might be construed into a general approval of the principles and conduct of the present Ministers, he would endeavour to save him- self from such misconstruction, by stating the grounds which compelled hint to give Ministers "a very guarded and jealous" support—why it was that, differing from them on many important subjects, he was dis- posed to maintain them in their present position.

"While giving these explanations," said Mr. Rolnick, "I shall necessarily be led to speak of individuals and political parties in terms by no means eulo- gistic. To shrink from the task which my position imposes on me, would be meanness. It shall be performed frankly, and without ambiguity; but I trust with no unnecessary asperity—no wanton attack on other men's feelings and prejudices. My purpose then is, to describe what I conceive to be the precise position of political parties amongst us at the present time, and inure especially to bring out in relief the situation of the Radical or Democratic section—tu point out what in may judgment are the great duties imposed on this Demo- cratic party, the difficulties they have to encounter, and the means by which

alone those difficulties can be conquered. Those duties fulfilled, the course which I shall recommend will by many well-meaning but timid politicians be deemed rash and dangerous : open, straightforward, uncompromising, it will meet with no favour from the dishonest : but I do hope and sincerely believe, that to those who have the honesty to wish what is right, and the courage to dare what their judgments decide to be just, my suggestions will appear justi• fled, us well by a priori argument as by our own bitter and degrading expe- rience." It must be evident to every thinking man in the community, that at the present time there was going on, not only in this country, but also in other countries of the world, a very strong and fearful struggle between two great principles of government—the principle which went to make the many dim& neat, and that which sought to maintain the domination of the few. In that House those two principles were unequally represented. The Tory or Aristo- cratic party was drawn up in hostile but honest array againet the opinions of the Democratic party, and formed, unfortunately for the country, a vet y large ma- jority in that House. The Democratic party was, on the other hand, a small, be might say, a miserable mimic), in that House. But though the Democrats in the House were the least in point of number, yet beingsupporred by the peo- ple at large out of doors, they would not, as the Ai istueratic p uty well knew, be easily put down, if they only had judgment enough to understand their posi- tion, and courage to maiutain it. Not being able, therefore, to oppose the De- mocrats openly, the Aristocrats had taken to foster a sort of otBliout or gmbe. tween party—namely, the Whigs. (Loud laughter.) The two principles of which he had spoken were in 1830 distinctly and honestly arrayed against each other. At that time it was clearly demonstrated to the People of England, that the Government of England was not monarchic, as had theretofore been sup. posed to be the case, but that it had been ever since the revolution of 1613 no- thing more nor less than an aristocratic republic. The People at that tine had come to the determination no longer to suffer that species of domination ; and if the Aristocratic party had dared to continue their opposition to the People's demands, the contest would have been settled by some other means than a mere act of Parliament—there would 'nave been an appeal to at ins. This was well foreseen ; and consequently the Aristocratic section, headed by Lord Grey, offered themselves as mediators between the two contending par. 1403; and by their intervention, that domination, which was the cause of dis- pute, was saved. Though the Democrats con-eared to acc..pt the eiders of the Whigs, they were nut to be convinced that those osiers embraced all they ought to desire They accepted them as instalments—as the means of conquering more. They were determined only to take them as such ; and at the first fea- sible opportunity to make them a stepping-stone for obtaining still further cat- cessions.

Then came the declaration of a large party of the Whigs, of which Earl Grey was the head, and Lord Stanley no humble partisan, that the Reform Bill was a final measure ; and this party was at length forced to merge itself in the great body of the Aristo,.ratic faction.

Lord Melbourne then stood forth in the character of a mediator between the People and the Aristocracy : but the dispute at that time differed from the one which raged at the time when the Reform Hill was introduced. The Peopk believed—but that delusion was fast oozing from their minds—that the Reform Bill would bring into the Douse of Commons sn large a Illailtrity of Liberal Members, that the will of the community might be made dominant there; and the representatives of the Radical party in the House, taking into considera- tion time wishes and fielirgs of the People, determined to range themselves be- neath the banners of Lord :Melbourne, under the general determination of Re- farmers. Of this body a small portion believed that those who came forward as mediators were not sincere. They believed that the Whigs came forward to save as much as they could of the Aristocratic dominion in this kingdom ; and to obtain for themselves, through the medium of popularity, as much of the proceeds of Government as they could. ( Laughter.) Such was the opinion of a small party. There was another and still smaller section of Reformers, who said that the Whigs were sincere and ardent patriots. But by far the largest section was of the same opinion e.s the first section to which he had al- luded—they believed tint there was not much sincerity among the Whigs; bat that, taken as a whole, the Whigs were better than the Tories, and that more could be got out of them. (Loa) heirehter. ) Ciusequently, acting on that special understanding of their own peculiar interest, and thinking that they might be able to obtain for the People a large measure of reform, the membere of the Democratic party determined, in accordance with the general feeling of the country, to mange themselves under the banners of Lord Melbourne. But what was their justification for such a step ? It was, alt t the AVhigs then, as now, dealt in large and vague generalities with legard to reform. They made great use of that word ; for they did nut call themselves Democrats, Radicals, or Whigs hut " Ilefirriners." Now, the worts " Reformer " might mean just any thing; and, after the dieplays which had taken place since the beginning of the year, there was scarcely a single Tory to whom the designation might not be applied. W'e are all " Reformers !" The gentlemen on the Opposition side of the Rouse were " Reformers "—just so far as their Own private and personal interests compelled them to be. For the sa:ee reasons the large body of Reforming Whig. became Reformers. It was for their mere private and special interest, as persone wielding the powers of the Government in conse- quence of their alliance with the Radicals, that they called themselves Re- formers.

