Debates anb Veneta:It - up in tiarttament.

PRINCIPAL B,ISINESS OF THE WEEK.

Hones or Loans. Saturday, July 28 ; extra noon sitting. Wan Diemen's Land : Conversation and presentation of Petition—Royal Assents—Pilotage Bill, Municipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill, and New Zealand Land Conveyances Bill, read a third time and passed—Motion for second reading of Bribery at Elections Bill, withdrawn for the present—Adjourned at 3 h. 20 in. Monday, July 30. West Indian Proprietors : Petition for Compensation presented by Lord Harrowby—Bribery at Elections Bill : thrown out on second reading —Poor-Relief (Ireland) Bill : Commons Amendments agreed to—Adjourned at 9 h. 35 m. Tuesday, July 31; extra noon sitting to 3 h. 20m.: evening sitting commenced at Oh. Lord Roden's Explanations of the Orange Meeting at Castiewellan—Lord Brougham's Motion on Proxies—Adjourned at 7 h. 10 m. Wednes- day, August I ; sitting commenced at 2 h. 20 m. River Plate : Question by Lord Aber- deen, and Statement by Lord Lansdowne—Prorogation of Parliament by Commission: The Queen's Speech—Separated at 3 h. 30 in.

Time occupied in the four sittings (with 3 h. 20 m. extra on Saturday,) 14 h. 35 tn.

since the beginning of the Session, 257 h. 28 m.]

Morin OF COMMONS. Saturday, July 28 ; extra sitting from 2 h. New Writ for Reading, in place of Mr. Sergeant Talfourd—Business of the House : Lords' Amendments to Measures : Runway Audit—Ceylon : Mr. Balilie's Motion for a Commission, debated and negatived—Adjourned at 6 h. 30 m. till Tuesday next at noon. Tuesday. July 31 ; extra noon sitting. York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway : Motion to consider Lords' Amendments negatived ; bill lost—Lords' Amendments on other bills discussed—Rajah of Sattarah Mr. Home's Motion—House counted out at 411. 5 Tn. Wednesday, Au- gust 1 ; sitting commenced at 2b. 15 m. Italian Refugees : Question by Mr. Monckton Milnes, and Statement by Mr. Hawes—Austria and Hungary : Question by Lord Nu- gent, and Statement by Lord Palmerston—House summoned to the Prorogation—Sepa- rated at 3b. 30m.

[Time occupied In the two sittings, (with 4 la. 30m. extra on Saturday,) 9 h. 50 m.

since the beginning of the Session, 922 h. 42 m.]

FINAL DISPOSAL OF THE IRISH POOR-RELIEF BILL.

[Want of space prevented our doing justice on Saturday last to the inte- resting debate of the previous evening: we now supply the chief omissions.] On the order of the day for taking the Lords' amendments on the Poor- Relief (Ireland) Bill into consideration, Lord JOHN RUSSELL desired the previous opinion of the Speaker upon the effect of those amendments as far as they affected the privileges of the House of Commons.

The SPEAKER laid down the rule on the subject, and mentioned the modern exceptions.

" The ride is this, that the Lords may amend bills for the relief of the poor if the amendment does not in any way amount to an interference with the disposi- tion or collection of the rate to be levied, or with the persons who have the con- trol or management of the rate. This rule has always been strictly adhered to as to all private bills authorizing the levying of local rates; but there have been some occasions in reference to public bills on which the goose of Commons has agreed to waive the point, and has consented not to insist on an adherence to its privileges." The exceptional precedents were those of the English Poor-law of 1834, the Irish Poor-law of 1838, and the Irish Amended Poor-law of 1847. With respeot to the present case his opinion was—" It is quite obvious that a large number of the amendments which have been made by the Lords in the present bill do most decidedly infringe upon the privileges of this House."

Lord JOHN RUSSELL could not for a moment differ from this statement of the Speaker; but he argued, that the privilege should not be insisted on in this instance, any more than in the instances of previous waiver. He owned the opinion, that so long as the House of Lords confine themselves to amending the Poor-law with a view to effect better legislation on the subject of a legal provision for the poor, and not for the sake of increasing the amount of rates, or with the especial view of imposing a tax upon the subject, it is not expedient that the Commons should assert their privileges in that respect. Legislation would be more likely to proceed harmoniously if they did not assert their privileges. If they were to- do so strictly, scarcely any amendment could be made by the Lords which would not affect the rates in some degree; and he thought the subject of legislation with respect to the poor is one on which both Houses of Parliament should be entitled to give an opinion. Sir JAMES GRAHAM differed with great respect and diffidence from Lord John on any question respecting the ancient and undoubted privileges of that representative assembly, but he would not discharge his duty if he failed to express the apprehensions which weigh on his mind.

