futigu ant Cdnui a 1.

cfraurt.—The Montalembert sentence has afforded the French Em- peror an opportunity for the display of his histrionic genius. On the 2d December, the Moniteur announced that the Emperor, in consequence of the anniversary of the 2d of December, (corm cre'tat 1852,) had relieved M. de Montalembert from the penalties of the sentence passed upon him. (" Fait grace It M. de Montalembert de la peine prononcee eontre lui.") It marks the determination of the Emperor . to stifle discussion when we say that all the London journals have been stepped this week. Some have been seized and confiscated, some mutilated and forwarded. It need not be said that the reports of the so-called trial, and the com- ments thereon were the cause of this razzia. The Times was confiscated for five days.

The Times has published a fuller report of M. Berryer's speech, same extracts from which may not be unwelcome to our readers.

" He was still young when France escaped from the sufferings and dis- grace which the th`ree tyrannies of the Convention, the Directory, and the Empire had inflicted on her, and was resting under a constitutional monarchy—a Government strong and free. It was in the midst of this work, of this movement, of these jealous apprehensions, that the intelli- gence and conscience of M. de Montalembert developed themselves. Brought up in the traditions of a noble and Christian family, he felt him- self from his youth called upon to defend the institutions, the principles, the liberties for which France sacrificed and suffered so much ; and soon, in obedience to these noble inspirations he declared himself the defender, the friend of the religious and political liberties of the country. Inconsis- tencies have been sought for in his words and in his writings. Ali! I too, have my memory ; he presented a noble spectacle in 1830, in the midst of the Chamber of Peers, this young man, hardly twenty, coming to justify his attempt to open a school of liberty at Paris. That does not con- stitute a passing remembrance' all were profoundly affected at hearing this young gentleman, of an old, liberal, and Catholic race, publicly making this profession of faith. 'Faith is not dead in every heart ; it is to alai I gave early my heart and my life—the life of a man. Today, especially, it is but little' but this little, joined to a great and holy cause, may grow greater with it. When a man has consecrated his future to such a cause, I have ever believed, and I still believe, that he should not fly from any of its consequences, any of its dangers; ' and who can say that since then he has once broken his word ? Seventeen years later, (the body. of the magistracy would be truly ungrateful if it forgot it)', he defended, in the tribune of the National Assembly, the principle of judicial irre- movability. It was he again, in 1855, who energetically defended the li. Iterty of the press, at a time when rigorous measures were called for again it after the commission of a great crime. Are you going to ask of a We whose conduct and language were such, if on a solemn occasion, in Presence of great questions, he has wished to have recourse to the daily, puerile, and lying resources of the pen of a libeller and pamphleteer ? No. It is with more dignity that, faithful to himself, he takes up subjects of this nature ; he has seen the tribune fall, he has seen the press chained—Yes, chained, that is the word—you said it yourself, adding that it was the wish of the country." "As for the intention of attacking the actual institutions of Franc, where, then, do you find a trace of it ? Read the incriminated article, you will see that M. de Montalembert therein congratulates the Government upon having maintained with courageous perseverance the English alliance, so far as to boast of the wisdom with which it renounced the exigencies which compromised the right of asylum, and finally, with what respect does he not speak of the Marshal who represents so worthily France in England.' But, says the prosecution, a direct attack is not in question-- you know the ability of the language—the attack exists in the perpetual contrasts which you establish between the liberties of England and the pre- sent condition of France. Sir, the man who had just been present at the debate of the English Parliament found this contrast in the facts; we shall speedily see if the expressions of which he made use are of a culpable nature but I repeat that he has done nothing but state a fact. "The President (addressing M. Berger).—M. Berryer, the Court has suffered to pass some very warin expressions and some very lively allusiw, but I am obliged to stop you in the dangerous course you are following; Yon ...d&„0 writings .of **, nfalembert, you renew the offence in en- 'drit7,0- Wring to justify it, ,isj3erryer.—Allu31ons, M. le Prestdent! thy language has betrayed me itg has in any Ivey hid any thought (Lausliter.) "The President—I munmt allow you to say that there is 110 longer liber- in France. „ load, fterrYer.—Ah !.'idesiilent, if it be so, if itbe necessary to deny eta is clearer than the light of day, if it be necessary to lie, to lie towards vs/ intelligence, to lie towardafey conacrienoo,) have nothing else to do but to be silent ; I have got nothing to do 'but to sit down and throw up my

Wet:

" The President.-0, M. Berryer, you will not lie. In 1811, when you became a member of that bar which you have rendered illustrious, you took 07, oath which you have since renewed—an- oath to observe the respect due ta the kris. You have always observed thatoath, and you will keep it also day. a 11. Berryer.—I remember my oath, but you make me shudder, M. le Incident ; you carry back my thoughts to a time when the praise ,of a good on the approval of a virtue, of a good sentiment, of a good law, was not considered as a crime. No, I do not wish to recall that period to your ilem°17' --legimus capitate foisse.' . no, I to not consent that the praise of a free government should be con- sidered as an insult, for the reason alone, that this Government contrasts' with the present institutions of France." you reproach M. de Montalembert with having excited to hatred and contempt of the Government. You say that at page 205 he attacks'the Go- vernment and Government men. How so ? We read in the article, 'When

toy ears tingle,' &c. The word ' ante-chamber ' in this passage has struck coe, and you have asserted that M. de Montalembert pretended that the `sena' Government was only an ante-chamber. M. de Montalembert wished to combat mid to stigmatize the men who would wish that the Government existed wholly in the ante-chamber, where_they flatter, where they stretch forth their hands, where they beg, where they strive to offer their flatter-

ies, as injurious to him who receives them asahey are shameful to him who offers them. There have' been ante-chambers at all timeworn' undetevery

rule. Ill should appmach those palaces where there am ante-chambers I should always find the same .men there, the same faces. These were the ram who, during the first days of the Restoration, declared themselves 'lovers of Legitimacy,' and who later presented themselves at the Court of

tho Royalty of July- to offer their base services, which were refused. by those to whom they were offered. They are always the same men, ftattering,

soliciting, begging. I have known these people from my earliest yeuth, and that is the reason I became a moderate man, not moderate in my con- victions, in my attachment to the monarchy and te liberty, but moderate in my conduct, moderatedirray kinguageieemprehending that others had not the same ideas as myself, and respecting everywhere courage and dignity. I have seen these men, at the beginning of 1814, wish to monopolize Royalty; six months had not gone by when they prostrated themselves at the threshold of the Government of the Hundred bays. These are the men who people ante-chambers, who are their chroniclers, and who are the curse

of every regime. These are the men whom M. de Mentalembert addresses, those who conspire against the dignity of our church and against that of France. Let us put aside, then, those idle accusations. M. de Monte- 'embed has not attacked the Government ; he has attacked the men who dishonour it."

"He is accused of being wanting in the respect due to the laws by saying at page 215 and page 252 of the article in question, that in France people could not speak but With circumspection, that they should enter upon poli- tical discussion with prudence, and be apprehensive of being seduced by their adversaries to a battle-ground whereon it would not be permitted to express their thoughts, where they might encounter an obstacle on the part of the Administration, what he calls an official gag.' I do not read the ar- ticle afresh, gentlemen ; you have it before your eyes, and I can hencefor- ward discuss it. First, can M. de Montalembert be reproached with having recalled to mind that, m France, the journalist, the writer, the editor him- self, ought never to divest himself of the salutary terror of a warning. In truth, gentlemen, I ask how can there be in that an offence ? Warning is

legal. The Government may say at any moment to a writer, I warned you once, twice, and, pay attention, the third time I suppress you, I annihilate

your journal ; the idea of your property in it will not stop me.' The warn- mg is, then, salutary which can prevent such a suppression ; but in the eyes of a man who knows the state of affairs,—and here I must give full expression to my thoughts, for in a judicial discussion one cannot speak with a double meaning, and in a low voice, as if one were in a sick room,— the official gag is something other than the legal warning; there is not a journal which has not, one day or another, received a visit from a gentle-

man in a black coat, possessing sometimes the exterior of a respectable man, who, sent in pursuance of an official order' comes to say to the editor, In

such a trial you will not say this—in such a discussion you will not reply to such or such an attack—you will be so good as not to publish such or such a document.'