But what did the People understand by the term " Reformer ?"—

They were told th it the Ii elicale and the Whig, Reformer. agreed on two things—in leviiig Reform, and hating. the !Tories; and the People believed that the persons who hated the Tories must at the same time hate the Aris- tocracy, he fees to irresponsible 11031ille'011, and advocates for taking power from the hands of the few, and exercising, it fur the benefit of the many. They believed that the Whigs C11110 into power to put down irresponsible dominion, oliether in the hands of friends or enemies. Nvhat had been the result of the Whig administratiou? Ile, from a thorough knowledge of all tli.it had taken place, had conie calmly—coolly—he was not confused, nor precipitate—he spoke with a knowledge of the full meaning of what Ile said—he had come to the conclusion, that tl.e Whigs had deceived the

People. Their words_ were one thing and their acts another. They had pretended to be Reformers, but they were no better than Tories. The Vt'lligs wished to maintain a majority in that !louse; but how did they endeavour to maintain it ? By introducing or advocating propositions which would enable the People easily and safely to at in aeretielimee with the dictates of their own conciences? Ni. They kept the country iu a state bordering on revolution, in order to ',ling up large number. of psi soils to the election hustinge to vote against their own interests. !They nude the People believe that the Whig party was about to confer mine: great benefit on the country, in order to induce the electors to vote in their favour and to brave the persecutions of the landlords. This was most ungenerous policy on behalf of the Adininietration. The Ministers were maintained in power by the over-excitement of the popular mind; and the country was kept in a state verging on revolution, in order to

prevent whet was e ailed the irruption of the Tories. The Whigs established Reform Chubs and Aesociatimis for the hater watching of the registration. They adopted every measure but the right one for making people vote fairly and honestly. For that purpose. they ought to do away with the Rate-paying clauses of the Reform Bill, and establish the system of voting by Ballot. If the Whiute believed that evil would result to the coauitry from the return to power of the gentlemen sitting on the Opposition side of the House, why did they not come boldly forward, and fairly and honestly give the People the

Let the Whigs only he what they meane of expreesing their opinions? describe themselves to be—re d Reformers—and then they needed not to have any fear of the gentlemen opposite. He blamed time members of the present Administration, because they, by their machinatiuns, prevented the due

advance and i!lielieratien of the instirmions of the country. They thrust themselves fen ward as the medium between two contending parties, and the sum and substance of all they h id been &tine- was to meintain time statit3 in quo. The sooner they were out of that position the better, iii his opinion, for classes of his Majesty's subjects But lie might be referred to Lord Mulgrave, and Mr. O'Connell would say that he knew moiling of Ireland— What then had his Majesty's t ,:erninent done for Ireland ? ("Hear,Itear, .'") 'that was a question he we're:: to have answered. It was not his wish to say any thing ae.onst the administration of Lord Musgrave: on the contrary, if he were asked for any redeeming part iu the conduct of the pre-rat Ministers, lie should at ante poet to the government of Lord llidgrave. ("Har, hear!") In Irelaild un Lourst governor team a mir. ode, and such a miracle had occurred in the nineteenth century, when Lord Millet ive WAS made Vieetoy. ("Hear, hear !") Rut that wee only a lucky accident. Lord `Iirgr tee inight be re- moved from his °dice by death, by a freak of fortune, or by the whim of a dis- ordered imagination. !filen. let him :ask, what hail been dour for Ireland? Had there hero any chance in the law—any alteration iu the institutioue which would secure to Leland, in the event of other persons besides those of Liberal polities returning to power, peace and tranquillity ? Ni ; and why not? Be- cause the only ineams of enabling such a result was by altering the formation of the House of Lords ; or by overawing that branch of the Legislature by so large a majority in the Douse of Commons. that it would not dare to resist the demands of the Representatives of the People. Why was it that the Lords last year opposed the wishes of the House of Commons? Because the Littera', majority in the Commons was small, and the Lords well knew they might safely resist the resolutions of the People's Representatives. If the Liberal majority in the House of Commons amounted to 200, the Irish Corporations Bill would not meet within hour's; oppoaition from the Lords. But the M.

*rs had done nothing to remove the impediments in the way of useful legisla- tion. They set their face against any alteration of the constitution of the other Souse, and discountenance any proposition which would have the effect of elunigitig the composit:on of the House of Commons. They ought not, there- fore, to pretend to be the friends of Ireland.

The grievances of Ireland were twofold—the Catholic gentry were placed in an inferior position in society, and the Catholic peasantry were physically wretched. 11::. sympathized with the Irish Catholic gentry, but be would not assist them in using the misery of the people As a means of getting rid of their grievances.

It had been said that the tithe fell on the Irish peasants, and many a pathetic eleacription Lid been given of the way in which their poor pittance was torn from them by Protestant parsons. But those persons, who gave such pathetic and heart-harrowing descriptions, never took the trouble to inform the world that there was a class of persons in Ireland called Lod/orris, who exacted from the peasant in the shape of rent all his email means of subsistence ; and that, if tithe were abolished to-morrow, the condition of the Irish peasant would re- main unchanged. Into whose pockets would these tithes go if they were abo- lished ? Into the pockets of the Irish landlords. Now, as he was one who be- lieved that tithe was public property, he would not conseut to confiscate it to any private purpose. He looked upon tithe in Ireland as sacred property, be- longing to the People, which ought to be employed only for public purposes, and should not be given up to any 'milord, Protestant or Catholic—be would use a stronger term of reprobation if he could—it was, in his opinion, worse than immoral to hound on the poor peasantry to resist the tithe-proctor, under the pretext that they were the parties oppressed by the system. The tithe was amid by the Irish landlords; the peasantry bete the medium of the payment; but the landlords took from them the means of paying, iu order to render them fit instruments for their own purposes. Such being his sentiments, should lie be desired by any parties to be silent, he would tell those parties, let them be :Am they might, that the real friends of Ireland desired a good provision for the poor—( ('heers)—and that if tithes were to be given up, such a surrender ahould only be made on the distinct understanding that the Poor-rates should be paid out of the same pockets into which the tithe should be put. The real friends of Ireland combined two objects—if tithe were abolished, they would insist on the institution of a Poor.law system. Under all circumstances they were determined to have a provision for the Irish poor, and justice fur all par- ties. This was what the English Radicals demanded ; and, despite of what- ever nickname it might please [looking towards Mr. O'Connell] honourable and learned gentlemen to bestow on them, the thinking People of England would he sure to distinguish between him who made the misery of the People a mere fulcrum for the advancement of his own private purposes—(Loud Tory chtering)—aud him who, fairly applying the principles he had laid down for one country to the other, demanded justice for England and Ireland, responsible government for both, and equal laws for all.

