THE PEACE DOCUMENTS.

The papers and protocols arising out of the negotiations at the Paris Congress have been laid before Parliament. They consist of the treaty of -peace, the ratifications of which were exchanged at Paris on the 27th April ; the conventions annexed to the treaty ; and the protocols of the various sittings during the discussion of the treaty, and after it had been signed by the Plenipotentiaries. Of these papers, the most interesting are the treaty of peace its annexes, and the protocols containing the dis- cussion at the sitting Of the 8th April, already imperfectly presented to the public.

The hiatus in the copy of the treaty of peace published last week we are now enabled to supply from the authentic copy of the document it- -self. The articles omitted were as follows.

"Article 4. Their Majesties the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Emperor of the French, the King of Sardinia, and the Sultan, engage to restore to his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias the towns and ports of Sebastopol, Balaldava, Kamiesch, Eupatoria, Kertch, Yenikale, iiinburn, as well as all other territories occupied by the Allied troops.

"Article 5. Their Majesties the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Emperor of the French, the Emperor of All the Russias, the King a Sardinia, and the Sultan, grant a full and entire am- nesty to those of their subjects who may have been compromised by any participation whatsoever in the events of the war in favour of the cause of the enemy. It is expressly understood that such amnesty shall extend to the subjects of each of the belligerent parties who may have continued during the war to be employed in the service of one of the other belligerents.

"Article 6. Prisoners of war shall be immediately given up on either side.

"Article 7. Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Bri- tain and Ireland, his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, his Majesty the Em- peror of the French, his Majesty the King of Prussia, his Majesty the Em- peror of All the Russias' and his Majesty the King of Sardinia, declare the Sublime Porte admitted to participate in the advantages of the public law and system (concert) of Europe. Their Majesties engage, each on his part, to respect the independence and the territorial integrity of the Ottoman em- pire; guarantee IR common the strict observance of that engagement ; and will, in consequence, consider any act tending to its violation as a question of general interest.

"Article 8. If there should arise between the Sublime Porte and one or more of the other signing Powers any misunderstanding which might en- danger the maintenance of their relations, the Sublime Porte and each of such Powers, before having recourse to the use of force, shall afford the other contracting parties the opportunity of preventing such an extremity by means of their mediation."

The first annexed convention relates to the closing of the Straits, and modifies the treaty of 1841. England, Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, and Sardinia, "wishing to record in common their unanimous determina- tion to conform to the ancient rule of the Ottoman empire, according to which the Straits of the Dardanelles and of the Bosphorus are closed to fo- reign ships of war so long as the Porte is at peace" ; they on the one part, and the Sultan on the other, resolve to renew, with that object, the treaty of 1841. The Sultan reserves the right of granting firmans to light vessels of war employed by the foreign powers on their missions, and also the right of granting flnnans to the light vessels "which each of the contracting powers is authorized to station at the mouths of the Danube."

[An "additional and transitory article," appended to the treaty, provides that the stipulations of the convention respecting the Straits "shaft not be applicable to the vessels of war employed by the belligerent Powers for the evacuation by sea of the territories occupiea by their armies ; but the said stipulations shall resume their entire effect as soon as the evacuation shall be terminated."] The second annexed convention, agreed to between the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan, defines the limit of the Russian and Tiutisli forces in"the

Black Sea. " Article 1. The high contracting parties mutually engage not to have in the Black Sea any other vessels of war than those of which the number, the force, and the dimensions are hereinafter stipulated. Article 2. The high contracting parties reserve to themselves each to maintain in that tiea six steam-vessels of 60 metres in length at the line of,floatatien, of a tonnage of 800 tons at the maximum, and four light steam or sailing-ves- sels, of a tonnage which shall not exceed 200 tons each."

The third convention, agreed to between the Queen of England, the Em-

rror of the French, and the Emperor of Russia, relates to the Aland Isles. Article 1. His Majesty the Emperor of All the Ruasias, in order to re- spond to the desire which has been expressed to him by their Majesties the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Emperor of the French, declares that the Aland Islands shall not be fortified, and that no military or naval establishment shall be maintained or created there."