"The President.—You spoke, a moment ago, M. Berryer, of the sick- room ; you deceived yourself; but now you think yourself in the tribune. You have forbidden yourself the more thought of attacking the laws, and that is precisely what you are going to do. Berryer.—It is precisely what I was not going to do. For the official gag, which intervenes to prevent the journalist from venturing on dangerous ground, is not the legal warning ; it is the official warning, the Government warning, a warning, which, although illegal, ought to inspire Salutary terror ; and we may well be permitted, without fearing to be ac-

cused of attacking the laws, to call that warning a gag. That does not con- stitute an attack against the law. It is at most only a censure passed on certain acts of the Administration ; a censure which, even in the terms of the laws -which you invoke, is expressly authorized." 'I now come to the last head of the accusation—that relating to the at- tacks directed against universal suffrage and against the rights which the Emperor holds from the constitution. The passages as regards this point, are to be found at pages 206, 260, and 266 of the number seized. M. de Montalembert declares that he in no way pretends to convert those pro- gressive spirits who regard Parliamentary government as advantageously !eplaced by universal suffrage.' He congratulates England upon knowing o.or? to manage everything, repair everything without undergoing the ne- cessity of being in a state of tutelage' ; and, finally, how to accomplish every amelioration and every reform of which she is in need, 'not by the humiliating tutelage of a power without control, but by the generous coali- tion of all free forces and of all spontaneous sacrifices.' Where, then„.gen- thmen, is to be found the offence with which M. de hiontalembert is re- proached ? He says that he does not wish to engage in any controversy, thathe does not hope to convert any one, he does not call in question the dograa of the sovereignty of the people, he does not attack the principle of universal suffrage, he examines the consequences, the products of universal ,'Ittreage ; certainly, the laws which protect the dogma of the sovereignty of 'ne People are not conscious of having had for object the forbidding of all eraraination into the application of this dogma, into the exercise of that Isovereigntv. • And does it net sullies to recall- to- utind -the events.' with& have prodiced them to remain romanced of this truth ? Duoismg Sham ram what has universal suffrage done I First, it gavo us-ass Assembly in Mahan resided the whole sovereignty ; it gave tui atter that a President msifl four years; a President elected for ten years; and, finally, has thought proper to ristablish the Imperial dignity. Now, what is the law Whieth, at each of these periods, upon each of these charges, has forbidden -Ala to/ examine, to discus*, or to give a preference to this or that particular masa,' featation of to wilt so changeable P And, now what haa M. de Moatalerae- bert done In the first of these passages he disowned the acts of univermal suffrage while respecting its principle, and in the two others he spoke neither. of France nor of universal suffrage—he contented himself with mak- ing what England would or would not do. It is-not, then, in the letter of the article that an offence is to be found; it will be found oily lw having recourse te inductions, which will be manifestly, contrary to the spirit of the. article."

"It only remains for me to reply to the charge of an attaek agalast the rights which the Emperor holds under the constitution. I shall explain. myself on tbis point in becoming and legal terms. Mad, first, as regards •khe passages which form the objects of the accusation, solely relating, future of England, to the line she ought to follow, thu dangers thelii avoid. In these the Chief of the State is neither named nor desiguatek ap a forced interpretation is nehes.sary in order to find in those passages an ellis- sson which is not written therein. But this isnot all. The prosecution has recourse, in order to -punish the pretended offence, to the laws of 1848 and' 1849. Those laws had for object to maintain the respect due to the trustees" of public power in the terms of the constitution of 1848. This constitution has been violated. Have you any other laws ? You accuse M. de Manta- lembert of having attacked the rights and the authority which the Emperor holds under' the actually existing constitution, and this by virtue ef law which had for end to defend the constitution which was 'violated in 185E' Is it by angogy that you would wish to extend this penal provision toll. vhe lffontalembert ? But, to proceed by analogy in the case of penal offences la unheard of and monstrous. The law of 1819 had for object to punish attacktf a:geinst the person of the King and of the constitutional authority with which he is clothed. The law of 182.5 modified this provision, by protecting against' attack the rights which the King held from hereditary birth. After the Revolution of 1830 it was felt that those provisions were no longer applicable, and on the 29th of November of the same year a new law, having for end to protect the new rights of the Royalty of July, was voted by the Chambers. In 1848 the sovereignty passed into the hands of a single Assembly, and the law of the 11th of August, 1848, assured the respect due to republican institu- tions. A few months afterwards, the constitution of 1848 confided the exe- cutive power to a responsible President, and, immediately the law of the 27th of July, 1849, offered its protection to the President of the Republic, such as it was defined to be by the Republican constitution. Did anything similar take place on the day of the accession of the Empire ? Where, then, is the law which protects the rights which are vested in the new Emperor ? I do not know of such a law, and what signify to me the causes of that blank ? Is it not quite enough for me to declare its existence? Even if M. do Mon- talembert had attacked the rights attributed to the new Government by the constitution which the Emperor has made, you cannot make use against him of the laws passed for the protection of the constitution which the Emperor has violated."

The Minister of War has received the following letter from Marshal Canrobert

:-

"Parts, Nov. 27.

"Monsieur le Ilinistre—The publication of the Journal of the Siege of Sebastopol of General Niel has already given use to numerous comments, both in the journals and elsewhere. Several writers for the press, whose knowledge of the military art and of fortification cannot be very extensive, have selected from the General's book certain passages which, when quoted isolatedly, have a sense which they could not possess when taken in con- nection with the whole of the work, or, consequently, in the mind of the author. For instance, they say= It results from the work of General Niel that Sebastopol was scarcely defended when the Allies appeared before it, and in the opinion of this General a coup de main might have been effected.' It results from the real facts, represented by General Niel with that good faith which characterizes him, that the first defences of Sebas- topol (detailed at pages 22, 23, 24, 28, 30, 31, and 33) were not such as could be carried at the point of the bayonet. I am persuaded that General Niel, if he had commanded the engineers of the French army from the commencement of the siege, would have shared in the firm conviction of his glorious and intrepid colleague, the much to be regretted General Bizot, who, according to his own words, would have taken care not to advise an attack by main force before having employed against strongly-armed works, and-four at least of which were permanent ones, closed at the gorge and supported in the rear by the upper-deck guns of fifty vessels of war, the 120 pieces of heavy siege artillery which the Allies had at their command, and before an attempt had been made, with the aid of those powerful means, to rapidly destroy two or three of the points of defence, while at the same time carrying nearer to them the starting-point of the columns of assault. This opinion the distinguished officer above -mentioned categorically explained to your Excellency from the very commencement of the operations before Sebes, topol and by each mail. The same idea was at that time entertained on the spot by many of the best officers of the army, and I more strongly than over coincide in it now as, after having read the able work of General .Nicl, I am more convinced that the success of a coup de main was impossible. There is certainly no necessity for me to remind your Excellency what a failure would have led to, under the circumstances in which the allied armies were placed. I have thought it my duty, Monsieur le Itinistre, to address to you these simple observations. If you approve them, as I hope you will, you may perhaps consider it useful to have them inserted in the .illoniteur.

Accept, &c. Cemionfarr."