He saw no great cause for congratulation with regard to the Foreign policy of the Whigs. In Portugal, they had interfered to prevent the people from making their institutions more liberal ; aud as to the Colonies, the administration was just as bad as under a Tory Govern- ment. What ought to be the course of the Administration under existing circumstances ?

The present Ministers were carried into office on the backs of the People. They were then popular ; but now their popularity was daily declining. (Cheers from the Opposition.) And why?—because they were too notch like the gentlemen who cheered. (Laughter.) The only means by which the Ministers could maintain themselves against the large party arrayed in front of them, was by establishing for Ireland a good Pour-law system, by altering the whole system of the administration of the law, by instituting equal laws for all parts of the empire, by giving no fostering care to the Irish Church, by causing the votes at elections to be taken by ballot, and by repealing the Rate-paying clauses of the Reform Bill. Having done all this at home, let them tura their attention to the Colonies, and govern them in the saute spirit of justice.

Nothing having been done by the Whigs, what ought the Radicals to do?

The first and foremost thing which in his opinion they ought to do, as soon as it became manifest that the Whigs would not redeem the pledge they made on coming into power, was to separate from that party. to force them in a the ranks of the Tories, and to compel them to form a distinct alliance with the gentlemen opposite. The People would then know by whom they were really represented m that House ; and would perceive that their advocates were in a minority there, and must remain so until the electors received due protection in the exercise of their franchise. The Radicals were asked, it, by the course of policy of which he was the advocate, it was their intention to drive the Whigs into the arms of the Tories ? Now, mark the morality of these inter- Illations. The Radicals were told—" If you attempt to carry out your own principles, it sou think of acting conscientiously, the moment you do any thing by which you make it manifest that you have the good of the country at heart, the Whigs will no longer hold up the standard of Reform, but will range themselves on the opposite side." Only conceive the morality of this course ! Perhaps the Radicals might appear to the Whigs to be strongly pre- judiced, to be wrongheaded, impracticable persons ; but would it not be better to yield a little to them than throw themselves into the arms of the Tories? That was what the Radicals did for the Whigs, and why should not the Whigs now do the same for the Radicals? If the Whigs really believed that their retirement from iffice would lead to such mischief as they described, namely, the irruption —for that was the word always employed—of the 'furies into power, why did they not do something to please the Radicals? The Radicals had never made gas stensions to office; they had never asked any thing fur themselves; their ohli.et. were well understood ; the Radicals looked to the interests of tLe Peo- ple, and the Whigs considered their own. ( Great laughter.) The Radical j...■ 1 t in that House were determined to promote the interests of the People, az.11 to follow their own course. He spoke for himself only, and did not pre- tend to speak the sentiments of any gentleman behind hint ; but, so far as he gas concerned, he was determined to pursue a just and independent course. Ile was not to be cajoled by fair proms es; but he should look to the acts of his Majesty's Ministers, and unless these were intrinsically good, lie would not glee them his countenance. In all their good measures he was willing to sup- pelt them ; but he could not give his support to the principle of the Irish Church Bill, because he believed that tithes were not dealt with in that mea- sure in the only manner which would lead to a final settlement of the question. The Church of !Maud must be put down entirely, and the tithes must be con- sidered public property. The Irish Church was a nuisance which must be pulled down and abated at once ; and the golden temple must he pulled down by the power of the Democratic party, for it never would be by his Majesty's Ministers ; and till it was laid low theme would be no peace fur Ireland. He ehould pulse,. tile course which he had prescribed for himself, careless whether

his Mai .Ministers were put out of office to.reorrow, and an it ruption of Twits late Lower was the consequence; because he knew very well, that if this cow te w a.: generally adopted, it would he tie means of obtaining justice fur &gland, justice fur Ireland, and justice for the Colonies and the empire.

Mr. BEAUMONT said he did not believe that further organic changes were desired by the People; and he differed entirely from Mr. Roe- buck. He hoped the House would consider temperately the measures of practical improvement which would be brought forward by Minis. ten. He should place in the Speaker's hands, but would not then press, an amendment to declare the necessity of establishing an equa. lity between the two religions in Ireland. When the Government bill on Irish Tithes was brought forward, he would state his reasons in support of it.

Mr. JAMES denied that the Tories were as good as the Whigs. If the latter would not give us the Ballot, surely the Tories would not. He did not believe that the Whigs bad declined in popularity. He was opposed to the destruction of the House of Peers, but was anxious to reform the abuse of its hereditary privileges of legislation.

Mr. CURTEIS vehemently defended Ministers from the attack of Mr. Roebuck ; who, he had remarked, did not receive a single cheer when he sat down. Had he to choose between Mr. Roebuck and Sir Robert Peel for a political leader, he should prefer the latter ; but he was satisfied with the present Ministers. He was opposed to the Ballot, and believed his constituents were also against it.

Mr. GISBORNE viewed that part of the Speech which referred to Joint Stock Banks with distrust. It was a small matter to put into it Speech from the Throne. He suspected that Mr. Poulett Thomson was the author of that paragraph ; as, for a supporter of free-trade doctrines, that gentleman was the greatest regulator he knew. He had tried his hand on Railways, but they were too strong for him ; and so would the Joint Stock Banks prove themselves. Mr. Gisborne did not believe that the Legislature could instruct persons how to conduct their banking business, and should watch any measures for that purpose with great wariness.