Besides these conventions there is another annex, signed by all the Plenipilentiaries, and entitled a " Declaration respecting Maritime Law." " The Plenipotentiaries who signed the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of March 1856, assembled in conference—Considering that maritime law, in time of war, has long been the subject of deplorable disputes that the uncertainty of the law and of the duties in such a matter gives rise to dif- ferences of opinion between neutrals and belligerents which may occasion serious difficulties, and even conflicts ; that it is consequently advantageous to establish a uniform doctrine on so important a point ; that the Pleni- potentiaries assembled in Congress at Pans cannot better respond to the in- tentions by which their Governments are animated than by seeking to in- troduce into international relations fixed principles in this respect,—the abovementioned Plenipotentiaries, being duly authorized, resolved to con- cert among themselves as to the means of attaining this object ; and, having come to an agreement, have adopted the following solemn declaration-1. Privatecring is, and remains abolished. 2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the exception oicontraband of war. 3. Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under enemy's flag. 4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective—that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy. " The Governments of the undersigned Plenipotentiaries engage to bring the present declaration to the knowledge of the States which have not taken part in the Congress of Paris, and to invite them to accede to it. "Convinced that the maxims which they now proclaim cannot but be re- ceived with gratitude by the whole world, the undersigned Plenipotentiariea doubt not that the efforts of their Governments to obtain the general adoption thereof will be crowned with full success. The present declaration is not and shall not be binding, except between those Powers who have acceded, or shall accede, to it. "Done at Paris, the 16th of April 1856."

The sitting of the 8th April began with a slight discussion on the Da- nubian Principalities in their transition from the present to the new state of things. It was then that Count Walewaki invited the Congress to consider, before it separated, matters that might lead to future complica- tions, in that speech which surreptitiously crept out last week and found its way into the journals. The protocol tells what followed the delivery of Count Walewski's speech.

"The Earl of Clarendon, sharing the opinions expressed by Count Wa- lewski, declares that, like France, England proposes to recall the troops which she was obliged to send to Greece, so soon as she shall be able to do so without inconvenience to the public tranquillity ; but that it is neces- sary, in the first instance, to provide solid guarantees for the maintenance of a satisfactory state of things. According to him, the protecting Powers may agree among themselves upon the remedy which it is indispensable to apply to a system injurious to the country, and which has altogether de- parted from the object which they had proposed to themselves, when esta- blishing there an independent monarchy, for the wellbeing and the pros- perity of the Greek people. The first Plenipotentiary of Great Bntain remarks that the treaty of March 30 opens a new ana ,• that, as the Em- peror had said to the Congress on receiving it after the signature of the treaty, this ECM is that of peace ; but, in order to be consistent, no- thing should be omitted to render that peace solid and lasting ; that, representing the principal Powers of Europe, the Congress would fail in its duty if on separating it sanctioned by its silence a state of things which is injurious to the political equilibrium, and which is far from securing peace from all danger in one of the most interesting countries of Europe. We have just provided, continues the Earl of Clarendon, for the evacuation of the different territories occupied by foreign armies during the war we have just taken the solemn engagement to effect the evacuation within the shortest period ; how would it be possible for us not seriously to advert to occupations which took place before the war, and to abstain from devising means for putting an end to them ? The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain does not consider it of any use to inquire as to the causes which have brought in foreign armies upon various points of Italy, but he considers that, even admitting that those causes were legitimate, it is not the less true, he says, that the result is an abnormal and irregular state of things, which can be justified only by extreme necessity, and which should come to an end as soon as that necessity is no longer imperiously felt; that, nevertheless, if endeavours are not made to put an end to that necessity, it will continue to exist ; that if we are content to depend upon the armed force instead of seeking to apply a remedy to the just causes of discontent, it is certain that a system little honourable for the Governments, and lament- able for the people, will be perpetuated. He conceives that the actminis- don of the Roman States presents inconveniences from whence dangers may arise which the Congress has the right to attempt to avert; that to neglect them would be to rim the risk of labouring for the benefit of the revolution which all the Governments condemn and wish to prevent. The problem which it is a matter of urgency to solve consists, he conceives' in com- bining the retreat of the foreign troops with the maintenance of tranquil- lity; and the solution depends on the organization of an administration which by reviving confidence would render the government independent of foreign support ,• that support never succeeding in maintaining a government to which the public sentiment is hostile and there would re- sult from it, in his opinion, a part which France and Austria would not wish their armies to perform. For the wellbeing of the Pontifical States, as also for the interest of the sovereign authority of the Pope, it would therefore, in his opinion., be advantageous to recommend the secularization of the go- vernment, and the organization of an administrative system in harmony with the spirit of the age, and having for its object the happiness of the people. He admits that thisreform might perhaps offer in Rome itself; at the present moment, certain difficulties ; but he thinks that it might easily be accom- plished in the Legations. The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain observes, that for the last eight years Bologna has been in a state of siege, andthat the rural districts are harassed by brigands : it may be hoped, he thinks, that by establishing in this part of the Roman States an administrative and judi- cial system, at once secular and distinct, and that by organizing there a national armed force, eeourity and confidence would rapidly. be restored, and the Austrian troops might shortly withdraw without having to apprehend the return of fresh troubles : it is at least an experiment which, in his opin-

