DEMOCRACY ENTHRONED AT GENEVA.
1-F there still exist Liberals in England who want to com- prehend the difference between democracy and liberty, between the representation of a nation entire with all its interests and of one class in a nation with its single interest, they have only to read the account of recent transactions at Geneva. In that little State democracy, the rule of pure numbers without respect to education, or property, or variety of aspiration, has its perfect embodiment under conditions of the most favourable kind. The little State, absolutely inde- pendent in theory, and protected in practice by the jealousy of Europe, is prosperous by right of geographical position, and intellectual by aid of the traditions of three hundred years. It has no soldiery able to bayonet its constitution, no priests powerful enough to undermine it, no enemy strong enough to compel an unnatural compactness of organization. The whole population is possessed not only of the ultimate sovereignty as in America, but of the immediate sovereignty, the power in fact of making the resolutions of a mass meeting the equivalent of a law. The State has the advantage, more- over, of possessing among its citizens a ruling mind, a first- rate demagogue, a man who really understands what his followers wish, who can secure them their wish, and secure it to them without compromise, and for ever. So complete since 1846 has been the triumph of the democracy led by M. I. J. Fazy, once a Parisian editor, that opposition has practically ceased, that "reaction" has become a mere dream, that the Conservatives have surrendered the hope of nominat- ing representatives of their own ideas, and that their only effort now is to secure among Radicals the Radical least personally obnoxious to themselves. There is no ground for fear of interference, no reason for doubting the power of the whole people, no excuse for the bitterness with which a weak majority sometimes regards adversaries who may any day be triumphant. Yet with all these circumstances in its favour, with its victory quite assured, and its enemies humbly professing loyalty, so impatient is the dominant caste of resistance, so unable to endure the flux and reflux of opinion, so full in short of the doctrine of its own divine right, that not content with shoot- ing down all who oppose it, it actually gives up the principle which is its own basis of power, and rather than suspend for a moment the claims of the mass to exclusive rule, actually asserts with the rifle the sovereignty of the minority. A King could not be more despotic or more senseless.
Since the year 1846 a gentleman named Fazy, a man of good education and proved ability, both for government and intrigue, French in all but girth, penetrated with the ideas of 1789, and of rare though low ambition, has been in all but name dictator of Geneva. He has done some real services to the people,—he helped them to break up the authority of the Calvinistic oligarchy, to sweep away all religious differences, and to abolish the fortifications which prevented the city from extending, and he has since that period governed after the Napoleonic idea with considerable success. The property- holders complain of his taxation, and the Conservatives of his views, but it is very easy to quit Geneva, and nobody ever quits it,—on the contrary, the population has become larger, the State more wealthy, the city indefinitely more beautiful, ever since M. Feu obtained the guidance of his party. He has governed Geneva in fact as Louie Napoleon and M. Hausmann between them govern Paris, has taxed the place excessively, and plunged it dangerously into debt, but has spent the money so raised upon the State, has made the rich more luxurious and the people better contented. He has also says our correspondent, enriched himself, secured a national tribute in the shape of a grant of land, and erected thereon an establishment not generally believed to add greatly to the morality of Geneva. Still he has done great services, and if kings claim civil lists, why not demagogues raised to the position of kings ? He was not, however, content with his success, nor was the democracy which followed him. The Con- servatives, who as a party are Protestant, well to do, and perhaps a little tyrannical, as respectability enthroned and conscientious is a little apt to become, had accepted Radicalism as inevitable, made no attempt to alter the constitution, sub- mitted to the rule of the majority as if it were a moral law; but tried, to acquire under the constitution a majority for themselves. On matters of principle this was of course im- possible. They could no more venture to attack the suffrage; for example than the American Republicans could venture to disfranchise the emigrants, but they could use a majority to appoint their own nominees. M. Fazy's ideas were expensive, and he himself Voltairian, and using the popular- horror of bankruptcy and the priestly horror of scepticism as their levers, they contrived for three consecutive years to keep him out of the Cabinet, or, as it is called in Geneva, the Executive Council. Radicals must come in, but the Conservatives could defeat the Radical chief. Neither M. Fazy nor his party quite approved of this—M. Fazy because it reduced him to indirect modes of exercising his real authority, his party because their sovereignty was not quite so visible as they wished. Their principles were triumphant, but they also wanted their man. What was the use of talking about Fazy's character? Was he not their choice ? and as a Marylebone vestryman said a few months ago, "Hang the Act of Parliament, what on earth do Acts signify ? let's have a show of hands." At the last election they appear to have made certain of success, but the Conservatives by "allying themselves with the Socialists," that is, we imagine, by promising to the poverty-stricken some sort of a poor-law, retained their majority and returned their candidate, M. Cheneviere. It is distinctly asserted that this gentleman .
was as much of a Radicul as M. Fazy, that the masses lost nothing even in theory by his election ; but they were deter- mined to seem to be, as well as be, the ruling power, and rather than submit they broke the primary law of the game. They called upon the Electoral Bureau, which has purposely been made " independent," 1. e., placed above the law, to cancel the election as illegal, and the Bureau by ten votes to seven obeyed the popular behest. The Conservatives naturally enough showed some indisposition to submit to such a breach of their adversaries' own regulations, whereupon the Radicals - thinking themselves like other kings insulted at once resorted to force, fired upon a crowd of the better class, killed twenty, and forced the remainder to appeal to the Federal Govern- ment, i e., to a power above the State legislation. Order has become king, and behaves just as a king accustomed tO autocracy always behaves. Is long as the constitution can CELTIC POLITICS.