None who make it their business to attend to these things can doubt that the privilege claimed by the Commons is this—that the Lords may amend any bill except such clauses as relate to taxation, whether general or local; but with re- spect to those clauses the Lords cannot interfere, either with regard to the amount of the tax to be levied, or the mode of collecting the tax, or with respect to the persons who shall collect it, or the persons who shall pay the tax, or those who shall receive it. The exceptions had been mentioned by the Speaker. In the case of the Irish Poor-law, there was an entry on the journals by the Speaker's prede- cessor, that this was an interference which ought not to be drawn into precedent: nevertheless, in 1847 a more direct interference was submitted to by the House; and the interference now proposed goes infinitely further still. It would be better to surrender this branch of privilege altogether by direct resolution, than to al- low such grave and extensive infringement of it; for should the present inter- ference be allowed, he knew not how the House could ever hereafter stand up to resist any interference whatever. The Commons had said that the rate should be limited, and the Lords say that there shall be no limit; so much for quantum: the Commons had said that fresh property should be liable—jointures, annuities; and the Lords strike out that provision: in one case they alleviate, and in the other they aggravate, the burdens of the present ratepayer. More- over, they have by the clause about arrears inflicted a new penalty on the ratepayer. Sir James indicated the difficulties which would be threatened in regard to local rating if this interference were allowed. If interference were allowed on poor-rates, bow could it be refused in regard to highway- rates and church-rates? Alluding to the investigations of the Select Committee appointed last session to inquire to-what extent the privilege of originating mea- sures on local taxation should be surrendered, he reminded the House that it bad deliberately adhered to the recommendation of the Committee, and rejected a pro- posal made by Sir Robert Inglis in order to facilitate legislation, that the House ii..h,ontdender to the Lords the power of originating some species of bills im- _r /ming to' rilleg,atadnuties. He confessed, looking at the temper of the times,

and lila 9 y questions pending which are likely to become hereafter the subjects of discussion, be was disposed to take his stand on the safe and sure ground of their undoubted rights, and make no further departure from them. Sir James proposed that the same course should be taken that was taken yes- terday with respect to the Boroughs Relief Bill, (a bill to relieve the borough of Birmingham from certain local rates,] upon whit h amendments were introduced by the Lords that were infringements of the privileges of the Commons, but which were yet, in the opinion of the House, proper to become law. In that case the amendments were thrown out, and a bill embodying them was immediately brought in and passed through all its stages.

Sir James Graham was supported by Mr. F. FRENCH, Mr. HENLEY, Mr, HOME, Mr. GRATTAN, Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, Mr. VERNON SMITH, Mr. SPOONER, and Colonel DUNNE. Sir Ditstriast NORREYS terminated a general criticism of the bill by moving that the amendments be considered that day three months.

Mr. G. DENISON and Mr. MostsELL took the other side.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL rejoined, that there is hardly any clause in a bill of this nature in which the House of Lords do not by amendments touch on the Commons' privileges. If that were so, he thought it especially of importance to those who held that the Poor-law should be amended. "I certainly introduced the maximum, thinking it was an amendment on the existing Poor-law, and that it would tend to make it work better hereafter; but, at the same time, I have always admitted the principle in itself was new, sod that there were arguments against it of very great weight. And, as far as I my- self am concerned, I must say I am quite satisfied with the present Poor-law in Ireland." (Loud cheers.) The House should therefore understand, that he did not think, if the House held to its privileges, it would be necessary for him to in- troduce a fresh bill next session, and renew the conflict with the House of Lords.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM claimed the indulgence of the House a second time, to warn it emphatically against multiplying these exceptional cases; the consequence of which would be, that the House of Lords would claim in- terference as a right. Then the Commons would be on the defensive; and it would be necessary to draw a line of distinction between poor-rates and taxation,—a line which the most acute man in that House would not be able to define. The surrender would be the most gratuitous ever heard of; for Lord John Russell now says that he is satisfied with the law as it stands. and thinks it needs no amendment.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL explained— "I was about proposing to the House to go into the consideration of the amend- ments of the Poor- aw from the House of Lords, when the honourable Baronet opposite (Sir D. Norreys) said it would be better to defer it to another session, and it was suggested we should reject those amendments on the ground of a breach of privilege. I said then, we could not introduce a bill next session to which there would not be some similar objections, and that I was so far satisfied with the present Poor-law, that though amendments might be introduced in it, I did not think, after the conclusion to which the House seemed disposed to come, that if the present law were to remain on the statute-book till next session, I should object to it." (" Hear, hear! ")

Mr. HORSMAN said, that Lord John's speech left nothing wanting to fill up the measure of absurdity which had characterized their legislation with respect to the Irish Poor-law this session; for now, after five months' dis- cussion, and after the sitting of a Committee during the whole of that period, it seems the Government thinks it not of the least consequence whether the law is altered or not—is perfectly indifferent on the matter! Mr. ADAIR, Sir LUCIUS O'BRIEN, and Sir H. W. BARRON, supported Lord John's views on the point of privilege; Sir JOSHUA WALMSLEY and Mr. YOUNG, those of Sir James Graham. The House divided on the motion of Sir Denham Norreys to put oft' considering the amendments for three months; which was negatived, by 111 to 62.

In the House of Peers, on Monday, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE re- marked, that in waiving their privilege, the Commons had made large concessions in a very liberal spirit, and he trusted that they -would be met with a corresponding feeling by their Lordships. He proposed that the amendments of the House of Commons be agreed to. Lord STANLEY concurred. There was only one amendment on which he thought their Lordships should express a difference of opinion—the point respecting the superior courts, involved in clauses 17th, 18th, and 19th, now restored by the House of Commons. To these clauses he must refuse his assent. Lord MONTEAGLE agreed with Lord Stanley. If they adhered to these clauses, which not only give a civil bill decree the effect of a judgment, but give that judgment priority over every other charge on the land, they would raise insurmountable difficulties in the collecting of the rates. He moved that the Lords insist on their amendments in rela- tion to these clauses. Lord CAMPBELL and Earl Crecy defended the clauses. Lord WHARNCLIFFE and Earl ST. GERMANS objected to them, but were not prepared to insist on their omission after the House of Com- mons had on full deliberation rejected the amendments. Lord BEAUMONT abhorred the clauses, but could not reconcile it to his conscience to give s vote which would lead to the rejection of a bill containing many valuable provisions. Yielding to these expressions of feeling, Lord Idosraitoin waived his objections; and the Commons' amendments were agreed to.

