THE ENGLISH POLICY IN ASIA.
Beaumath, _March 17.
Sin—I am led to Beek at your hands a favour, which you have on several previous occasions courteously granted me, by a sense of the extreme importance of the real question before the country. Owing to a number of peculiar circumstances, which no man could see or appreciate better than Lord Palmerston, there is a manifest tendency to overlook this question, and to fight the battle of the elections on quite other grounds ; but scarcely any matter of greater moment could be referred to the constituencies. For the question ought to involve not the present dispute with China alone, but the whole of our Eastern policy—a policy with which is bound up the destiny of the British empire. This outbreak at Canton is but a single instance of the working of this policy, one link in a long chain of events past and future. What its character has hitherto been is not difficult to be discovered ; but until of late years few have turned their attention to Eastern matters, and few do now, except those interested in the extension of British power and influence there, Bat it is a subject that demands the earnest attention of all, and it is muchto be hoped that even now the country will awake from its apathy, thoroughly investigate and freely handle the whole matter, draw forth from our various statesmen the lines of policy they would advocate and pursue, and, in the absence of every other rallying-point, make it, as they are every way bound to do, the great question of the day. The policy of Lord Palmerston and of a powerful party in this country, backed by many rich and influential members of the commercial class, is to make England mistress of the whole of Southern Asia. They may not propose it to themselves in so many words, but at this end their policy aims, and to this end it as evidently tends as the policy of Republican and Imperial Rome aimed at and tended to universal dominion. This may seem, at first sight, a very bold assertion, but every event for many years past emphatically attests it. To whom do we owe our Affghan and former Chinese wars ? and on what pretexts were they entered upon ? Their history is an exact parallel of the Persian and Chinese wars of the present day. The same statesman who as Premier declared war against Persia last year for attacking Herat, as Foreign Secretary landed troops in the Persian Gulf twenty years ago for the like offence, and made war also upon the rulers of Affghamstan itself because they were indifferent to that city's fate. The same statesman who a few weeks ago adopted Sir John Bowring's proceedings at Canton, adopted Captain Elliott's eighteen years ago. That war gave us Hongkong: had the Premier gone on unmolested this would in all probability have given us Canton ; for if, as Lord Palmerston was informed, we should not be in Canton a month without "gross insults and violence," it is evident admittance into that city would be but the occasion of renewed and greater hostilities. To this same aggressive policy every act connected with the East points. It is said that the quarrel with Persia is made up ; that a treaty has been signed at Paris : why was it not made at Constantinople ? We heard long ago that Persia had applied to France ; we know that Lord Stratford de Redcliffe used his utmost endeavours to prevent Feruk Khan's proceeding to Paris : what can we think but that had Feruk Khan not proceeded to Paris no treaty would have been made, but that on the contrary England would in time have become possessed of a strong post near the terminus of the proposed Euphrates Valley Railway ; at the bottom of which latter scheme it is to be feared that no such innocent cause as "official jealousy" lies. Read by the light of this ill-concealed policy, every act of the Government becomes intelligible. We can appreeiate Kars, and the honours paid to its gallant defender so assiduously that a willing public began at last to weary. We remember the lamentable mission of poor Colonel Stoddart, Captain Conolly, and Lieutenant Wyburd, to Bokhare. Then there is the announcement within the last few days of the intention to establish a British Residency at Candahar, in the very centre of Affghanistan : Sir John Bowring's treaty too of friendship with Siam, a country to whose very borders the red tint in the maps extends : we note too how year by year this same red tint has been creeping along thousands of miles of coast, and how veer after year little dots of red appear in the Malay peninsula and the neighbouring large islands. Nor should we overlook the fact that some persons in this country and in its dependencies are not so scrupulous in speaking of this policy as many of its abettors are. The Friend of India is calling on Sir John Bowring to be a second Clive; the Leader two years ago called on England and America to " annex " all China. We are often told that a day is coming when the English and Russian frontiers in Asia will meet; and even in your own columns, a few weeks ago, a correspondent—who recommended the swamping of St. Petersburg by constructing a breakwater across the month of the Neva, without minding Cronstadt—went so far as to divide the whole of Asia between Russia and England. Now, Sir, it is upon this policy the country at this moment is called to sit in judgment—this policy which is not only unrighteous, (who can deny that?) but ruinous. I venture, too, Sir, to say it is " uu-English." The true policy of England is to cultivate "the waste places of the earth " ; to rear in the vast unoccupied continents of the North and South mighty empires, and in the great islands of the Pacific flourishing states, themselves as English as Great Britain. But the subjugation of other nations is not English, and if persevered in will prove England's ruin. It is in truth a departure from that policy which has made England what it is, and an assimilation of our empire to the empires that have preceded us. Like theirs too, if we continue, will be our fate. By our continual conquests and annexations we are enlarging, but not strengthening our empire : all may seem secure and safe now ; the people of India may be peaceable, some of them may even seem contented ; but the danger will come when we have deposed all the native princes, extinguished all fends and jealousies, and crushed all the robber tribes of the mountains. Collisions, too, will come with the greatest powers of the world on those distant plains and ancient battle-fields. The shadows of these coming events-coming, if our policy be not changed-are already gathering around us. Russia moves her armies to the frontier, France gives her mediation, when Persia is menaced ! American and French ships are eager to join us in our demands on China. Often are we told by the defenders of this policy, that unless we keep on extending our frontiers, we shall lose our prestige, and with that our power over the districts already conquered : but what stronger argument can we have of the real weakness of our position, what more ingenuous confession that a collapse must at some time take place ? For to these aggressions some end must be ; and then, by the argument, all behind us will rise in revolt. Our true wisdom in the East would be shown by abstaining from further annexations and interferences ; by being contented with the natural bounds of the Indian peninsula, which we have reached ; by doing our best, by means of wise, good, and conciliatory measures, to make our government strong and the natives well affected ; and with regard to countries beyond the limits of India, by carefully avoiding all aggressive movements and all domineering conduct. To do this would be the reverse of cowardly-Lord Palmerston's insinuations, under the cloak of what foreign nations would think, were unworthy of him-it would be true wisdom. Is the duty of the opponents of Lord Palmerston to give utterance plainly and distinctly to their opinions on this subject, as frankly as Earl Grey did and it is the duty of the electors of England to say with decision what policy they will sanction.
I remain, Sir, yours faithfully, ROBERT E. HOOPPELL.
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