"order" perfectly innocent people supposed, or imagined, or call, as we now do, an abortive rebellion (such as ours in 1848, seen, to be opposed to its own absolute will. This and not which avowedly aimed at converting Ireland into a Republic), the popular notion as to the chance of silly misgovernment is "a manly effort," you would be prosecuted and sent to what we fear from universal suffrage in England, or any suf- Cayenne. You still enjoy the benefits of protection to native frage which should make a class king. We are by no means industry. You are still free from "the oppressions and sure that in the contest between themselves and the Conserve- calamities we have specified." Be thankful, then, "to Divine tires the Radicals of Geneva are unwise. On the contrary, Providence" and the Emperor. Hug your chains. Do not we imagine that their main principles, the equality of creeds listen to the sirens who would give you back that national before the law, the right of the people to control the execu- Parliament which is nevertheless the certain panacea for all five as well as the legislative, and the wisdom of develop- our ills. Stop your ears to the warnings of Thiers, and log material civilization through State assistance, are Berryer, and Jules Favre. If your sons are torn from you both just and expedient. Even in their choice of metro by the conscription and your money squandersd unproduc- meats we admit their right to a little self-will—to insist on tively in embellishing your towns, you are fully compensated Wilkes instead of Pitt if they really think Wilkes the more by being the bugbear of Europe, or in other words by having to be trusted. It is the tendency to be sovereign, to appeal preserved your "national liberty and power." This sort to force the moment their will is resisted, to break the laws of attack on the system of government which has made this of the game which they themselves have framed, rather than country so great, and which, if one may judge by the pro- postpone their resolves, to exchange in fact the principles gress made during the last forty years, will make Ireland of liberty for the principles of autocracy which we view prosperous in spite of herself, is not an agreeable thing for with such alarm. The Radical party of Geneva is not corn- Englishmen or even for most educated Irishmen to read. posed of exceptionally silly, or vicious, or even self-willed That we have to endure the pain of reading it in a French people. It has done nothing a king would not do, that the paper is the punishment by which we atone for the mis- English Peers if absolute would not do, that the ten-pounders government, never we believe intentional, but still the if exempt from the fear of resistance would not be quite ready misgovernment and cruel intolerance of our fathers. And if to do. The Protestant party in Ireland, certainly far the the shame we feel lends any additional zest in the eyes of the ablest, most public-spirited, and richest class in the land, has O'Donoghue and the senseless faction he represents to this done the same thing often enough, and the English in India, Oriental adulation of a military despotism, however much intellectually as much superior to those they live among as that reflection may increase the bitterness of our chagrin it angels to human beings, would do it all to-morrow, cry aloud shall not be allowed to increase our resentment. every now and then because a central power intervenes to Fortunately the vague accusations which the Irish Na- prevent them from doing it. The Radical party is simply tional League call "a simple exposition" are easily replied blinded by the passion of every unchecked ruling body, the to. The one great complaint against us after all is that passion for having its own way uncontrolled by any adverse while England is rich Ireland is poor. But whose fault is or restraining power whatever. If it can get its own way that ? As a matter of fact the material progress of Ireland through the ballot-box well and good, it is douce and during the last twenty years is far greater than she has ever orderly, but if not it appeals to the rifle just as readily as made in double the time in any previous period of her his- the veriest " legitimate " despot. If they are in a majority tory. And what are the complaints of the League? That they use that majority as a Weapon of offence, if in a minority Ireland, by nature an agricultural and especially a grazing they appeal from their own laws to the force which when de- country, produces "more corn, cattle, and other alimentary fending a " divine right" is above all law. The single prin- substances than her whole population can consume," and that ciple they assert is the right of the sovereign power to be she imports her manufactured goods, "which would be all Sovereign, and in Geneva the ultimate power resides in the manufactured in Ireland were Ireland self-governed." Here workmen of the faubourg or town of St. Gervais, the Genevan then, we have the fiscal theory on which the material Southwark. Universal suffrage would give it in England to prosperity of Ireland is to be founded. The export of the the same class, and they would use it in the same way, wisely provisions she now sells is to be prohibited, and her popula- enough as far as regarded the removal of obstructions, fairly tion is to be set to manufacture by the bribe of protective enough as long as their wishes coincided with those of the duties. Ireland is to get rich by employing her population in was restored in Geneva by the bayonet, and remains sup- nation, but wilfully and without the sense of responsibility. ported by the bayonet just as if freedom had no existence, They might even for a time govern with striking ability and or as if a legitimate monarch had proclaimed a state of siege. success, just as despots govern with striking ability and The minority have employed force have struck as our corre- success, but then they would be despotic. A class would be spondent says a coup ct itat, and the constitution is virtually possessed of the sovereignty which should belong to the at an end, or if it ultimately subsists subsists under the pro- nation, and whether the despot be named Frederick William or
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