Mr. IlumE observed, that with respect to the speech of Mr. Roe. buck, it contained much that was true : he admired the honesty with which that gentleman stated his opinions, and on many points would gladly support him. The Reformers certainly did not get as much as they ought from the Whigs ; but, to use a homely phrase, lie would pat them on the back, and get what he could from them. He wished for union among all Reformers—that all should move as one man against the Tories. Mr. Hume disapproved of British interference in Por. tugal to resist a popular movement ; and asked what would be thought in England, if a French or Russian fleet were brought into the Thames and moored alongside of the House of Commons to overawe their deliberations ? He also strongly protested against the lute Brevet promotions ; which were made principally with the view to keep up the influence of the Aristocracy.

Dr. Bowam expressed his strong approbation of the Foreign policy of Ministers, and animadverted upon the tyrannical measures of the King of France.

Sir Roamer PEEL rejoiced that the Royal Speech and the Address had been drawn up so as to prevent the necessity of his moving any amendment. He thought he saw in the Address a studious avoidance of particular reference to measures on which a difference of opinion existed. He thought that this was the most judicious course to pursue; and if it were departed from, the Opposition ought at least to have an opportunity of knowing the topics of the Royal Speech a day or two before it was delivered, that they might not be taken by surprise. As it was not necessary for him to move an amendment,—as it was evidently the wish of the House, judging from the conversation which had prevailed during the speeches of that night, and which had been as audible to bon under the reform of their edifice as they had ever been before, not to go into any lengthened discussion on the Address,—be should, in the remarks which he was about to offer to their office, carefully abstain from any thing which was likely to provoke debate. In accordance, then, with the wish of the House, and seeing no advantage in a armature discussion, he would follow the prudent reserve of the Speech, and the cautious example of the Members who bad weeded him, and say nothing which could excite discussion. Indeed, the only atneudment which had been offered on the Address had been withdrawn, and that rendered all observation upon it needless on his part. The only comment made on the Address was made by Mr. Gisborne, who had expressed his surprise that so much had been said in his Majesty's Speech on the subject of regulations for joint stock banks. The surprise which Mr. Gisborne had so frankly ex- pressed, convinced him that lie bad never had a seat in the Cabinet ; for, if he had, he would have known that, when a Cabinet had to frame a Royal Speech, which must take up a certain portion of time in the delivery, and which must be so worded as not to provoke discussion, it was of great advantage to have such a subject as joint stock banks on which to indite a paragraph. (Laughter.) If Mr. Gisborne would look again at that part of the Speech, he thoughr. that all anxiety on his part would be removed; for surely he might assent to this paragraph—" The best security against mismanagement of banking affairs must ever be found in the capacity and integrity "—that referred, of course, to the solvency, and not to the intellectual capacity and moral integrity—" of those who are interested with the administration of them, and in the caution and prudence of the public." The word caper included the substantial as well as the intellectual vigour of the parties. The pledge, however, which the honourable gentleman shrinks from is this—" But Ito legislative regulation should be omitted which can increase and insure the stability of establishments upon which commercial credit so much depends." If be therefore thinks that no legislative regulation can increase and insure the stability of establishments upon which commercial credit depends, he may feel himself safe as far as con. terns the pledges contained in that part of the Address—he will nut feel him- self pledged at all.

Sir Robert then referred to the Foreign policy of Ministers. Ile ad- mitted that a treaty once entered into must be executed, and the terms of it liberally construed. Therefore, if it should appear that our re- cent interference in Spain had been authorized by the spirit of the Quadruple Alliance, which bound us to assist our ally the Queen with a naval force, then, even if' he disapproved of the treaty itself, he should have no fault to find with the Government on that score. And more- over, when he saw British soldiers or seamen engaged in the exccutioa of that treaty, he could not refuse his sympathy to those gallant men, nor avoid rejoicing in their success. But lie thought that great cir- cumspection should be used in interfering with the concerns of foreign nations- 4, I think that is the prevailing opinion of the majority of this liou•e- ( ('heers); and that we ought to watch with the utmost care and dream:i.e..- tion, whatever our opinions may be about Monarchical or Democratic Govere- ments—that a dangerous principle and precedent be not established; but which must he the result, if we once begin to adopt a system of interference with the internal quarrels and dimensions of other countries. Who can undertake to limit the application of that principle to a question of constitutional government, if we establish a precedent of which despotic countries may avail themselves? They may say they have as much right to interfere with the civil dissensions of Spain for the purpose of maintaining arbitrary government, as we have for maintaining constitutional government ; and then there would he an end to the peace and repose of Europe. Such may be the consequence of our setting a bad example, by extending the limits of the treaty for the purpose of involving our- selves in these internal dissensions. Therefore I give my assent to that portion of the Address; assuming that the statements of it are in strict conformity with the truth, and that the cooperating force referred to may merely be considered that naval force which we undertook to give."

In Portugal our interference bad not led to happy results. By re- ference to the King's Speech in 1834, he saw that his Majesty con- gratulated Parliament on the restoration of tranquillity in Portugal ; but now it was judged expedient to station six ships of the line in the Tagus, to protect the person of the Queen from her own subjects, and the lives and property of Englishmen from the violence of the Portu- guese. In conclusion, Sir Robert said- " Reserving to myself the right of considering hereafter the whole policy, domestic and foreign, alluded to in the Speech, I again say, that I give my as- sent to those paragraphs in the Address which I have particularly mentioned. I do so because I think the Queen of Spain—I avow it—is fairly and fully entitled to our sympathy, and to an honourable performance of the engagement which we have entered into with her ; and as this honourable engagement has called for the active interference of a British force, I cannot %vied:old my ex- pression of admiration at the gallantry of my cnontrymen ; and that as they have interfered, I rejoice that their interference has been successful."