0 tail( .—The French journals have been carrying on a lively polemic on the subject of war in Italy. There have been curious signs of disaffec- tion—cries of " Italy !" in Milan, refusal to smoke government tobacco, disaffection at the Austrian currency operations, disgust at the recruit- ment. Then the King of Sardinia at a military review is reported to have said to only a few officers of high rank— Gentlemen, let us be prepared, for it may happen that next spring we shall again have to smell gunpowder." The Liberal French journals insinuate that France and Austria will ere long be at war ; the Government journals faintly deny it. "War would only be imminent if it were necessary" says the Petrie. The Journal des Darns has pleaded "for Austria" say the Go- vernment papers. In the mean time the Opinione of Turin of the 27th ultimo publishes an article entitled "Rumours of War," which says- " There is in reality for the moment on the dopes no question which can give rise to a rupture, but it cannot be denied that public opinion anticipates extraordinary events. European policy resembles a vase so full that the addition of a single drop would cause it to run over ; and the 'question now is whether that drop will fall at once, or whether the equilibrium will be maintained for some time longer. Without, however, on that account at- ti tail*át i teith 1Th1uiñ"tirslif *lei l'e nthtli6itidrii4need ..*Y'S. rkii tli i a* d' . tin ' iiii."jnitliWpitillnt titnati Mt ABeiiiiiiA e %tit" .. fit 'el' ichfatif Cabinet irliat&cito .

e;take tomause,its political maxima to p If to thie'finsidettitidilsrevail, over those of anotheriana

3,1

a '34 ' ' ditilitror ltAg'ia to• Austria, the neu mi trality Of England d fatrdedthea''ea*'OrWar: ' . ., .' We

ri,li ltithirliigitaffid Eitikte of the East and of Italy, we see ireenrini7 lated suclit a qaaritity of inflammable elements that a simple Spark May eeeaddliquilinfileiii6 elffifirigration. Does this spark exist, and does it only aivalt 'the ' hand ta...tint it in contact with the combristible materials, or is it not yet formed :' In the first ease we have no need to say that the com: flagration is inevitable, because in the present but little satishietory state of the political relations of some parts of Europe the hand which would apply woad no doubt be that which had prepared the spark. If this were not so, the discontent which prevails in a part of Europe might List some time longer. But to that discontent as ho can imagine t at there will be a pacific

solution The Ministry of Count Cavour has no need to promise war, be; cause ,its vast conduct proves that it is prepared for it, and is preparing Still further; it has no need to spread the rcthours which the Opposition ascribes to it, because they arise from and are sufficiently explained by the general state of Europe ; and it has no need of those rumours to maintain itself in power, because the country knows perfectly well that when a favourable epportunitv may present itself the Cayour Ministry can and will make war, while a Cabinet of the Right would not have the will and one of the Left

not the power to do so." . The Vienna. Peesse, an independent journal, has broken ground upon

this question in a manner that rather increases the alarm. .

" The French papers, whieh, are in general remarkably well bitted, have recently made most, violent attacks on Austria. They tell us that, aa alliance has been concluded between France, Russia, said Sardinia against Austria. By the acquisition of Villafranca and Monaco (?) Russia has got einivenient ports in the Mediterranean for her fleets. Francebas made pro- mises to her intimate ally Sardinia, which are to be fulfilled ini the day that Sardinian troops cross thePo./. The Picitinontese are to feral the vanguard ef.certain French battalions, which, like a whirlwind, are to sweepfrour thealailef Italy it (3ernian oppressors, By way of confirmation of all this, languap is attributed. to King Victor-Emmanuel Wiliekile is known never la have uttered. " There are several countries iii which the position of the press might he more agreeable, but there are none in which the ,press has sunk so low as it has done in France under the 'correctional rod' of the Imperial authorities. By the French papers we see the result of depriving the press of its natural aliment. They are no longer the faithful echo of public opinion, but the mere tools of Government officials. The French press, which was once like a roaring and mischievous waterfall, has become an immense morass' which spreads its miasma over the whole of Europe. The vanity of the French nation is systematically tickled by the degraded press, in eider that it may be oblivious of the actual state of things. The Government, knowing the foible of the nation' gives it to understand 'that France has her foot on the neck of Europe.' Two things are systematically taught by the French press : the one is, that France was never so great as she is at present, and the other, that if there were no empire there would be no glory. "England was long exposed to the furious attacks of the French press, but it would appear that it has now received orders to direct its venom against Austria. There are persons who are intimidated by the outcry which has been raised against the Imperial Government in Italy, but we are not of opinion that the peace of Europe is likely to be disturbed. Not- withstanding the intimate relations between the English and French Courts, the British Nation was continually insulted by the Governmental organs of the Paris press; and not long since M. de Cesena, during an unusually severe attack of Anglophobia, foretold the exact period when per- fidious Albion, with her execrable freedom, would sink to rise no ' more. When the French papers talk of the liberation of Italy the fate of Poland recurs to our memory. The 'French of the North' were long buoyed up with false hopes, but when the moment for action came the great nation dropped its protege,s, and did not even allow the melancholy fate of Poland to interfere with the pleasures of the Carnival. The oppressed nationali- ties know that the French, when in foreign countries, are arrogant, impu- dent, and oppressive, and consequently they are not very likely to desire their active support.

"The foreign policy of France is essentially aggressive, for England, Turkey, Austria, and Portugal have in their turn been attacked. Can this state of things last ? In our opinion it cannot, and the French Govern- ment will do well to remember that the patience of Europe has already been tried to the utmost."

The Paris correspondent of the Post denies the truth of the rumours. "We have been told the King of Sardinia was preparing for war, and assured that Naples, Rome, and Austria had contracted a treaty offensive and defensive, There is no truth in any of these assertions. Piedmont will not go to war just yet."

The Paris correspondent of the Continental Reeiere describes the sub- stance of what took place at a meeting of diplomatists on the 23d Novem- ber at Count Walewski's office.

"This meeting being considered urgent, the members of the eoips diplo- matigue were convoked by a special summons, and the number present was very great. In conformity with the orders of the Emperor, Count Walew- ski took every opportunity of contradicting the rumours of war which had been circulated, and declared that the Emperor had no warlike project, but wished to remain faithful to the policy of peace, so solemnly proclaimed by him on many occasions. In spite of this language, and of the earnest man- ner in which it was spoken, members of the diplomatic corps are far from being confident of the sincerity of the minister's declarations. Several of them are perfectly au courant as to all the military preparations being made in France, as well as to the diplomatic manoeuvres which the Emperor is employing for the purpose of isolating Austria in Europe. And with what view can he wish to isolate Austria, if it is not for the purpose of putting himself in a position which will enable him to attack that Power with the greater certainty ? As to the military preparations of which I have spoken, I can say that to my knowledge one of the contractors for the Government, M. de Coster, has doubled the number of persons employed, in order that he may be able to execute the enormous supplies of ntat.i,riel de guerre, which he has been called upon to furnish. In our principal centres for the manu- facture of guns, and other warlike stores, such as Metz, Strasbourg, Gre- noble, Montpellier, and Toulouse, the men are kept at work night and day. The Emperor has signed a decree which will not be published till some time hence ; and the object of which is to augment all the regiments of artillery by the addition of an additional battery. At the present time we have only 320,000 men in a state fit to enter upon a campaign, but Mar- shal Valliant has promised the Emperor that by the end of next February he will have 400,000 men at his disposal, ready to march wherever his Ma- jesty may please to direct. All this does not demonstrate precisely that pa- cific ideas have the upper hand. On this ground the corps diptomatique re- mained incredulous, notwithstanding the declarations of Count Walewski. Thistiiineial aparldhas,also,bEin unsaiyould Batfin iaanta kiifilhimlikj.

whn iris hitefotiVrietusili is.saidite ban gelnl fealitlle,

If kilefAatat9alkfisoPrilAielPt-llals. XcasPn !,,efilc OA preje,qta.reepateasplated witli ii i'iCW tp,,pie‘r e -0:o.Crnnient and ef )8 some unea'si:.• , aOlqeet of4 There isearimher, part of tidy 'with respeA ofax

ness. As you 'aye aware the relations bctWq At the Court of Rome are 'far from being anal bla.'