ion, ought to be attempted ; and this remedy proposed for indisputable evils ought to be submitted by the Congress to the serious consideration of the • Pope. As regards the Neapolitan Goverement, the first Plenipotentiary of - Great Britain is desirous of imitating the example given him by Count Wakw- sld by ppeging over in silence acts which have obtained such grievous notoriety. • He is of opinion that it must doubtless be admitted in principle that no go- vernment ham the right to interfere in the intermix' affairs of other states; but he considers there are cases in which the exception to this rule becomes equally a right and a duty. The Neapolitan Government seems to him to have con- ferred this right and to have imposed this duty upon Europe; and as the Governments represented in the Congress are all equally desirous to sup- port the monarchical principle and to repel revolution, it is a duty to lift

• - up the voice against a system which keeps up revolutionary ferment among the masses, instead of seeking to moderate it. 'We do not wish,' he says, that peace should be disturbed, and there is no peace without justice : we ought, then, to make known to the King of Naples the wish of the Congress for the amelioration of his system of government—a wish which cannot re- main without effect—and require of him an amnesty in favour of the per- sons who have been condemned or who are imprisoned without trial for po- litical offenses.' As regards the observations offered by Count Walewski on the excesses of the Belgian press, and the dangers which result therefrom for the adjoining countries, the Plenipotentiaries of England admit their importance ; but, as the representatives of a country in which a free and independent press is, so to say, one of the fundamental institutions, they cannot associate themselves to measures of coercion against the press of an-

• other state. The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, while deploring the 'violence in which certain organs of the Belgian press indulge, does not hesi- tate to declare that the authors of the execrable doctrines to which Count Walewski alludes, the men who preach assassination as the means of attain- ing a political object, are undeserving of the protection which guarantees to • the press its liberty and its independence. In concluding, the Earl of Claren- don observes, that, like France, England at the commencement of the war sought by every means to mitigate itt effects ; and that with this view she • renounced, for the benefit of neutrals during, the struggle which has now come to an end, principles which up to that time she had invariably main- tained. He adds, that England is disposed to renounce them definitively,

• provided that privateering is equally abolished forever; that privateenng is nothing else than an organized and legal piracy; and hat .privateers are

• one of the greatest scourges of war, and our condition of civilization and

• humanity requires that an end should be put to a system which is no longer euitable to the present day. If the whole of the Congress were to adopt the proposition of Count Walewski, it should be well understood that it would only be binding in regard to the Powers who may accede to it, and that it could not be appealed to by Governments who may refuse their accession." Count Orloff said, he was not authorized to take part in the discussion, having no instructions.

Count Buol only took a limited part. He expressed his satisfaction on seeing that England and France were disposed to put an end to the occupa- tion of Greece. The repression of the excesses of the press in all the states • of the Continent should "be considered as an European necessity." He • appreciated the spirit and bearing of the principles of maritime law pro- pounded by Count Walewski, but he had no instructions to express an opin- ion. He declined to go further.