Lord PALMERSTON briefly replied to Sir Robert Peel; denying that because it had been asserted, and with perfect truth, in 1S31, that Por- tugal had become tranquil and loyal, Ministers were to he blamed in consequence of that tranquillity having been interrupted in I837; and with regard to Spain, pledging himself, when the subject was dis- tinctly brought before the House, to prove that the terms of the Quadruple Treaty had been adhered to, and that the British force in the Tagus had been instructed simply to protect the person of the Queen and the lives and property of British subjects, and not to inter- fere in the disputes of parties in Portugal.

The Address was then agreed to, nem. con.

On Wednesday, Mr. SANFORD brought up the report on the Ad- dress ; when a conversation ensued respecting the extent to which Sir Robert Peel had committed himself in fitvour of the Fortin policy of Ministers by his speech on the previous evening. Mr. ilioVE PRICE and Mr. MACLEAN seemed to imagine that Sir Robert heel gone be- yond the simple declaration that the Ministers were justified in exectit. mg the Quadruple Treaty. Sir ROBERT PEEL explained, that his assent to the Address was given with the reservation that the aid afforded to the Queen of Spain must be proved to have been that only which this country stipuluted to give. Lord PALMERSTON said that lie had so un- derstood Sir Robert Peel.

Mr. PLUMPTRE expressed his regret that in the Tleyal Speech no allusion was made to Divine Providence, or the influenza; and Sir GEORGE CLERK thought that something should have been said about the Scotch Church. Lord Anne IlcssEt.t. said in reply to the obser- vations of Mr. Plumptre- So far from promoting the object which the honourable gentleman had in view, the using constantly, and trivially almost, in the Speech from the Throne the name of Divine Providence, would induce persons to pay less attention, and to be less solemn upon such an occasion than they ought to he. He did not concur w:th Mr. Plumptre that there were any peculiar circumstances, which, at the ptwent time, made it necessary that they should have introduced such words into his Majesty's Speech. such expressions had been introduced more than once. It happened no longer ago than in his Majesty's answer to the Ad- dress of the House last year, that his Majesty stated, lie would always study, under Divine Providence, to maintain the high character of this country, and promote the welfare of his people. That acknowledginent showed certainly that those who advised his Majesty to use those words were not neglectful of that sentiment which it was his disposition always to entertain—a sentiment which became the King of this Christian country.

He could also give a satisfactory reply to the remark of Sir George Clerk— If the Report of the Commission on religious instruction in Scotland had been received, it wetild have been a proper subject for his Majesty to have mentioned in his Speech ; but, in fact, although he had been infiwnied that the deports would be muly, yet he had received none until Monday night, after the Speech had been approved by his Majesty, when it reached the Home Office. The Report received was one relating only to Edinburgh. It had since been sent to Lord Minto, one of the Commissioners that he might cooeider whether, not having. le.eit able to attend the Commission throughout, lie mild scrieece in it ; it hieing considered desirable that the Report should he signed by all the Commissioners. He expected that the Report would have been by this thole on the table of the House; and if it were nut presented that day, it would the next.

In the House of Peers, the Earl of FINGALL moved the Address ; and was seconded by Lord SUFFIELD. Both mover and seconder dwelt upon the necessity of legislating in a spirit of justice to Ireland ; but there was nothing in the speech of either that requires especial notice.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, he had seldom heard a speech from the Throne, or listened to an Address, less objectionable than the present. He did not intend to offer any amendment to the Address ; but as both the mover and seconder, in able speeches, had laid so much stress upon the state of Ireland, he felt it necessary to make some observations on that subject. He denied that Ireland was tranquil, and of course that the National. Association bad produced tranquillity in Ireland— He did not call on the Government to interfere with that Association ; but What he did ask was this—namely, that they should call things by their true names. While there existed an association in the country which formed com- mittees, which named its different agents, which raised money, and which ap- pointed individuals to carry into execution its various decrees, he would ask, that such an institution should nut be looked upon as the cause of tranquillity in the country, but that its real name should be given to it —that of a creator of disturbance and conspiracy. At the very moment when they were told that the country was in a state of tranquillity, it was notorious that there was one description of property which could not be collected—which in fact was all but annihilated; mid the clergy could not appear to claim it without the almost certainty of being murdered. And yet the noble lord had, this night, thoeght fit to describe this state of things as a state of tranquillity t With respect to Spain. be contended that Ministers had exceeded the powers given them by the Quadruple Treaty ; which did not justify any interference in the internal affairs of Spam— Ministers might rely on it, that they had undertaken that which they never could perform ; and that the sooner they placed themselves on the footing on

which they ought strictly to stand with reference to the treaty of the Quadruple

Alliance the sooner would the object, the pacification of Spain, which they must all anxiously wish for, be accomplished. He felt the strongest objeetion

to any thing like interference with the internal affairs of the Peninsula. He objected to it not only on account of its expense, but still more on account of the injury which it inflicted on the parties existing in that state. To his own certain Knowledge, he could say, that three parties had been mime!, in Spain by the intervention of his Majesty's Government at different times. Individuals had been ruined, their properties destroyed, their fortunes sacri- ficed, by the coulee which his Majesty's Government had pursued. Acting

under the assurances of his Majesty's Government, thine individuals adopted a certain line of conduct. The Government was obliged finally to go forward with the movement. Those persons were in consequence abandoned, their for- tunes were sacrificed, and their prospects blighted for ever. This mole hit more adverse to such a species of interference than he would be on the ',acre score of expense, though that also hail considerable weight with him. He repeated, that he did not mean to oppose the Address; but in elk:11,7 that course, lie must be understood as not bound to approve of the employment of any force beyond that which was stipulated for by the Qui:h.-nide if • eaty, which 'Ireaty Parliament had acknowledged, and to which th,y all, so far, becalm parties.