RAPID AND IMPERFECT LEGISLATION.

When the House of Commons was agreeing to the Lords' amendments on a number of private bills, on Saturday, Mr. BERNAL, as Chairman of Ways and Means, declared that he could not take any responsibility on himself in respect to agreeing to these amendments: for there had been no time properly to consider them—many had been read a third time by the Lords only that day at noon. The SPEAKER said, it was impossible to give the amendments due consideration; but he could answer that they were unobjectionable in point of privilege. Mr. Fox MAULE stated, that a private bill had only that morning been passed by the Lords, and sent down to the House so late that the Vice-President of the Board of Trade was precluded from inserting certain clauses which it was desirable to in- troduce.

Mr. HUME said, that such hurried proceedings made legislation a farce: if there was any press of business, the House ought not to adjourn over Monday.

Mr. DISRAELI concluded from the whole conversation, that the con- templated prorogation was premature, and, according to the admission of a member of the Government, their mode of proceeding rendered legislation unworthy of confidence. Public bills are at least as important as private ones; and he recurred to a suggestion made by him some time ago, that a day should be fixed, after which no bills should be introduced unless merely continuing bills, or bills of sufficient public exigency at the time to call for a special suspension of the rule. The truth is, that as soon as Parliament itt prorogued for the six months, neither the Ministry, from whatever party formed, nor those efficient gentlemen who work under them, ever Consider public business, but employ the whole six months of the vacation in what is called "relaxation." They begin to prepare

their measures only at the time that Parliament reassembles. He hoped the dis- raceful scene witnessed during the last few days would induce the House to make a change. Mr. AGLIONBY hoped so too. During the first half of the session little or no business is done, and the time is consumed in talk; in the other half, the business is done at morning sittings of thin Houses, while the Mem- bers are engaged in Committees.

Lord Join; RUSSELL declared that Government has done what it could as a Government; but there are at the early part of the session so many

notices of motion, and not only notices but so many motions on Committee of Supply, that the whole time of the House is taken up in those discussions; and it is impossible to bring forward any bills till a late hour at night,

when Members naturally object to enter on their consideration. The best remedy would be, that Members should consent (without adopting any positive motion) so far to restrict their eloquence as to enable the House to consider the bills before it.

Mr. Dneetazu vindicated the House from the most unjust accusation made against it by Lord John Russell, that public business had been re- tarded by the number of motions and of amendments on Supply. As to the latter, if he recollected aright, there had been no Committee of Sup- ply for the first three months of the session: why were not Government bills brought forward then? As to the latter, he could not remember a session in which a more general disposition was manifested to accelerate public business, prevent adjourned debates, and restrict the desire to speak, so much disapproved. Since the 1st of July, twenty new measures have been brought in by Government, and systematic morning sittings been had: if the Government has morning sittings, they ought to be thereby estopped from bringing in new bills.

The subject dropped for a time; but was revived again by Sir Jaws GRAHAM'S inquiry, how, if the House were to adjourn till Tuesday, it

could deal with the Lords' amendments in certain bills. For instance, the York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway Bill, had just come down from the Lords, with a clause inserted identical mutatis mutandi's with the provisions of the Railway Audit Bill, which had been put off. He believed that a similar clause had been inserted in the Eastern Counties Railway Bill. Would Mr. Bernal take steps to have the clauses printed?

Mr. BERNAL said, the printing did not rest with him, but with the House. As to the amendments in the Eastern Counties Bill, he was in

total ignorance. He had already complained of the pressure. He washed his hands of all responsibility; for it was utterly impossible for him to know all the amendments made.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL was ready to take any course that might be ad- visable; either to rescind the resolution for adjourning to Tuesday, or

even to advise the Crown to postpone for another day the close of the session, in order that the House should come to a deliberate opinion upon the amendments.

It was at last agreed, that the amendments should be printed, and that the House should meet at noon on Tuesday for their consideration.

On Tuesday, Mr. Fox MAULE formally opposed the motion for the consideration of the Lords' amendments to the York, Newcastle, and Ber-

wick Railway Bill. The Railway Commission objected to the bill, but the forms of the House now precluded any alteration such as would give pro. tection to the public: he therefore moved that the amendments be taken

into consideration that day three months. Mr. HEADLAM said, that if the

new clause relating to the audit of accounts were proper, it ought to be applied to all: but the company was willing to accept the bill with the

clause, rather than lose the bill altogether. Sir JAMES GRAHAM objected

solely to these audit clauses: they introduce a most important principle, on which the opinion of the House had never yet been taken. The interests

of the public require the rejection of the bill. Mr. L AHOUCHERE opposed

the motion for rejecting this bill, in deference to the Committee which had sanctioned it; as he altogether disapproved of setting up the Commisioners of Railways as an authority above the Committees of the House. As to