Ste since the Mortara litThiti;iiittiat be added th6kitiliery,

which have led to a coldnesi between IN apeleo "Kt? Merit and th , g,' recoil i 1 v : made li 9f,Reer. • '6' es1' other eiatterk. the Court of Rome, of vi. ecirrespondence:.whielifiettpdses the whole of di glans formed by the Euiperor for the rearrangement el Italy: ,Aocerein te4 this plan far : the, earapaagn; Trance -was. to,be erhseed,lia,,itaiyiwan4‘;enitgAmthe' Mem Pi on edmt wit1r63,0001ine,no besitleaa.nceeryslpf,W0p eaeiL, .Noedoubts that if the main,features of thisoito-,441t4t4t49,411Tet, diplomatic niameuvres or France should etirifiert, a desolating Aestria, that this latter l'owor ii ill be promptly and.'.7cor elyf expelled from NIT, ri$ Then Italy will (such at all events is the r por he divided as follows:- Piedmont will receive the Duchies of Modell ', aimia, and Plaeenzia, be. sides some portions of Lombardy. The ancienfliffigilom of ILA, in Loge barely and Venice. Will be reeitablished in the tiertain of PrinteNtipoleon; and the real object in pi:ming:That Prince' at the head of the'department of Algeria and -the ' colonies is to give'him hilbitis, of ibusiness,1 and to .preliare hiiirfor tho.attairs of government. ' The Runuignaawill beaseparatej. from the States of the Church,. andl united . teibtakiageleanaelf Italy milder. Prinee Napoleon. The intention is that the dynasty ofs,..4sgat.,akeld4 be reesta. Wished at .Nitples,c, . and it is yery certainA4iitIMIPV:Piktect of the diplo- inetie,ruptimomith theliing of the Two ,Sietnee le,prepare for thia NHL The dynaety.ofiMarrat would add the whole of, the ape's ilmninions to the kingdom of Nuples, witn.flie exception. of Benue,* r, Aga the Campagna of Rome, whi011 Would be .thei.o.nly temporal territor44 Odle: Pope - aid as the Pontilioalemyereigaty would base much red anfita be insuili'cient for the decent support of the position of his Holiness as head of the Catholic Chueehr ins arrangement would be madeibetareen,a11,,tbe Catholic eore- reignwitLi a view to their raising a subventienitheinsgives which would indemnify his holiness for the-loss of his territerlal_pessessions and power. The whele of this grand comedy is to be 0410100d by the establishment of universal suffrage as practised witivso inuchisticwss in France—that is to say, alithe arrangements would be submitted to the ratification of the peo- ple under the form ofeeelamatien for the first act, , and of rote nulversel for the second act of this great Napoleonic farce. I give you all this as I hear it, and...without gliaritutee. All I can say is, that it is believed in high places' and that the belief is universal here that we are on the eve of grave events." • " On all the exchanges of Europe there is a visihle nnea.sittess as to the relatiens of Fiance and Italy, 'Ilie intem*w of .Connt Cavour with the Emperor of the Fre,neli at Plonil■iZres-' the. emnplaisane?, Of the Turin Go- vernment towards the French empire ; the incautious language of the Ki,a,, who is too much of a boa enfant to know hew, to disguiae,his, thoughts. the . military preparations in Piedmont, and the acknowledged coolness between. France and Austria; the desire, of the French Emperor to divert Italian. grenades from the streets of Paris; the ennui of the army, and the necessity of. a new coup lie tligiitre—all these calculations or conjectures make even un- imaginative men shake their heads at the mention of .' next spring." Mean- time these whispers and these niutterings create the dangers they denounce. Italy is all on fire, Germany is anxious, and irresponsible Power &sports itself at Compiegne, the silent arbiter of peace and war." . . .

A letter from Milan, dated November 28, imputes the prevailing irri- tation to the change in the currency, which has ereated/great confusion. The writer then proceeds thus

" The war against cigars has been recommenced. If anybody is seen smoking in the street he is requested to throw away his cigar, and he iscon- pelted to do so if he refuses. You may recollect that it was with similar children's play that the revolution of 1848 commenced, but there will be many misfortunes to be deplored if Austria be afforded a pretence for draw- ing the sword, and, nevertheless, such an event is, perhaps, not far distant. The hopes of the people are the more warm as they are excited by the Pied- monteae journals, which speak of war as if we were in the winter of 1849. A medal has been circulated bearing the legend 'Emmanuel, King of Italy.' A thousand most absurd reports are circulated, of which you may judge from the following. Russia demands, it is said, 200 millions for the ex- pense of the war of Hungary in 1849. Austria has no means of paying the debt except by selling Lombardy to Piedmont for a like sum. Piedmont would thus extend her frontier to the Adige. Venice would be formed into a Duchy, and given to the Archduke Maximilian. Such reports demonstrate to what a pitch the imagination of the people is raised."

$ Mi ll PT la II if .,—The negotiations between France and Switzerland for the purchase by the former of the Dappenthal, or Vallee des Dappes, are still pending. It appears from advices from Berne that objections are now made to the sale on strategic grounds. Similar objections are made on the part of Austria. The Austrian Military Gazette has the following on the subject—

"If France succeeds in becoming the owner of this valley it will be a standing menace to our Italian provinces, and this military line, which di- minishes or increases the road across Switzerland to Austria's posses- sions in Italy, deserves the attention of all Germany. As long as Switzer- land is mistress of the Valley of Dappes and its heights she can close the road of St. Cergue and of the Pays du Vaud, as also the road from France to Geneva and Gex ; whilst, on the contrary, if France holds the passage of the Dappes, she will have no military obstacle from Salina to Nyon and to the shores of the Lake of Geneva, without taking into account that the Valley of Dappes unites the district of Gex with the heart of France. In the 75th article of the final Act of the Congress of Vienna (concludes the article) it is said :—' The Valley of Dappesj which formerly formed part of the Canton de Vaud, is restored to it.' Thus stands the matter, and the Canton de Vaud cannot, without the consent of Switzerland, nor the late without the consent of the Great Powers, cede the valley to France.,"

13 1118518.—The Berlin correspondents all take a rose-coloured view of the recent electoral proceedings in Prussia. The results of the elec- tions in Prussia are even more favourable than was announced by tele- graph. The majority of the Constitutionalists is overwhelming. The National Gazette of Berlin, whose liberalism is of a more advanced e)Te than that of the Government, thus classifies the successful candidates- Ministerialists, 128; advanced Liberals, 95; Conservatives, 39; Cathe" lies 38; Poles, 18; Feudalists, 27. The Fcudalist party, which had the upper hand in the last Chamber, has suffered most, and is completely defeated. The iron: Zeitung, name of which that party often bears hments, in its issue of the 27in November, that territorial influence has almost everywhere had to give place to personal qualifications ilk these elections. The. Democrats have for the most part abstained from the elections. . Neither Rodbertne, Schulze, Delitsch, nor Jacoby,—names so familiar in 1848,—/lave P!,-,. sented themselves to the constituencies; but, on the other hand, Me plogiLas -in Pa oasia isa.cp,asented in -the-Chamber by-a parI ofafiti6 Meet bhampions.: :Therelaire.George Von II:inches etiattitieitistal feta* in-debate antstained aho,eartse of Prue. . 1,th AtitRek its ; emelt '•fieltwerin-Putzer, (returned ;fir ela; placca,) feram;rly for six years PreSidentof the Chainher,tnode- rate, but firm and true, and honoured of all parties ; Simson, President ah N'ational Assembly at EiMitafort ; Heinrich von Aruim, the Fo-

ol' . .