Lord MELBOURNE expressed his satisfaction at the general concord with which the Address had been received. In time of war, it was n. %vise and sound practice so to frame the Speech and the Athlet's as not to provoke it difference of opinion ; and he thought it ewe' policy to follow the same course in time of peace also. Ile was well aware, however, that the measures alluded to in the Address must, when brought forward, produce considerable dissension. With respect to the state of Ireland, he maintained, in opposition to the Duke of Wel- lington, that it was unusually tranquil. As to the National Associa- tion, he admitted with the Duke, that it was with great regret and concern lie d its existence— Ile decidedly nilmitted that be did not think the monde on which it war founded sufficient to justify its establishment ; and he tenet not lint say that there had been proe4edings in that Association, as there would be in all suck assemblies, of which he for one undoubtedly could not approve. At the runic time, he must observe, when the noble duke accused that Association of threat- ening conspiracy :raid d'storbanee, that it was the nature of conqdraciea to be secret, while the itoetioilings of this body were open as day, and ave.wed to all the world. Ile n wit distinctly maintained, in oppoition to the noble duke, that there was teething in the aspect of that Association which weelil 'nave prevented Ministers, in the Speech which closed the preceding session, or which should pn•veet hie noble friend behind him on the prieient occasion, from asserting that a de_' ce of tranquillity, hitherto unfortunately very WM.. prevailed iu Ind dot. He setppeced the noble duke would admit that Eng.. land had been tranquil during the vacation ; hut he was Flue if inees:ege, speeches, and resehitions, were to be regarded es dist midi there was not now a country in Europe so much disturbed as England had been during that period. One noble lord opposite hid lifted lap his coi. c most loudly in these disturbances: and it must he allowed that the sppe:trance of other noble lords on the same side had raised as lend a clamour, and stirred up as much agitation as it was possible for any party to excite. On this sub- ject he had only to say, that if it really were the ea

Lord MELBOURNE defended the conduct of Ministers with respect. to Spain ; and declared his readiness to give every information on the subject, in full coAidence that there was nothing which on their part required to be concealed. The proceedings had been open from the first; and though, undoubtedly, many persons had suffered flom war, the Goverinneet could not he said to have misled anybody.

The Address was then agreed to, and the House rose.

IRISH NATIONAL ASSOCIATION.

On Thursday, Lord CLONCURRY craved the attention of the Peer€. to ;: few observations in reply to those of the Duke of Welliegton mitt I Melbourne on Tuesday, respecting the National Assuetation of - land. Ile regretted the necessity for it ; but thought it ter;.ilit Sia called a Society for the Vindication of Ireland—fur repelling end counteracting hostile feelings towards that country.

The National Association, like other public bodies started ion!; hefo!.e, leee fur its object the procuring justice for Ireland: its main chl ict was to ee•t rid of one of the greatest misfortune.; which destitution had brought on the indostirions classes in had mil. They had in all parts ofthe country, as far as he understood, institnoal a class of persons to preserve the peare—(A laugh from the the Loads)—to eive good advice to the people ; and if peace was not preserved, to _ice information to the lees' authorities. He would be very glad it could Lorah with the noble lords opposite; but when he thought on the subject of Ireland, it was no lalighing rooter, and it might heroine very rnueli the contrary ii respect were not paid to its just claims. The National Aasoci :Tien would, lie Iva: quite convinced, have dissolved itself. if his 'Majest%'e pleasure had been sign■tied to it. But there was another association to which he begged leave to call atten- tion, which lately kild a numerous and very illegal meeting in Duldiu, for the self evident purpose of causing, divisions amongst the people, if not of eidising disturbance and Mien.. Thet association host been celled by a certain number of Peers, and they c died themselves a meeting of Protestants. It took place in the Nlansiutillouse of Dublin ; and their Lordship: might il;:iglae kind of a gathering was expected, when the Lola Mayor of leele el—a col per,

tion which felt as strongly as all the other emporations of Ireland did—that Lord Mayor, who happened to be a gentleman to carriage and in manners, re- fused to preside at the meeting, though he allowed the meeting to be held in a room attached to the Mansionhouw. That meeting, as he underitood, bad given demonstration of the most violent Orangeism. Outage colours and flags were carried about ; and it was even contemplated to wait on the King's Repre-

sentative in a tumultuous manner, if it had not been supposed that another body of the people were too strong for these soi-disant Protestants of Ireland.

This meeting, however, had effected some good, in calling forth the Duke of Leinster and about forty Peers to protest and remonstrate against such violent proceedings against the only Government that had ever endeavoured to do justice to Ireland.

Lord BaOUGHAM contended that Lord Anglesey and Marquis Wellesley had also endeavoured to benefit Ireland ; and he was parti- cularly anxious that Lord Clonctirry should admit that to be the case, in justice to Earl Grey, Lord Melbourne, Lord Stanley, and himself, who had held high office in the Government when Lord Anglesey and Lord Wellesley were Lords• Lieutenant of Ireland.

Lord CLONCUMRY said, that he admired Lord Anglesey more than any other person for a Governor of Ireland ; and he believed that he, the Duke of Northumberland, and the Marquis Wellesley, had all the greatest anxiety to do their duty ; but it was impossible for the Lord- Lieutenant to effect much good when he was controlled by orders from head-quarters. There had certainly never been any thing like uniformity of intention and a determination to govern justly in Ireland, till Lord Melbourne came into office.

PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS: EVIDENCE IN COMMITTEES.

In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, Mr. Hume, moved the reappointment of the Committee of last session on Parliamentary Papers; and said that it would be a great convenience if the Lords' - Papers could be procured by tic the public with as much facility as those of the House of Commons.