the audit clause, that deserved separate consideration; and he would state grounds for his vote when the amendments were considered. Mr. GREENE supported this view; and Mr. FORSTER supported the bill. Mr. CARDWELL and Mr. SPOONER supported Mr. Fox MAULE. On a division, the amend- ment was carried, by 61 to 42. So the bill is lost. On coming to consider the Lords' amendments to the Bankruptcy (Ire- land) Bill, Mr. ROEBUCK called the attention of the Commons to the dis-

graceful inaccuracies which result from the rapidity of their legislation. He also alluded to the Suspension of Defects in Leases Bill, which stood later in the list for consideration. [After the Defects in Leases Bill became law, it was found inoperative. Sir John Romilly introduced a bill to sus- pend that law till the beginning of next session; and the Lords amended the bill by extending the suspension till the 1st of January 1850.] Be was given to understand that a blunder bad until now escaped the no- tice of the House in the Bankruptcy (Ireland) Bill ; and that several clauses of another measure had been passed upon the faith of their being of quite a different character to what they really were. In the case of a bill brought in by the Soli- citor-General, another bill had to be introduced to suspend the operation of the former bill for twelve months; and that very morning they had had an instance of matters having been foisted into a private bill which were of public import- nee. He thought, under circumstances like these, that a responsible officer ought to be appointed, whose duty should be to look over and compare all the bills brought before the House before the same receive the sanction of Parliament. They would then know what they are about, and the legislation of the country woad not be what it has been.for the last month—a perfect disgrace. The Lords' amendments were agreed to in both cases.

Lord BROUGHAM called the attention of the Lords, on Tuesday, to the expediency of adopting some course to insure that the bills which are brought into Parliament should be not only well and correctly prepared, but well and safely superintended through Parliament. e At present, many most important measures were in their passage through Par- liament so altered by incongruous insertions in clauses, so mutilated by the ex- cision of probably the most vital provisions, so perverted by new clauses, that

when they came back to the House whence'they proceeded they were no longer recognizable by their authors. What he considered was, that there should be a

board appointed for the purpose of preparing' bills, and of exercising a vigilant inspection over the bills in their passage through either House; not for an instant to control the Legislature, but only to prevent it from being absurd and in- CODgruons—for the purpose of aiding it.

somewhat also adverted to proxies; upon the subject of which he was personally

last sore, as he had been detested by them on three occasions within the Iatt three months, though to the principle of proxies he was not unfavourable.

He moved for a return of the number of cases in which proxies had been called for in the last ten years, and the number of cases in which votes byproxy had turned the decision against votes present.

In the conversation which followed, Lord REDESDALE opposed the for- mation of any such body for preparing measures as Lord Brougham sug- gested, on the ground of serious doubts upon privilege, and danger that such a plan would amount to a delegation of legislative powers. He also thought the question of proxies one of great delicacy and importance•, and, together with the Marquis of CLANRICARDR and Lord CAMPBELL, he op- posed any alteration of the existing practice. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE similarly opposed alteration. He defended proxies upon principle; and he opposed the suggestion as to a commission for revising bills.

He was at a loss to see how the noble and learned Lord could hope to make pro- vision for all conditions of the principles he desired to apply, without taking from this branch of the Legislature some of its chiefest and most peculiar functions.

Motion withdrawn.

BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.

The second reading of the Bribery at Elections Bill, moved by Lord MiaronD in the House of Lords on Saturday, was opposed by Lord REDES- DALE, for four reasons,—first, that it was not among the orders of the day ; second, that it was not moved by the Peer named on the back of the bill; third, that Saturday was an unusual day of sitting and many of the Peers were absent; fourth, that the bill is of great importance. It was supported by the Earl of Powers. In reply to the Marquis of CLAWRICARDE'S plead- ing on behalf of the bill, Lord REDESDALE contended, that no bill should have indulgence extended to it unless there exist a special necessity for speed: their Lordships had enough to do to pass the bills before them, and he was glad to be able to stop a bill. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE thou observed, that there is no absolute necessity for proroguing on Wednesday, and if this bill require lengthened discussion let time be given for the pur- pose. After further conversation, however, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE consented to withdraw the bill for the present; stating that he would move the second reading on Monday, and ask that the standing orders be sus- pended.

Lord MILFORD having moved the second reading of the bill, on Monday, Lord STANLEY called for an explanation of its provisions. Lord Mu woam attempted this, in some unreported observations, but with so little success, that Lord STANLEY Said- " If any additional reason were wanted for the motion he was about to make, it was supplied by the evident incapacity of the noble Lord to explain the bill which he had taken upon himself to propose is so extraordinary and unprece- dented a manner." He was happy to think that the noble Lord was without long experience in the practice of the House. On Friday, it was understood that they had full notice of all measures which would be submitted to their consideration with a view to being carried this session. Under that impression, many noble Lords—himself among the number—had actually left London, dreaming of no surprise. But on Saturday, without any notice, the second reading of this bill, which did not stand on the orders of the day, was moved; Government lending themselves to support that motion, and afterwards assenting to an arrange- ment equally disorderly and at variance with fair play, for the second reading and suspension of the standing orders on Monday. He held that the suspension of the standing orders ought to be adopted on none but special circumstances, when it was necessary, for some great national object, to pass within a limited period some measure on the general provisions of which their Lordships were all agreed. But this bill had been a fortnight in the House, and it was not till within two or three days of the prorogation that any noble Lord moved its second reading. In addition, lie thought that the measure in itself is most vicious in principle and detail. (Lord Brougham—" MOlier011. ! 71104- strous!") He had felt it his duty, at great personal inconvenience, to return to town, not so much to oppose the bill itself, as to &noun& the attempt to smuggle it through the Legislature. He moved that the bill be read a second time that day three months. Earl GREY concurred in the view that it was not a bill with regard to which the standing orders should be suspended, unless by the general con- sent of the House.