Baron Manteuffel said, although he had no instructions, yet he "knew enough of the intentions of the King his master," not to hesitate about ex- pressing his opinion. The maritime principles proposed to the Congress had always been professed by Prussia. As regards the Pontifical States, he eonfined bimaelf to expressing a desire that it might be possible to place the Government in a position that would render the occupation of foreign troops henceforth superfluous. Count Cavour thought it of the utmost importance that the opinion mani- fested by certain Powers in regard to the occupation of the Roman States should be recorded in the protocol. "The first Plenipotentiary of Sardinia states, that the occupation of the Roman States by the Austrian troops as- sumes every day more of a permanent character ; that it has lasted seven years, and that, nevertheless, no indication appears, which would lead to the supposition that it -will cease at a more or less early period ; that the causes which gave rise to it are still in existence ; that the state of the 'country which they occupy is assuredly not improved ; and that in order to , be satisfied of this, it is enough to remark that Austria considers herself ob- liged to maintain in its utmost severity the state of siee'c at Bologna, al- , though it dates from the occupation itself. He observes that the presence , of the Austrian troops in the Legations and in the Duchy of Parma destroys the balance of power in Italy, and constitutes a real danger for Sardinia. The Plenipotentiaries of Sardinia, he says, deem it therefore a duty, to point out to the attention of Europe a state of things so abnormal as that which results from the indefinite occupation of a great part of Italy by Aus- trian troops. As regards the question of Naples, Count Cavour shares en- tirely the opinions expressed by Count Walewski and the Earl of Claren- don; and he conceives that it is in the highest degree important to sug- gest modifications which, by appeasing passions, would render less difficult the regular progress of affairs in the other states of the Peninsula."

Baron Hubner said, that Count Cavour had only spoken of the Austrian, and had kept silence as regarded the French occupation ; yet the two occu- pations took place at the same time, and with the same object. Sardinia herself had occupied, and contrary to the wishes of the Prince, a part of the Principality of Monaco, for eight years. In reply, Count Cavour said, he desired that the French occupation should cease as well as the Austrian ; but that he reg,arded the latter as far more dangerous than the former. "He adds, that a small corps d'armee, at a great distance from France is menacing for no one ; whereas it is very

alarming to see Austria resting on Ferrara and on Placentia, the forti- fications of which she is enlarging contrary- to the spirit if not to the letter of the treaties of Vienna, and extending herself along the Adriatic as far as • Ancona. As for Monaco, Count Cavour declares that Sardinia is ready to withdraw the fifty men who occupy Menton, if the Prince is in a condition to return to the country without exposing himself to the most serious dan- gers. Besides, he does not consider that Sardinia can be accused of having contributed to the overthrow of the ancient government, in order to occupy those states, since the Prince has not been able to maintain his authority in

• the single town of Monaco, which Sardinia occupied in 1848 in virtue of the • treaties."

Baron Brunnow intimated the readiness of Russia to join in every mea- sure to ameliorate the state of things in Greece ; and promised to take the orders of his Court upon the proposal submitted to the Congress relative to maritime law.

In conclusion—" Count Walewski congratulates himself on having in- duced the Plenipotentiaries to interchange their ideas on the questions which have been discussed. He had supposed that it might have been pos- -bible, perhaps with advantage, to express themselves 1.11 a more complete manner on some of the subjects which have fixed the attention of the Con- gress. 'But, such as it is,' he says, 'the interchange of ideas which has taken place" is not without advantage.' The first Plenipotentiary of France states that the result of it is, in effect-1. That no one has contested the necessity of seriously deliberating as to the means for improving the alma- tirm of Greece, and that the three protecting courts have recognized the ima portance of coming to an understanding among themselves in this respect. 2. That the Plenipotentiaries of Austria have acceded to the wish expressed by the Plenipotentiaries of France for the evacuation of the Pontifical States by the French and Austrian troops, as soon as it can be effected with- out prejudice to the tranquillity of the country and to the consolidation of the authority of the Holy See. 3. That the greater part of the Plenipo- tentiaries have not questioned the good effect which would result from mea- sures of clemency, opportunely adopted by the governments of the Italian Peninsula, and especially by that of the Two Sicilies. 4. That all the Ple- nipotentiaries, and even those who considered themselves bound to reserve the principle of the liberty of the press, have not hesitated loudly to con- demn the excesses in which the Belgian newspapers indulge with 'impunity, by recognizing the necessity of remedying the real inconveniences which result from the uncontrolled licence which is so greatly abused in Belgium. That, finally, the reception given by all the Plenipotentiaries to the idea of closing their labours by a declaration of principles in the matter of maritime law, must give reason to hope that at the next sitting they will have re- ceived from their respective Governments authority to adhere to an act which, while completing the work of the Congress of Paris, would effect an improvement worthy of our epoch."