Sir ROBERT Pert adverted to the practice of a witness making material alterations in his evidence, when the proof-sheets were sent to him for correction— There was a great diffrenee between allowing a witness to give additional evidence, and permitting him to alter his original testimony. These alterations abook the confidence of the public in the Reports of their Committees. The party examining the witness ought to have an opportunity of seeing the altera• trans that were made ; for the answers that were sometimes insetted evidently suggested other questions, and the examining party ought certainly to have an opportunity of altering his question, for it sometimes appeared absolute non- sense accurdine to the answers which appeared in the printed Reports.

The Set ASS en said that this subject had been frequently brought undtr Eris attention— It was nut only true that the testimony of witnesses had been essentially altered, but this tact he believed also to be correct, that witneteete, when they Lad their testimony to revise, had not only altered the answers, but had in- anted questions framed with a view to elicit that which they cenicelved essen- tial to their own particular objeets. When this was dose, the copy was sent to the printer without being brought litylvr the considet aim: of the Committee, who had therefore no opportunity of twee examiaiog the wit:le:4es on the new evidence introduced. ln the course of list session, one witness was allowed to take away his evidence, and it was never returned. Great doley took place, and the Report WUS obtigial to be published without that Ai ltlicy,'S evidence at all. The proper remeey appettred to hint to Ise, that the Chairmen of the Committee.) should exercise such vigilance over all the evidence as to pat:elude the evils vanplaiticti of; and that they should be answerable to the Ilouse for any laterite which utig;tt the ("//tar!") lie would afvo suggest that every a'tvratlon should It.t especially Itiougin before the Chairman's notice. If it were found that tin: Chairmen of Coaitoitters did not use the peeper vigi- lance, then it would Inteoute cessary to have some resolution of the house on the subject ; but it u,is not dvstrable to multiply result:60os Mien the proper vigilance of the Chairmen of Committees would effect the same object. lit order to maintain the high chat:meter and high authority which ottlit to be- lene to the evitlet tee of a :messes given Wore Committees of the House of Cumnuets, it appeared to bon neces, cy that some very strong measure should be come to.

Mr. Citantes Buttra cons:dcred that it would be best on the whole to prevent any corrections the evidence given.

Mr. SPRING RICE could not concur with Mr. r ; butt the cor- rection of evidence ought to tsks place within the jurisdiction of the House.

Mr. WYNN said that tho corrsetioa of evidence shoull be limited as narrowly as snsible.

Mr. O'CoNxess. called attention to the state of the law respecting the evidence tf witnesses before Committs:es of the llouso_ It was very clear that extreme importance attached to that evi,letitte in many eases. Property to a large amount and character were 1,;(1:11 ell;,eted by it. There was now nu rented./ fier the falsvhooil of a witness before a Committee of that !knee. The foldeet celentny, the falsest statement might be made, and yet there was no species of legal punishment for this undoubted crime. In the House of Lode the case was different. There they were authorized to admi- nister an ceth, and a party might tberel.ore be indicted for perjury. In the one House there was MI indictment of a mo-t serious nature ; and in the other there was no remedy at all. Yon might comet and have a new investigation, but in- quiry after inquiry would be nu remedy. Why not make it a misdemeanour to wilfully and corruptly assort any thine before that House ? It would he no ex- aggeratioo of the criminal law to male it a misdemeanour, while it would give an effectual remedy in cases where there was now no remedy at all.

Dr. BOWRING said that the shirt-hand writers made the grossest mistakes—

He would mention one instance in proof of his aesertion. In a Committee on the Lust Lithe question, a witness was a•ked a question respecting a wall. eular species of eile-worne and hie answer was, that " it wee a llembyx ; " but the answer as printed was, that " it was all bombast." (Load lanyhter.) The motion for the reappointment of the Committee was then agreed to.

On the motion of Mr. 11t7str, it was ordered that a statement of the pries e,f the Papers printed by order of the House should be rest-oi- l:illy LSI on the ta:tle.

MISCELLANFOUS SUBJECTS.

I:DU. A .Nee :les. Lord I:note:woe, on Thursday, laid

on the whit: of the blouse of Peers a Lill, similar to that which he had introduced in the session of 183.5, for promoting Education and regulating Public Charities. There was very little difference between this and his former bill.

The object of that bill was to provide a board for the purpose of superintend.. ing the distribution of funds, from time to time voted by Parliament, for pro. moung the education of the people, and also for regulating the administration and preventing the abuses of charities generally. The constitution of that hill, with a very trifling exception, was retained. By the former bill, three of the individuals to be appointed as Commissioners were—the Lord President of the Council, the Lord Privy Seal, and the Secretary of State for the Home De. partraent; awl, in the absence of the Secretary of State for the Home Depart- ment, one of the Under-Secretaries for the Home Department. By the present bill, the Under. Secretary of State was left out. No inconvenience would arise from this omission. Besides those three, there were the Speaker of the House of Commons and three Members of that House. There were some changes in the powers of the Commissioners, with respect to the superintendence of the schools, and also with respect to the powers vested in the Charitable Boards; but these were the only ones of any importance necessary to be made. Their Lordships were aware that the principal objection to the national system of education was the fear of substituting for the very large amount of education, provided from charitable and private funds, the public funds of the country. But upon the principles laid down by him, there was little fear of any inter- ference; and its only effect would be to augment and extend the benefits of edu. tinn generally among the people. The plan would also give a power to the Town-Councillors, assisted by one of the responsible Ministers of the Crown, to establish schools within the bounds of their corporations, and to levy rates for that purpose. That, in his opinion, would be a most material improvement.

CLERICAL PLURALITIES AND LOCAL COURTS. Lord BROUGHAM also presented a bill for preventing, as far as practicable, the evil of Clerical Non-residence, and %another for establishing Local Courts of Justice. These bills, he stated, with unimportant verbal alterations, were the same as those he had formerly brought forward, and which were re- jected by the Lords.