But Lord Milford had consented to move the second reading for an absent friend, on the understanding that no sort of objection would be felt to it. In fact, he understood it was brought forward with the full approval of the noble and learned Lord opposite.

Lord BROUGHAM declared that he had nothing at all to do with it.

He felt it necessary, in defence of his purity, to deny that the rickety bantling was his natural child. The only part of the bill he knew anything about or ap- proved of had been struck out; and a most monstrous provision had been intro- daeed, whereby a man might be tried, condemned, and punished in his absence, for the misdeed of another.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE stated, that though Government had agreed to a suspension of the standing orders, he wished it to be distinctly under- stood that the bill was no Government measure.

Bill withdrawn.

ORANGE PROCESSIONS.

The Earl of RODEN explained, on Tuesday, the part he had borne in the recent occurrences of the 12th of July at Tullymore. He would make no severe remarks on those who had accused him of " murder," but would only say, if there existed a spark of generosity in their hearts, they would now feel much greater pain at having made those statements than had even been inflicted on himself by their utterance. He recalled the state of feeling in Ireland after 1845 or 1846, when the Processions Act expired; the extreme attachment of the great mass of the humbler classes in Ireland to their proces- sions; the subsequent spirit of rebellion not participated in by those classes, and the demonstrations against that spirit, and against the aims of those whose shib- boleth was the repeal of the Union, by the meeting of the Orangemen on the 12th of July. About a fortnight before the last 12th of July, gentlemen came to him and informed him that the Orangemen were most desirous to come and testify their affection for him personally: he said, at his advanced time of life he no longer enjoyed such things, and it would be much better they should not come: the gentlemen then said they would occupy a field near Castlewellan, and he said he would take two days to consider. At the end of that time, he sent word that if they were to take field at Castlewellan, " they would be much safer, if there were any disturbance, within the gates of his park than anywhere else ; and all he could say was, tbat on the 12th of July he would not shut his gate against any loyal Irishman." So they came, and he stood at his hall-door till those Irishmen, about 2,000 of them with their wives and children, had passed by in silence, and shown him their affectionate regard. He had a friend lying ill, and this was told them, and they marched so silently that their presence was unknown in the sick chamber. They passed on to a part of the park where a platform was erected; and to that spot he repaired, and spoke to them, as was his duty—and as was his inclination, considering that, at his ad- vanced period of life, he might never meet them again on such an occasion. The speech he made was taken down at the time, and he read the report to their Lord- ships. [It contained exhortations to be peaceful and forbeanng, so that they that day, rather take evil than provoke it; and that in returnin7 to their homes that day, tbey should not resent even any insult they might receive.] The entertainment given was most frugal—some barrels of small-beer proven ed for the school- children's feast, and some bread and cheese. As to the arms, there were but very few armed, and those bad come from long distances and expected to be attacked. Though the sight of any arms had been a surprise to him, he never had the most remote idea that those arms could make the meeting illegal; for neither pre- vious meetings of armed Orangemen on the 12th of July, nor meetings of the other party armed, had ever been interfered with as illegal or improper. He hoped this explanation would satisfy their Lordship& He wouldgo no further, but would await the result of that inquiry which the Government has most pro- perly directed to be made into the whole matter.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE desired to express neither dissent nor assent as to any portion of Lord Roden's statement of a transaction equally lamented by all.

Till the result of the inquiry in progress should be known, be would only say that it must be matter of deep regret to all to witness a state of society in which, from no motive of passion or interest, without any provocation, but merely on account of the recurrence of a particular day in the calendar, such proceedings as these should take place. If no effectual remedy should be found against these outrages, the Legislature must interfere with some special measure; but—and he was glad of the opportunity distinctly to make the observation—it was not to be supposed that the country was destitute of the means of at all events encountering the evil. The common law of the land denounced all such assemblages, whether armed, as in the present case, or unarmed, calculated to excite public disturbance and to endanger the public peace, as in themselves wholly illegal, and to be prosecuted as such by the Government, by the Magis- tracy, and by every well-wisher to the country—all are bound to lose no time in bringing the offenders to justice.

CEYLON INSURRECTION.

Mr. Bastille moved an address to the Queen for a Commission to in- quire on the spot into the means taken for the repression of the late insur- rection in Ceylon. The Select Committee appointed to inquire on the subject had met with great difficulties, from the neglect of the Govern- ment of Ceylon. It is the duty of the Colonial Government to send home every six months the minutes of the Legislative Council; but this has not been done for a twelvemonth. In like manner, the military authorities have neglected to forward the proceedings of the courts-martial recently held in the colony. From these neglects, the Committee have been unable to procure information on some of the most important points. Allegations of a very grave and serious character have been made against the Governor of Ceylon, the truth or falsehood of which cannot be tested without the evidence of Witnesses in Ceylon. The Committee were unani- mously of opinion that these charges ought not to go forth to the world without an opportunity being afforded to Lord Torrington of refuting them: they therefore do not present the evidence in an imperfect state. As the session is closing, they might report that they have not completed the inquiry, and recommend the reappointment of the Committee next session; or they might request the appointment of a Commission to ex- amine witnesses on the spot: they chose the latter course, and on their in- struction, Air. Baillie, as Chairman of the Committee, made this motion. Seconded by Mr. HOME.