With regard to the protocols giving the substance of each day's dis- cussion in the Congress there are only two points that call for notice. First as regards Nicolaieff. At the sitting on the 4th March, Lord Cla- rendon remarked, that if the ship-building yards at Nicolaieff were re- tained, it would be contrary to the principles laid down in the second article of the treaty. Russia is not bound to destroy them, but if she re- tained them "public opinion would be authorized in attributing to Russia intentions which she cannot entertain."

Count Orloff said, that "respect for her dignity would not permit Russia to allow a principle solely applicable to the coast to be extended to the in- terior of the empire " ; but he undertook that only those vessels of war should be built at Nicolaieff or elsewhere, which, as specified by the treaty, Russia should maintain in the Black Sea. The Emperor his master, to prove his sincerity, had intrusted Count Orloff to demand of the Sultan free peaeege through the Straits for the only two ships of the line now at Nico- laielf, with the view of carrying them to the Baltic.

At the sitting on the 5th March, Lord Clarendon asked, "Would the de- claration apply equally to Kherson and the Sea of Azoff ? "

Count Orloff replied, "that, like Nicolaieff, the Sea of .Azoff cannot be in- cluded under the direct application of the principle accepted by Russia ; that, on the other hand, it is indubitable that large vessels cannot navigate that sea ; he abides, however, by the assurances to which the Earl of Cla- rendon has referred ; and he repeats, that Russia, being desirous of acting wholly in conformity with the engagements which she has contracted? will . not build, anywhere on the shores of the Black Sea, or in its tributaries, or in the waters which are dependent on it, any ships of war other than those which Russia will maintain in the Black Sea according to the terms of her convention with Turkey."

Lord Clarendon accepted these assurances as "satisfactory."

The other point referred to the new frontier. The Russian Plenipo- tentiaries at first contended for a line of frontier starting from Waduli- Tsaki on the Pruth, following the Valley of Trojan, and terminating on the North of Lake Yalput. But this was strenuously opposed by France, England, and Austria. Count Walewski suggested a compromise; and the Congress, departing from their original demand, consented that the line of frontier, instead of departing from Chotym, should strike from Katamori on the Pruth.

Lord Clarendon obtained an assurance from Count Orloff, that the Emperor of Russia would "realize the wishes" of the Allied Powers with respect to maintaining in perpetuity and treating with respect the cemeteries in which repose the remains of the officers and soldiers who fell before Sebastopol and on other points of Russian territory, and also the monuments raised to their memory.

At the sitting of the 14th April, Lord Clarendon, pointing out that conflicts frequently arise because it is not possible to enter into explana- tion or come to an understanding, remarked that article 7 of the treaty of peace recommended that in case of difference between the Porte and one or more of the signing Powers, recourse should be had to the media- tion of a friendly state before resorting to force. Lord Clarendon pro- posed that that happy innovation should receive a more general applica- tion, without prejudice to the independence of governments. This pro- posal met with the unqualified support of Count Walewski and Baron Manteuffel. Count Buol and Count Orloff personally, but not on behalf of their Courts, gave a general assent.

"Whereupon, the Plenipotentiaries do not hesitate to express, in the name of their Governments, the wish that states, between which any serious misunderstanding may arise, should, before appealing to arms, have Ye- course, as well as circumstances might allow, to the good offices of a friendly Power. The Plenipotentiaries hope that the Goveniments not represented at the Congress will unite in the sentiment which has inspired the wish re- corded in the present protocol."