All these bills have been read a first time.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. On Thursday, Lord MINTO in the Lords, and Lord JOHN Russets. in the Commons, presented the Report of the Scotch Church Commissioners : it contained no recommendation, but merely the evidence collected by the Commissioners.

MARRIAGE AND REGISTRATION ACTS. Lord JOIIN RUSSELL, on Thursday, moved for leave to bring in a bill to suspend the operation of the Marriage and Registration Acts for four months. He said that he did this with reluctance ; but the Poor-law Commissioners had assured him that great inconvenience would arise from putting these Acts into operation at present. Iu Julys about 1300 parishes, not now in union, would be so; and then the provisions of the Act could be put in force in all of them. Sir ROBERT Notts wished that the suspension were prolonged. The measures in question were intended to conciliate the Dissenters, but they had entirely failed : at least Members in that House, repre- senting the Dissenting interest, were not satisfied with them. Mr. WILES, Mr. BAINES, Mr. POTTER, Mr. EWAItT, and Mr. OTONNF.I.T., contradicted this assertion of Sir Robert Inglis ; and as. sured him that the Acts were, generally, very itcceptuble to the Dis- senters.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL was glad to hear this. Sir Robert Inglis was an excellent organ for the University of Oxford, but could not be taken us nu organ of the Dissenters.

The motion was then agreed to.

LEGAT. SINECURES. Mr. Sergeant Goornuna:, on Thursday, ob- tained leave to bring in a bill to abolish certain sinecure offices in the Court of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer.

CRIMINAL Law. In reply to a question from Mr. 'MACLEAN, on Thursday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL stated, that he intended in the course of a few days to give notice of several bills which he hoped would effect great amelioration in the criminal law, and, especially, take away the punishment of death for many offences. And in reference to an observa- tion from the some gentleman on the cost of the Commission, he said, that on entering office he found his predecessor, Air. Goulburn, had recom- mended the Treasury to pay a certain sum to the Commissioners for their first report ; and when the next report appeared, he had direrted the payment of a similar sum. No doubt the Commission was ex- pensive, but money could not be laid out better than in procuring good and efficient climbed laws.

Mr. MACLEAN said, he was perfectly satisfied with this reply.

ADMISSION OF STRANGERS TO THE GALLERY. On the reading of the Sessionul Orders on Wednesday, Mr. Ewaler moved to rescind the rule which allowed admission to the Strangers' Gallery only on the order of a 'Member. Lord JOHN RUSSELL opposed the motion ; and it was negatived, by 172 to 11.

PUBLICATION OF DIVISIONS. Mr. WARD moved, on Wednesday, that in every instance where five Members required it, the mode of taking divisions at present adopted in the House should be extended to divisions in Committee. At present the House possessed no record of the divisions that took place in Committee, yet they were often as important as those that took place in the House. It would therefore be highly desirable that they should be registered in the Votes. The motion was at once agreed to.

PRIVILEGE OF MEMBERS: MR. LECHMERE CHARLTON. In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, previously to reading the King's Speech, Mr. A BERCIIOSIBY read two letters,—one from the Lord Chan- cellor, mentioning that he had issued his warrant for the apprehension of Mr. Lechinere Charlton for a contempt of Court ; and another from Mr. Charlton, who claimed the protection of the House, to enable Win to leave Fendall's Hotel, where he was staying, and proceed to the Mouse and take his seat, notwithstanding the Chancellor's order for his arrest. After a brief conversation, the two letters were ordered to be printed and taken into consideration the next day. On Wednesday, Lord John Russell moved that a Committee of Privileges should be appointed, in conformity with an old custom, which had been discon- tinued for the last two or three years, to whom the letters of Loud Cottenham and 111r. Charlton might be referred. This motion having been agreed to, it was proposed that the Committee should consist, as formerly, of knights of the shire and gentlemen of the long robe. Mr. HUME objected to the exclusion of Members who neither represented counties nor were lawyers ; a Committee of twenty-one Members, selected for their fitness to perform the duties intrusted to them, would be better than the host of Members proposed to be put on the Com- mittee. Mr. WYNN, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, and Sir ROBERT PEEL, were opposed to Mr. Hume's suggestion ; and that gentleman did not Rpress it. After some remarks on the facts of the case, Lord JOHN USSELL, following the precedent established in the case of Mr. Long Wellesley's arrest, by Lord Brougham's order, moved that the letters be referred to the Committee of Privileges. Mr. ROEBUCK asked whether, if Mr. Charlton wished to defend himself before the Com- mittee, the House would prevent his arrest ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not conceive it necessary to decide that point until the supposed difficulty should arise. The motion was then agreed to.

NOTICES OF MOTIONS.

The House of Commons Vote-paper contains a long list of notices of motions; of which the following are the principal.

Bill to extend remedy of Creditors against the Property of Debtors, and to abolish Imprisonment for Debt except in eases of Fraud-The AprouNev-GENeaat., February 6.

Bill for the better Registration of Voters in England-The same, February 6. Church-rates-Mr. SPRING RICE, February 21.

Renewal of Irish Joint Stock Banks Committee-Mr. SPRING Rice, February 6., Bill for Municipal Corporations in Iretaud-Lord Juror Itcsset.r., February 7. Poor-law for Ireland-Lord JOHN Bossard., February 9.

Bill for traueferring the Management of Post-office Packets to the Admiralty-Mr. CHARLES WOOD, February 9. Bills to Consolidate Acts relating to the Postoffice-Mr. LABOUCIIERE, March 2. Bill to restrain Pluralities-Lord Juror Resser.r., February 16. Bill to carry into effect Reports of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners-Lord JOHN Ressera., February 16. Affairs of Canada-Lord Joust Resserd., February 23.