Lord Jo)EIN Rossest opposed the motion, as calculated to impair the authorires of the person exercising the functions of Colonial Governor.

He diet not see how it was possible for any person to go on conducting the affairs of the colony with a grand inquisitor in the colony collecting complaints and taking evidence of any dissatisfied persons with regard to the steps to put down an insurrection which bad' necessarily required the exercise of summary means. Such a mbdeof inquiry ought not to be adopted without very grave reasons. The propercoerceiesanch a case would be, that the Governor should be impeached, and immediately retailed for the purpose of being put on his trial. The course recommended might have been adopted by the House if the Committee had been unanimous sand had assigned their reasons: but they were not unanimous, and had called fir acts of.condemnation without producing the evidence given before them: like the inquisitors of Spain and Venice, they called for acts of condemna- tion without evidence. Moreover, their determination was come to without any notice having been given of the subject to be decided on: it was not wonderful, therefore, that the members had been led without thought or reflection to the de- cision which they arrived at. As the House is in otter ignorance of the evidence, and of the reasons for the extraordinary course taken, while it knows that the determination was come to suddenly and without notice, he could not assent to the proposal now made. The inquiry, however, ought to be completed if incomplete; and if evidence is still required, the Committee should be reappointed next ses- sion. If Mr. Hume would then propose the impeachment of Lord Torrington, or move a Select Committee to prepare articles of impeachment, he would be ready to meet the charge.

Mr. HUMS explained, that the omission of notice had occurred simply through a mistake of the clerk. However, the Committee had been sum- moned for another purpose, and met as fully as they could have met under any circunistances—only four were absent. With reference to the impeach- ment of Lord Torrington, if the information now wanted be obtained, and if no one else would undertake the duty, he was quite ready to impeach him. In npt sending home every six months, as was his duty, an account of the proteedings of the Executive and the Legislature, he had been guilty of ry9reach of her Majesty's instructions. If the House wished to maintain the allegiance of the colonists and protect their lives and property, it ought to !agree to this motion for full information. The inhabitants had themselves petitioned for the Commission. The Governor should be re- moved, or t least suspended during the inquiry; or the investigation could not possibl be properly conducted.

Mr. DIE; AELI stated, that Mr. Hume's motion in the Committee to print

the evidencp was negatived because the evidence was deemed imperfect: if they had ted from weakness, it was an amiable weakness, from deference to the feeli gs of the accused. As to the alleged precipitancy and par- tiality, fair otice had been given that the Committee intended to deliberate on the subj t, and all the Members of the Committee in London at the time atten ed: only four were absent, and of those four one had since given his f l adhesion to the resolution. Every shade of political opinion had been r resented in the Committee: he himself went into it with no violent feel gs; lad indeed proposed a middle course to the Govern- ment, which they;had, be thought unwisely, rejected. This was a golden opportunity to test these assertions now so frequent that the Metropolitan Legislature is evbr risitdy to interfere and do justice to our fellow subjects

in the Colonies. . I Mr. CHARLES VILLIEE8 disclaimed any desire to embarrass the ad ministration of Ceylon: he had gone into the Committee with no impres- sion unfavourable to Lord Torrington, and his opinion respecting his con- duct in difficult circumstances had become more favourable in the course

• • of the inquiry. But the Committee came to its resolutaon in:Ceneequenee of the Under-Secretary's refusal to assent to any compromise. Air, Dim raeli had proposed to ask leave to sit again next aession, and communicate to the Foreign Secretary their desire for further information; but sts. Hawes would not agree to this, or give any assurance that further informs. tion would be procured.

Lord HOTILABI, as the mover of the resolution in Committee, confirmed these explanatory statements.

He had lived many years on terms of friendliness with Lord Torrington, sad had felt no desire but to do his duty; but he felt it impossible to do his duty without further information. Unless it had been stated by Earl Grey that he had no information upon many of those most important matters, he should have held it morally impossible, considering the length of time since the nomination of the Committee, that information should not have been procured. Finding that the only alternative presented to the Committee was the proposition he made, or an amendment,moved by the Under-Secretary, that in consequence of his notice being omitted in the circular letter the Committee should adjourn,—it being no- torious that Parliament was about to be prorogued, and that an adjournment was tantamount to an adjournment sine die,—his motion was put and carried. If the honourable gentleman had adopted other suggestions which were thrown out this discussion would not have arisen; but he insisted upon his amendment for an ad- journment. As to there being no motion to recall Lord Torrington, those who now suggested it would have been the first to say, " What ! are you going to re- call a man before you have heard all the evidence?" Those were the worst friends of Lorettorrington, and of any individuals against whom accusations had been made, who did not afford them the earliest, the best, and the fullest means of placing their characters in the light in which they deserved to stand if they had been maligned.