aa Minister in,A84.8, and eul,sekeently an imprisoned victim of the 37antag4 110'01 Mittie—t4, boving,o4e-4earstlea'lav• the publication of a pamphlet ; and otheM of sireadyi inferior: note.,„ 'Amore promising Chamber with wbjch to nmetv.thid expesimentaf parliamentary; government GAII hardly amkgineda I, 'the ;niernburs have not been returned under the influent* don/ violent tenitiorarr'exoitement. Extretne parties are repeesunted i„ it only by incoriniderable minorities. The Opole Pr e(861.01 °bates pablishes an article on the result of the elections. These,it is said; giVe room to hope that the Ministry and the Legislature will cooperate with cordiality, each respecting the other's privileges and obligations. But, it La' lidded, the Government cannot permit any political party to take the initiative iu :measures. Government by party is totally incorasistent with the spirit of the sy.alteni of. the I'mis.sion monarchy. Oc full text, of the•speeeltof Alm .Brinee of Pritasia to hit Ministate has come to:light in the liambinwaht Xaderielt ton . it forms an interest- ing exposition of the views of the Prince Regent, and a new starting- point in Prussian polities,

"Oentlemen—Alter having, passed through a serious crisis, I 'behold

for the first time; assembled armind Ine,—yona gentleMen, who inspire me with that confidence that I do not 'hesitate to•select you as the prime court+. ratore of the Crown. Moments Of this description appertain to the most serious incident; in the life of a Severe*, and I, as Regent, feel It all the more keenly, as unfortutiate circumstances have called nte to the position which I now °miff.

"My devotion towards my King and master, so erectly tried, made the hesitate loug upon the best means of bringing back the symptoins which I bad observed under his government to' a more healthy state, without hurt ing my brotherly feelings, or tainting the solicitude and fidelity with which our Xing, exercised the government of the country. "If I have finally resolved to change the councillors! Of the C'eoWn, it is because all I have scleeted there my opinion-Lnamely, that neither now nor ever can a question Mite Of 'a rupture with the past. All that is required it to restore and improve *trilth is gentle hand whatever errors or usages con- trary to the wants of the'age have inadvertently Slipped in.

You all admit that the interests of the Crown and of the country arrinse- parable ; that the welfare of both rests upon a healthy; strong, and conserva- tive basis. The' great secret of Statecrefe is to fled out exactly those wants, to understand them, and to meet them, and, to do so, all extreme measures ought M be avoided.

"Our task is no easy one, for a movement has for some time manifested itself in public life which, if it can in parr be explained, still in many points present] traces of ideas wilfully exaggerated, to which it will be necessary to oppose a calculated, legal, and even energetic line of action. We must faithfully keep what has been promised withont giving up improvement ; we must boldly put aside what has not been promised; "Above all thing* I wish to guarantee you against this stereotyped phrase= That the Government must allow itself to be driven more and more towards the development of liberal ideas, because they would prevail in despite of it.' This is precisely the point where what I called Statecraft is applicable. When every net of the Government bears the stamp of truth and consistency a Government is strong because it has a good conscience, and with a good conscience it has a right to oppose everything that is evil.

"In our home affairs which appertain to the Ministry of the Interior and of Agriculture, we have been thrown from one cationic to the other since 1848. Front a communal regulation, which was meant to introduce without preparation a system of self-government, we have been thrown back to ancient institutions, without taking into account the wants of the age, which would have pointed out to us the desirable middle path. It will be necessary to realize improvements on this head. But we must first of all allow to remain what has just been reestablished, so as not to provoke dis- content and new anxieties, which cannot fail to be baneful. "The finances of the country. have within the last eight years been re- trieved from a very sad condition in such manner that not only is the budget fairly balanced, but it shows an excess of income ; but it is not pos- sible as yet to provide for all the wants which manifest themselves in every branch of the Administration.

"If; two years since, modifications had been made in the projects of new taxes which were proposed, those taxes would have been voted, and the pressing wants of the country would have been satisfied for years to come. One of the principal problems of the future will be to find the proper means for providing for those wants. And the first consideration to be looked to here is to ascertain exactly the amount of taxation which the country can bear.

"Commerce, industry, and the means of communication, which are so intimately connecteditherewith, have taken an extension which was scarcely to have been expected. But here, :again, certain limits are necessary, lest we be blinded and carried away by prejudice. Before, as after, considerable means must be provided for the highways of communication, but they must be proportionate to all the other wants of the state, and then it will be time enough to have recourse to credit.

"Justice has always known how to make itself respected in Prussia, but such important changes have taken place in the form of justice that it must be our task to imbue every class of the population with the sentiments of truth and equity, so that every jury may render a just verdict. Of all the questions of the day the most difficult as well as the most de- licate one is the question of religion, because on this ground much bad seed has been sown of late. Imprimis, the most perfect possible equality must be maintained between the two Christian confessions. 'In both Churches, a serious opposition must be made to every tendency which has for its object to make religion the cloak for political designs. In the Evangelical Church, we cannot dissimulate it ; an orthodoxy- has arisen which is not compatible with its fundamental principles, and which, conse- quently, has hypocrisy for a companion. That orthodoxy has raised ob- stacles to the salutary action of evangelical union, and we were on the point of beholding its dissolution.

" It is my firm will to maintain that union, and to propagate it with every possible regard in a confessional point of view, as prescribed by de- crees relating to that subject. To realize this plan it will be necessary care- IA' to select, and in part to replace those who are to be its organs. " All hypocrisy, sham piety—in a word, all religious semblances which are but the mask for selfish views—must have that mask torn off as much

is. possible; the true spirit of religion reveals itself in a man's actions. -am must not be lost sight of and a line of distinction must always be

drawn bet - ' • •

, between man's actions anti religious ostentation. N As regards the Catholic Church, its rights are fixed by the Constitution. Aso ext,.. -414:lances beyond shall be tolerated. Public instruction must be the establialtment of superior .colleges ;old achools. provi q, necessary education to :all cIssies of the populatiOn Without raisinATko classes &April dieir sphere. liCire librial grants must be made fut,S.

purpOSC. .

" is indebted the army for lier n•reatnoss tuid develoiiMenCti is beeause the army was neglected that a eatiistroplie ot:currol to btu and .14 the States eittastroplie gloriously effaced by the reorganization of huk foreLs at the time of the .war of independence. ,

" forty years' experience and two other short ephi!s7cs of war liaye

otm attention to many an arrangcuteut whicluis faulty and whiellinust be reformed. To de. so political quiet and money are reimisia., and it would. he it gi (la fault to preteed tu boast . of a cheap inilitarY cromizatiou Which Nvliell it came to wLirli- \VOlad ;not he up to the mall:. Tri• arfilv of Prussia must .bo powerful and held in higluesteent, on that alien i.ceds be she can throw an minortaut political WeigItt into the balance. " yet to speak of the position of Praia towards foreign Statlis... Prussia ought to be on friendly terms' with ald the great PeWers, Without beieg intluenciad from without, and without' binding her hands too Much by treaties. Friendly .relatious ought at the same time to he kept up with all the other Powers. Otlynianv Prussia must wake moral conquests by a 'wise legislation at home, by upholding :ill mural elements, and by seizing upon all elements of Union., sueli as the Zollyerein, winch) hoWever, must undergo a reform. • 'The world must be made acquainted that Prussia is ready to protect right everywhere. A firm, consistent, and, if necessary-, enet:getic line of policy, allied to wisdom and prudence, must procure foarussia a, lmolteal importance and 0 poaitiou which she never could' obtain' by her niaterial

power alone. - "TO follow t'aat path, And to do so with limit*, I need your Assistance, your counsels, which you Will not deny May we always be ef one mind for the welfare of our country 'end of Royalty, 'by the grace of God

aill1111.—Another document touching Mr. Gladetone's " adesion.": to the Ionian • Islands has been published : this time ,legitimately in the Government Gazette of Corfu, • It is dated November 10, and is addressed by Mr. 'BOWC11, secretary to Sir Julia Toting, to Sir A. L. Count mani, secretary of the Senate ; and contains an extract from a despatch written by Sir Edward Bulwer on the -1st November to Sir Jelin Young. Sir Edward discourses in this wise-

. " On entering upon the duties of this office, I turned my attention with deep amid cordial interests towards those illustrious islands in which Greet Britain protects the freedom and independence of a race from whose ens cestors are derived the arts that civilize nations. " It seemed to me that there might well be a mutual affection and re- spect between the Ionian States and a people which has perpetuated in re- gions unknown to the ancient woidd the heirlooms of liberty, knowledge, and humanity, first received from Greece..