Mr. VERNON Ssurn thought that, under the circumstances, the conduct of Lord Torrington had been unfairly denounced. No reasons had been alleged—perhaps from delicacy towards Ministers, 'who, it was announced, had other fish to fry that day. [The white-bait dinner?] He opposed the motion. Sir JAMES HOGG also opposed the motion. Sir JAMES Grisliest knew notlainglof this matter but what he had heard in the present debate; but from the dpeeches of Mr. Villiers and Lord Hotham he certainly formed a strong opinion of what the justice of the case demanded. It would not be just to pithltsh the imperfect evidence, nor possible to leave the inquiry as it now stolid. But to send out the Commission now moved for, would be impossible; confusion would ensue which would necessitate the imme- diate recall of Lord Torrington; and while the inquiry is incomplete, that would be the most cruel injustice. He suggested that the motion should be withdrawn, and that Lord John Russell should consent to the reap- pointment of the Committee, and to their meeting on Monday to agree on the information they required. To the best of his judgment, and in his dispassionate opinion, that course would best answer the ends of justice. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that this was the course he had already stated himself ready to adopt, with the exception that he could not consent to allow the withdrawal "of the motion s as it has been made, it meet, be nega-• tived by the House, • Mr. Roonnow and several other Members appealed to Lord jobli. to allow the withdrawal of the motion. This being refused, the Honda divitied,And the 'motion Was negatived, by 90 to 33. A motion was then made to enable the Committee to meet on-Monday. Mr. Disestommnderstood the result to be, that the Government now con- sented to do that which in the Committee, by their representative, they re- fused to do. Lord JOHN RUSSELL understood just the contrary:

He had agreed: to thies-thst the Committee should reassemble, and, by a ma- jority of Courset yrhat witaeases they thought should be examined next yesr—lAide, " y game? "]—point them out by name, and that, on the,

meeting of Plie t net year, the Committee be reappointed. Mr. Dos Wei'idiahat,was his proposition to the letters (Cheers from ' Oppoirition The motion wits agreed to.

WEST INDIA PETITION.

The opportunity of presenting a petition, for justice, on behalf of the stand- ing Comrnittee,of West India planters and merchants, enabled the Earl of HARROWBY Wining wider the notice of the Lords, the general case of the West Indies, in its one continued series of disappointing hardship. Going over the case at considerable length, he suggested means of encouragement to the colonies; einem& others, the allowance of a longer period of eugagemeet for immigrant labour than the law now permits; and the advance of the 500,6001. loan in portions to individual planters, by taking first mortgages on their estates,. as 1..a been frequently done in England and Ireland. He trusted, if no hive could be held out of a return to protective duties, that the extension oft, every facility, for obtaining credit with the mother-country, that in former times had been granted to distressed interests in Great Britain and Ireland, Would now be granted to the West Indies. Earl GREY pronounced the subject too large to be entered on generally at this time of the session•' but he would say a word in reference to the loan voted last year to the West India islands. The Treasury in this country pos-wsesfini Machinery enabling it to enter into the consideration of individual cases. The only mode in which it can act is by giving credit to the local. Legislatures, and leaving it to them to distribute it among their constituents. The more he had heard of the operation of former loans, the more he wits convinced of the necessity of adhering to the pre- sent rule. He had therefore no expectation that Government would re- commend any alteration of the act passed. As to contracts, the failure of the apprenticeship system had convinced him that the system of long con- tracts would be injurious to the colonists; but her Majesty's Government would not refuse its assent to any well-considered law for the extension of the time during which contracts should be legal.

THE RIVER PLATE.

The affair' s Of the River Plate were brought under discussion in the House of Lords on Wednesday. The Earl of HARROWBY referred to the appear- ance in the newspapers of what professed to be an official copy of a con- vention to reestablish relations of friendship between France and the Argen- tine Confederation, which bad been agreed on between Generals Roses and Oribe and the French Admiral Le Predeur. According to this convention, General Oribe is to be acknowledged as the President'of the Republic of, the Uruguay. ' The articles are completely at variance with all the ex- pectations which had been held out in that House. He asked if the Go- vernment was aware whether a document of this kind had been presentee' to the Freoch Government? • The Marquis of Latisoomen said, he had no official knowledge On the subject. Her Majesty's Government had talsen steps to be apprised of the ratification of the treaty; -but =oiling to the last information they had received, no determi- nation 'could be come ico on this matter by the French Hovernineat until the return ey" the president of the French Republic from a lengthened' journey. He most therefore decline stating what steps her Majesty's-Government might think it ad- visable to take, tuitil they received communications from the French Gievernment

VAN DIEMEN'S LAND.

Lord Morernaorm called attention to two important petitions .presented by him • one from many thousands of the colonists of Van Diemen's Land, the other from the inhabitants of Launceston in that colony: They corn- aajned, that since the plan has been abandoned of a new colony in North 'Australia for the reception of convicts, and the burden of maintaining the mom

' t establishments has been thrown upon them, they, have to pay

$0,000/. a year for supporting the gaols—a tax equal to 2es. a head on each colonist—for maintaining the convicts; yet the power of employing the convicts on public works has been refused. The consequences of the enormous introduction of convicts have been these,—great expense for cri- minal administration, for out of 135 criminal convictions 131 had been re- convictions of convicts; extensive and injurious reemigration of the free emigrants, for 4,519 free emigrants had reemigrated in a very few years, and it is calculated that 12,000 have reemigrated since thes.lear 1841. The maintenance of the convicts produces in the colony all the evils of a pauper population.

Earl Gm observed, that the petition referred to an interview given by him to the agent of the petitioners as the interview of " September last ": that interview took place in September 1846; the petition is therefore the same in substance with one presented in 1847: but since that time most of the grievances in question have been removed. Parliament has granted 24,0001. in aid of the colony; the land-fund has been returned to it; and the convicts have been employed in public works. Indeed, a party of con- victs have performed work worth 4s. a day per man, in the construction of a port at Hobart Town.