"'It was with pain that I was compelled to observe that front some mime or other, there did not exist the lierniony between the exectitiva.aad legis- lative powers of the Ionian Constitution so necessary to good government and to that material prosperity which should be the natural growth of con- stitutional freedom. I hoped, however, that her Majesty's Government might be speedily enabled to convince the Ionians of their sincere desire to encourage as far as the powers lawfully accorded to them will permit what- ever could render the protectorate of Great Britain justly valued as a strong safeguard to liberty from dangers without, as a mild cheek upon factions within, and as a connexion which would bring to the aid of Ionian energies the benefits of British capital and commerce, in proportion as material in- terests took strength and security from kindly intercourse and generous confidence. It would indeed have gratified me if my correspondence with the Ionian States had commenced in thoughtful consideration of measures conducive to the improvement of finance, the progress of public works, or the constitutional removal of any causes of dissension between the functional departments of the State, on which the long practical experience of Eng- land in the exercise of self-government might afford to the Ionian Legis- lature opinions and precedents they would receive with courtesy and discuss with candour.

" Thus in our common desire to advance the solid interests of the Ionians under a flag combining the insignia of both nations, it seemed to me not too much to hope that all parties would meet the views of Her Majesty's Go- vernment in a spirit of equal conciliation, and that with time and forbear- ance the supposed jealousies of race would vanish amid congenial institu- tions and common interests. • " 'These are the general principles and sentiments entertained by Her Majesty's Government with reference to the pending questions which at pre- sent agitate the Ionian mind, and which, of course, so materially augment your official difficulties and responsibilities. With a view to assist you in discharging the trust committed to you, and also to derive the great advant- age of a weighty opinion on Ionian affairs, pronounced by a statesman who belongs to his country rather than to any party in it, who has already occu- pied with marked distinction the highest offices of the State, whose mind has grasped foreign as well as domestic questions with equal vigour and success, and whose renown as a Homeric scholar will justly commend him to the sympathies of an Hellenic race, Her Majesty's Government have re- solved on despatching the Right Honourable W. E. Gladstone as a Special Commissioner to inquire into and report on the whole state of Government in the Ionian Islands, and on the political relations between the protecting Power and the people, so, let me hope, as to lead to the equitable and con- stitutional adjustment of every existing difficulty. " You will not fail to observe in the choice Of Mr. Gladstone—a gentle- man not unknown to you in public and private life—the intention of her Majesty's Government to place the most generous interpretation upon the policy which you have pursued, to strengthen your hands by every legititi- mate means, and to manifest to the Ionian people that the interests and welfare of their islands are in this case receiving that special consideration and investigation which have been bestowed in somewhat similar political emergencies on some of the most ancient and important dependencies of the British Crown.'"

In the meantime the publication of Sir John Young's despatch has borne fruit in the Ionian islands. The deputies of Corfu have protested that the island does not desire and is not willing to become a crown colony. "The newspapers both of the islands and of the mainland," says the Times, "are full of invective and defiance. They openly cry 'Down with the Protectorate!' and 'Union with Greece!' the English Government is declared to have persecuted the Ionians, deprived them of the blessings of liberty, and slaughtered them by the halide of the bloody Ward.' We tyrannize over them in common with our allies the Turks, but other Power* will interfere to rescue them from our bands. The courage of the Sepoys in overthrowning British rule in India is extolled, and the last hour of our Asiatic empire is declared to beat hand. So great is the excitement caused by the useless mission of Mr. Gladstone and the weak despatch of Sir g. LyLton that me departure ore title trolls for IL ' Ale,ffirW aft i aeats:1,it it qie:. . ;,:„. t, „,I„ tr li tt P lel TitiNvie4v,k?. Ymitatt4471y, giVeS another scrap OF94e's de irEdWard I \ ttOn •IbliSh ql ' extracts loofa qf rtrrcsolut ion, we have received from many , eimost,latisfactory nat ure. These despatches lia■-e 9 99ti in, alla8-1110. the irritation that before existed, In. tataranwt tet omens to rx.eive with favour and respect zmy prudent sstareptionStrn4Fpippiing the admiuisttation of their aMtirs under British. P'firta, f■ V4iifo'Pla ,t;OrIA,P141,,kiiPf the history .g tile Tqn4noLle4lcis tlaall awn. tiat formal ign ion: Mirk siVabeetrwilli: bc halftll I 0, R9Petile, 'iStf bcn tAilesisndbrAlle, Great .reigoed in :Materiel', fthe Amlialailatefli. rInealitart of hisdreulm.e' &on afterihis deaththby passed into 'ithit hands afitte infaikand,eals4d.. Constantine the . Great removed:. thereteat cif GoVcsement filen Maitre, to oConstruatillaple the !Sevent Iolanda atilI !formed ai integral, ' IFif t ye lEeipife'.."2 In the thirteenth. tetituty Naples blitained iposa

,

fq 1'111.4but in the next century alithe islands belt:m*1lb- 'eniee.- Pi 'yO. r97, when the Venetian 13epnblie Was dissolved, -tIld Ionian x4pattacij into the hands of the French, who retained, po,406r;sion of tAiMil JZOO., whert,they were forcibly ejected by the Ruismans and Titsites-it In 4;00 ,ilial'inperor Paul of Russia elevated the Seven Lslailas to.thoestik of, an, independent State, and gave them the title of .!‘.14,. Plblio of dim:Seven United. Islands." It had been settled that tho Ottoman...Porte should be the Protesting Power, battle new Republic ob- jet-e'er/So strongly"- that Rueisia was obliged to interfere .byeforce of , arras_ In 1q02 the ertty of 'Amiens' gave to Ititasia the supternaary' over the islituds,•anA in the fond wirii3O year a eonatitirtion WO giakai .d6 theiIonians, and maintairted until 1807, when the French' again 'bbelitit6 toasters of Corfu arid the neighbouring isles. In 1815 the Ionian Islands were, by desire of the Emperor Alexander of Russia, placed under the protection ef Great &intim Instead .Of allowing the Ionians to draw up their own constitution, as they unquestionably had a right to do,: the Tory Go- vernment made one for them. It was promulgated in 1818, and remain- ed in form- uotil 11349, when,. veryiliheral constitattien ,Was 1P1114vdt but the Ica:dims had made up their minds uot to be satisfied, And .m019 241 of July .1857, the Deputies unanimously demanded the abolitiort of the British Protectorate, and the union of the Seven Islands with.the king- dom.of Greene. The leading agitators and their coadjutors, the editors of the Feieud of Liberty and of the .Reyeneration, were sent from Corfu to some of the smaller islands; but the Ionians arc not intimidated, for their abuse Of England and the English is as viale.nt. as ever., France and Russia are evidently waiting to see whether the ;British Government will display signs of weakness, and, if it should, Count Walewski, who is just now without occupation, will perhaps be kind enough to pro- pose to bring the Ionian question before the Paris Areopagus.—Times Vienna Correspondent.

$11a 111.—A telegraphic despatch from Madrid states that the arre, spondancia Autografa (a semi-official publication) announces that the Minister of Marine, M. Quesada, having promoted two officers without consulting the Council, Marshal O'Donnell thought fit to offer his resig- nation to the Queen, but her Majesty in affectionate terms refused to accept it. The Gazette of this morning publishes royal decrees accepting the resignation of M. Quesada, and charging Marshal O'Donnell with the ad interim administration of the Marine department.

111511'i 11.—The Austrian Government has advanced a step in a liberal direction ! After a heavy stamp duty had been imposed on the political papers published in Austria very few of the Vienna organs of the press found their way into the provinces, and hardly any into foreign countries. The heads of the Foreign, Home and Police Departments soon had oc- casion to remark that a blunder 'had been committed, but they long re- frained from expressing their disapproval of the so-called "financial measure." At last, however, they took courage, and informed the Minister of Finance that, in their opinion, the tax imposed on the po- litical part of the press was too heavy. Baron Bruck at first replied that he could not remit any part of the stamp duty, but eventrially he ac- cepted a proposition which was made by his colleagues.

The Emperor has issued a decree reducing the stamp on newspapers from two to one new Kreutzers for Austria, and from four to two new Xratsers for other countries.

fill it i 8.--Certain almost unintelligible telegraphic messages from India have been published this week. The reporters of news 4'rom Bombay, Calcutta, and Suez, should really learn their trade, and not torment the public with their enigmas. Mr. Acting-Consul Green, for in- stance, tells us that on the 23rd of October 5,000 rebels attacked " Chub- rowdie, a British station in Gude ; " while Mr. Edmonstone, referring to the same transaction, calls the place " Inbrowlet." Mr. Green says that a force from " Saltpore" defeated rebels at " Moodpor" on the 20th Oc- tober. Mr. Edmonstone gives the key to this enigma by correctly writ- ing " Sultanpore " for Saltpore; but where is Moodpor ? Is it Daoud- pore ? A column is said to have marched from " Integhur ;" does this mean Pertaubghur ? There are many other puzzles in the despatches. The news they contain is interesting. The dates are to the 9th No- vember from Bombay. The Royal proclamation was issued throughout India on the 1st November, and appears to have given great satisfaction to all parties. The campaign in Gude begun on the 18th, the various columns moving on all sides. Combats have already occurred in which the rebels are worsted. The Pertaubghur, Sultanpore, Sundeela and Shahjehanpore forces seem to be in full activity. Beni Madho had assailed one of the columns but had been defeated.

In Behar the rebels, much pressed by Colonel Turner and Sir Henry Havelock, were still numerous enough to give alarm at some of the ate- teens on the Grand Trunk Road.

From Central India we have curious intelligence. Tantia Tepee has slipped away over the Nerbudda.

"The Commissioner of Thong reports, under date the 19th, that General Michel was on that day twenty miles south-west of Sullutpore. On that day he surprised the rebels under Tantia Tepee, killed 400,, and took all their guns, three in number. The pursuit was continued for nine miles.

"The rebels under Tenth' Topee, after their defeat on the 19th October, fled towards Tull Behut, on the river Betwah. They seem to have re- mained at that place but a short time, and then to have doubled back from

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(1. tiP P4;41011'14,9 Able ita

• 40 III 11 4: .:••••

'rection, pursued-by the ftsi.e auder-Major --- ;sant hoiniTtItkorihril feted seaolieatDrigrcidhilleir'thivlaangar road, Istrtin 23e113ctobertt tt tAtvtlie 124th - they Warms* Barre in, where General Michel, . 'up with' tilienar r ITkeytraudel tho attend, tandlea lite -,rytitircetibrt : fasataiailt „0„,,, ,,,i,t, ato %valise. astsidityz if .11aa iTosam,Jafterriaidefeirtopuebta int with hi , sciewahiningtfoccar-firl ■Rathgetr.itawards the ilierbuddatahiah,ta crossed,bbtweewIlealmissabadand,Nursingpore bhotheinight Of Obtoberial and therm:Ira:1'14/.111)ft the 1st, instant. ' .. His fOraeriacar consists oftabstaano inon,,Witlutirentrolephants and at riumbertoloirmelis... It is 4epertati that his men tuttiert;inceirailspiritisitnITheSorces ,underaittediresaa„ia, and Park vespelitive And , detached- :bodice hi : cavalry fundeniLieuten ant Ant and ethoratfieeratoint In elose'lphrsditut lire :Residentlett Bylki,abad.hei issue et endeta for the arrsembly of a ■ferce!atictmerigciatythirty miles nora, east■Peoni:Blahpoit, to tossisttintitirestdmp the pragressasf i the-label:Ili aThis force Wiltteartsiet( of .1200iuittiltryi At3Q0i cavalry, f runt twelve :mad a ;force frour ffstraptee hafailaw nmeadamtiforthe same ;purpose., i ,..13y almintem ix. countapTaublal'Popecrerni intilio iiiiirdirrisal disttriot ofthe Napery province." ..:C.1140, .'n'-,-.7,1„asscf fo . rFfft:coniains a decreciale5elrel of Punish- fitt4.1.f. ,f,.:i-$:,1 • i 4.11.,,, . r.- ' • • ' -;...*11.11.1. ' , . . 41,„ e t ,a,earort_Pepti.sarimerat,,,opetatili.,cliief officers engaged U? 1;M OfflOga.., ,i.: a fiVe.,illartligat ola,,a4mitted..., ' they "nude every effort itoeltetfpneiti:trirtfbettaa*DIO I tint , it . is nelVa y added their friultin alloatitagthe herbarium: toatakeirtheifortais "without eseusa,o

- , ,

The tGovennot4letteral of Chii-liisiticrearemted el the charge of cow/liaise and deseirtioripbat foishavingliionductedibis operations without Planer resource, "'Rh ia'betharlibd to the ftientiers; 4', thereto fedeem his guilt by his exertions." The civilians are.also to be punished.

. .

, 4:7/ ME:. 1 /1.4111W ..1.11111: :

a elle( ititellpisaTbsliewlfork arrived at 'Southampton on Ihnrs- da with advfies ftWittifivrAriatkto-thelOth NOVember.

6 . .11118a ilI 1 qi i: ' 10tisttspension of progress in the

'ton; dated the 19th; gives

11' o ct r'

<4 .

f • •

-‘7017.10.eirfe_pii' are ae prettysaa iliengeNv cvessel l t sn intaruo-nraL S. C. t 7 ilrifetreltlir mit,,, - fro 4. ` go ai'6lieelit3-the river as etninants to tt.o Vantation, and the announcement%f Senor er, that emigrant to the republic must have peers, and of,' hii '.6f'his supporters. Colonel 6U,11are greatlitt d ,.ped the ardour of the rank r,,,,,, Vann:,11 raising rerni Illits left there and gone uee the field of operatf Thiltript-yield fruit as vas A gent at Mobile is w4ti4fifuteht lettiers to all parts • vry effort must be made tiile.1 *Chats and to lave them at Mobile ltbeT20.tls mstant, so that the expedition can start. The chief pet sons engaged in this movement wall Walker areHonourable Picrre Souk, of New Orleans; H 4 Honourable W. S. Yan and Major Julius Hence, of Ala'baum ; Capta P in aysson*,, • Who commanded the schooner Granada, with two guns, and blew up, the Costa Rican brig Once de Abril, with ten guns; Colonel Rudler, one Of the original forty-five who landed in Nica- ragua ; Major Robert Ellis, of Washington City, one of the Lopez expedi. tier.; Colonel Anderson, who captured Castillo in Walker's second expedi- tion ; Colonel Henry and Colonel Swingle both well known in the history of Nicaragua Filibusterism ; Lieutenant' Maurav, Lieutenant Ray, and a few others. The effect of the President's proclamation upon than has been great. The original intention was to sail on the 10th instant. Fint, the departure was delayed, and Walker came here ; then he announced that if his presence with a peaceful expedition was to mar it he would not go with it ; now the belief is that the expedition will not go during the present month, and it is doubtful if it gets off at all. It is whispered here that if Walker cannot get off his expedition from Mobile, he will endeavour to obtain through tickets for California by way of Panama, and trust to Inch