ITALIAN REFUGEES REPELLED FROM MALTAa Mr. MONCIETON MITRES called attention to a statement in the public prints, that the Governor of Malta had thought fit to prevent certain per- sons from landing in that island, those persons being refugees from Rome. Whatever political opinions might be entertained by different parties re- specting their cause, their bravery had undoubtedly excited the admiration of the civilized world. He inquired of Mr. Hawes, whether it was true that these persons bad not even been allowed to land, and that the English authorities were imitating that want of hospitality of which there had been such flagrant instances in a neighbouring nation? Mr. HAWES stated, that such crowds of refugees from Italy and Sicily had arrived at Malta, that the Governor, acting on his responsibility for the preservation of peace and tranquillity in the island, had found it absolutely necessary to put some limit on' the numbers frequenting it. This was not done with any inconsiderateness: on the contrary, whenever sickness was given as a reason for landing, the parties were at once allowed to dis- embark, and they received every care and attention fronv•the Governor himself. Unless the Governor had done this, he would probably have been obliged to take steps that might have appeared 'user° severe.' Mr. Hums thought that even the report of such a4ransactiolk was disgraceful to the wintry; and he wished to know what, number of remelts arrived at Malta avany one time. Bfr.;.1LawF..14 said, hiatatil.xeceLyeepianeli0,..of this last question; but he believed he was right in saying• thrAltanararfiundreds arrived there within a short period, and more were on theirTy.

AUSTRIA AND HUNGARY.

Lord NUGENT, on Wednesday, took the last opportunity ho should have to inquire of the Foreign Minister whether he had seen in 'tie newspapers what purported to be a proclamation from the Austrian Gebtifill Haynau to the people of Buda and Pestle? and whether he had any °Mt information respecting that astonishing document? Lord PatxtEttsidsr could only say, that her Majesty's Ministers had read the proclamation as it appeared, with the deepest pain; but they had no official infonnatibn concerning it. Lord NUGENT pursued the subject—" Should the Governnoent become offi- cially cognizant of it, would they be prepared, as in the case of the Eliot convention between the contending parties in Spain, to interpose its good offices, and its authority if necessary, to stop the perpetration of such hor- rors, which were never before committed or contemplaltel in war among civilized communities?" Lord PALMERSTON answered, that Government must reserve discretion to act as circumstances shall demand.

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Both Houses met on Wednesday soon after two o'clock; and in each some petitions were presented and questions put on subjects of minor in- terest till about three o'clock. At that hour the Commons were summoned to the House of Lords to hear the Royal assent to divers bills, and be pre- sent at the reading of the Royal Commission for proroguing Parliament. The form of giving the Royal assents having been gone through, the Mar- quis of LaasnowsrE read the following message from the Queen.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—We have it in command from, her Majesty to in- form you that the state of public business enables her to dispense with your at- tendance in Parliament, and to close the present session.

"Her Majesty has directed us to express her satisfaction with the zeal and as- siduity with which you have discharged the laborious and anxious duties in the performance of which you have been occupied.

her Majesty hasgiven her assent to the important measure you have passed to amend the Navigation-laws, in full confidence that the enterprise, skill, and Illitldlood of her people, will assure to them a full share of the commerce of the world, and maintain upon the seas the ancient renown of this nation.

Her Majesty has commanded us to acquaint yort that tlm,friendly character other relations with foreign powers affords her a just confidence in the continu- nee of peace. "The preliminaries of peace between Prussia and Denmark: have been signed !met the mediation of her Majesty; and her Majesty trusts that this convention "Irove the forerunner of a definitive and permanent treaty. ner Majesty's carts will continue to be directed to promote the restoration of Nee in those parts of Europe in which it has been interrupted. , "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—We are commanded by her Majesty

to return yon her thanks for the provision which you have made for the public servile.

The public expenditure has undergone considerable reductions within the wear year; and her Majesty will continne to apply a watthkul economy in every ell of the public service.

1.,, lb' Lords and Gentlemen—We are commanded by her Majesty to congratn- "`e Yoe on the happ termination of the war in the Punjaub. The exertions n"de by the Go Y . terse , Government India, and the valour displayed by the army in the

!remand her Majesty's warmest acknowledgments.

lawstiweL Majesty has observed with gratification the spirit of obedience to the 'nee has been manifested by her subjects daring the period which has

elapsed since her Majesty last addressed her Parliament. It is the characteristie of our constitution, that it renders the maintenance of order compatible with the fullest enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.

" The satisfaction with which her Majesty has viewed the peaceful progress of her people in arts and industry, has been greatly alloyed by the continuance of severe distress in one part of the United Kingdom. tier Majesty-has observed with pleasure your liberal exertions to mitigate the pressure of 'this calamity; and her Majesty commends us to thank you for your unremitting attention to measures calculated to improve the general condition of Ireland. It is her Majesty's fervent hope, that it may please the Almighty Disposer of events to favour the operation of those laws which have been sanctioned by Parliament, and to grant to her Irish people, as the reward of that patience and resignation with which they have borne their protracted sufferings, the blessings of an abund. ant harvest and of internal peace. The commission authorizing the prorogation of Parliament was then read; and in virtue of that commission, Lord LANSDOWNE declared the Parliament prorogued till Tuesday the 9th day of October next.

The Commons withdrew from the bar of the House of Lords; and, after the usual interval of farewell gossip, both Houses separated, at about half-past three.