for getting into Nicaragua." ,

Canal 11.—Lord Bury was entertained at dinner on the 13th Novem- ber by a large party of the leading men at Toronto. It WU a very loyal gathering. The thief- guest made a speech, which he began by express- ing his pleasure at being again among them, and by explaining that la had not been led there by political motives in connection with the pro- posed federation of' the colonies. Then he said. "Gentlemen, I must say that the progress of Canada, which I thought I fully understood when I was here before, has struck me afresh on my re- turn to this country. I confess I look upon the rapid growth of your towns and the development of your institutions with as much astonishment as ever. The condition of your social position is progress, and I conceive the duty of English statesmen is to see in what way they can hasten that pro- gress, and whether they can smooth down any of the obstacles which now lie in your path. It strikes me you want three things principally. You want more rapid means of communication to every part of your country, in order that the farmer may bring his produce to market, and that the whole coun- try may be fully and equally developed. Then you want the bone and sinew which shall make these means of transport valuable—you want att organized system of emigration. Lastly, and here the Englishman can help you—you want, I will not say to be drawn closer to the English heart, for you are close enough there already, but some means of annihilating, so far as practicable, the distance between this country and the mother country. We are all loyal to the same Queen, we are subject to the same laws we are governed by the same institutions, and what we chiefly want is to ite what the French call rapproches. With regard to the providing quick commu- nication, I have thought it my duty to become connected with several un- dertakings which have that great object in view. I am connected first with a company which is to shorten the steam-boat journey across the sea from one continent to the other, and it ma's my good fortune when in St. John's, Newfoundland, the other day, to sign a contract on beg half of that company for the mails to be carried between Newfoundland and Galway. By means of our steamers we have already on several occasions communicated between Washington and St. Petersburg within six days. As the Atlantic telegraph is not yet an accomplished fact, I think these steamers aredhe next best thing. Their terminus is at present placed in New York, but I have powers from the directors to endeavour to enlist the sympathies of Canada in the project, and if we succeed in so enlisting the sympathies of Canada, we are prepared to bring a weekly line to Quebec, The only thing wanting to do that is money, and on the money point et course full discussion must take place. Well, the enterprises with whiA f am connected do not stop here. tArrived on the shores of the new world, I hope to see provision made for a communication with the interior and that a railway will be constructed between Halifax and Quebec. I am also the bearer of full powers to treat and to conclude with Canada and thee provinces the terms upon which this railroad can be carried out. It seems to me that this is a project which is very important to Canada, inasmuch as access to the sea-board through British territory Call never be matter of in: difference either to Canada or to the mother-country, and, as in its politic" features and general character it must be considered an imperial measurer I think I am authorized in believing that, if we can bring @rout an under-

: • Ns • I

tbe'fo 6 it kept , Ffis plan N.kt, 7tIobile ,oft Nicar.a4," Yrisairt, 1. passports

and Ale of, Anderson, whe' to 04'166111-W41 expected. Walk of the eountrytt with therprilividaosoweighall lia.reltairyliUIe difficultain estoblish- 7a„:gooil nedensondingsrba ,the-stibjeatorttikthertnittlwtaonuntry. I have.: fate neesent whmedematetioni Waited aqiuntlimChianeellortif theiFAtelteepiem LI-arioatite-ColobialiMinister soda& sitbjeat, andibothofthose,gentlettion; theenalveltions witrinterinte_tisitheM pOsition-iwOuld allow Ciento eeioftieial rebetn-eoimuld pereaikain farottrf of ooraseherato but they -do-, fog gain g a definite erneavertillatatine definiW atateurient:.hata beam brought twin ih-002 thEt it'd-mitt& illfiefitleMt214it iS part-of onyhusniess hem te Ara tan, if PottailibitithatffstatenteatoaA9nrilroadoniolitylreesointble terms sea' be „gored yOtlitilidift *MCI ir343011fIbleUrthS! Ste aceepted. you will on a VE1111 short:AIMS seeli imiloosebfiseit lath teethe:Atlantic. think itinimpossible• areny,than .toillbolreseititiprophatioleyes On the ,map and on the:physical, odinateral.ifestuitescofi-ddie country- .withetit„seeing . that " Cann 41-• ust emateolly beeitineithei gmat, earryingipolver of rtheovertil. Yourgredt high,

a-ay of he "OW ;rhil2luttf intagnificeut ilakes, connected

is f aiginstacainegtintu andotheicheanaot rivers: apd litkoa tousniag west from Leketinntlepeo eattpothe foot a the Rooky Meuntainsa-yeu cannot look_ ay, learn ,gd''6401y.M14:ytible irts'meram of- coma

munication, elfbilmee plems at the SasktitcheWitri'

must be canoe sc." ilroadadnd"that througlo that gap irk the. Rooky alotititaini ettlie head t he Wetees of the Saikatuhe want hat railroad waitrons to the- oveittoeirtesekna-ahodo--nal came mid in a Pamphiefito which: thollayer,bas abonalmeithethiinonreo allialeaitia no visionaryissdreamithiti. aotae,eresent.genemithinamen swilaseelamailmadaaSbip munitaitosanatelen; riplabetweaothOeSitbgtiteritsid -Pecific:Doettlel out th.toiiritiy. (4ans4, cheers.") ,5:mf no (10' ur • IL, - ' , "I must now advert to that ot er requisite iiaseI was necesiary for tae.fidl development of Caninlitmrprogrise, thatfkapprochellient-.-fori not find a corresponding Engliintavotll-eoattoltiola:Tasneke. We have healed. thetheory-Tatlattneeilothat thok.Mallinees, ollooKbla represented in the Int- penal P,iteliantepsy,kwas reedingAheAetodayaaparnphlet by Mr. llinelm; to Which he makes an observation wInalafT sa At but think a true one.

Homy's, bytorp,* aoruerioae coloaieS,sepo aorn the mother country, the cry witeathatja'settion without reprelean tem is tyranny, and lie says, lithe cotiituee Mee presented in the futile al 'Parliament, as now, with

out particinalinlena "taxes which the linpeeittl Parliament is called upon to adinieister, ouch, presentation without taxation, to. reverse the adage, Would be tyrannya ea there is a mode of representation which would not be Open to this objecidait. It has been much cantotased in England whether is one reform bill oebadh may brought forviatd,•the question of life peer- ages should not talieal.premivent place, au(1 it teems to use that the House of Lords, which has nothing to, do with voting oway the public money, but which yet enjoys n large "share, of the reverence of the country as a time- honoured institution, would be the best piece in which our coleeial senators should be placed—that gentle:nee trent the eolonics who have rendered themselves conspieuous among' their _fellow-subjects, in politics or in other Ways, should, have conferred :upon them life :peerages which would make them members of the British :Parliament, though not in a Amsi- don to vote on. the , clivoitien of these taxes to which Canadians do net contribute. Perhaps, gentlemen, this is -R. . new idea, and one :which may not commend itself at once to your minds, but yoo will see that many advantages would' result from it. , One would be that Canadians would have resident at home,' in London, gentle- men who, like ambassadors frees foreign states, would ho able to vouch for the status and positlon of those gentlemen who may visit England front the colonies. I have often heard that gentlemen from Canada have considered theiuselvcd not very warmly received in England—not in such a manner as their position in the eolonies entitled them to. If a gentleman, however estimable, collies from Canada, and is not known in English society, he can- not complain that that society does not at once open its doors to hint. But if apemen was on the spot, who could say so and so is the position of the gentleman you see before-you, and youth for his social position, that gentle- man would find as good an entree as any one else into English society. I hope I have myself done and shall always do what lies in my power in this matter; but I and men like me who have experienced kindness on this side of the Atlantic, are not ma petition :to do those acts of kindness, or of jus- tice rather, in the way in which a man in the position of a life peer of Par- liament sent there by the colonists, and recognized by the home government as a representative of the coloniats, would be enabled to do. It seems to me that you want some one in that position, either an ambassador, or call him what you will, who shall represent 'Canadian interests at the Court of St. James's"