Erhat rs Ruh Vturrthiugo iu Vartiamtut. PRINCIPAL BlYSINESS OF THE

WEEK.

Hones or LOs128. Monday, April 28. Marriage Law ; Lord Brougham's Bill read a first time—The Treaty of Peace laid on the table—Austrian Occupation of Italy; Lord Lyndhurst's Motion postponed.

Tuesday, April 29. Royal Assent to Public Works and several. Private Bills— Fall of Kars ; Lord Malmesbury's Motion withdrawn—Mercantile Law Amendment and Mercantile Law (Scotland) Bills committed. Thursday, May 1. No House, it being Ascension Day. Friday, May 2. Prosecution of Offenders (Scotland); Lord Brougham's Bill read a first time—Mercantile Law ; Lord Chancellor's Bill reported. - HOUSE or Commits. Monday, April 28. The Treaty of Peace laid on the table— Fall of Kars ; Mr. Whiteside's Motion ; debate adjourned. Tuesday, April 29. Irish Evictions; Mr. Whfahon's Motion—Fall of Kars; debate again adjourned. Wednesday, April 30. Dwellings for Labouring Classes (Ireland) Bill in Com- mittee.

Thursday, May 1. Fall of Kars ; Mr. Whitesides Motion negatived by 303 to FM Friday, May 2. The Circassian Forts and the Sunken Ships ; Questions by Lord • J. Manners and Lord W. Graham—Bands in the Parkas Lord It. Grosvenor's Ques- tion—The Budget ; Mr. Glyes Question—Police (Boroughs and Counties); Sir George Grey's Bill in Committee—Fire-Insurances; Sir George Lewis's Bill read a second time.

Ti31B-TABLE, THE KARS DEBA.TH.

Nearly the whole sitting of the House of Commons on Monday was occupied by the first four speakers on the long-threatened debate respect- ing the fate of liars. But by far the larger portion of the time was taken up by Mr. Whiteside, who opened the case in a speech that covers thirteen columns of the Times newspaper with small type.

MX. WHITESIDE moved the following resolution- " That while this House feels it to be its duty to express its admiration of the gallantry of the Turkish soldiery and of the devotion of the British offieers at the siege of Kars it feels it is be equally a duty to express its conviction that the capitulation of that fortress and the surrender of the army which defended it, thereby endangering the safety of the Asiatic pro- vinces of Turkey, were in a great measure owing to the want of foresight and energy on the part of her Majesty's Administration." The first section of his speech Mr. Whiteside devoted to show that Russia has long designed to conquer Asiatic Turkey and Persia ; that it was solely with this object that she secured a transit across the Cauca- ails; that the root of Russian power as opposed to England's Indian em- pire and to Asiatic Turkey lies in Georgia • and that the duty of a Bri- tish Minister who understands his duty, When war breaks out between Russia and Turkey, is to assist the latter at the right time and with the right means. The interests of England in the East cannot be considered apart from the interests of Turkey and Persia ; and all these facts were patent to the British Minister who began the war. Having laid this. down, Mr. Whiteside next insisted that as when the war broke out in 1853, we for our own purposes pursued a repressive policy towards Tur- key and prevented her from taking the field, we were bound to assist her afterwards in her extremity. He pictured the disastrous Asiatic campaign in 1854, ending in the rout of Kurukdere, to show that Russia was then only arrested in her career of victory by the impetuous foray made by Schamyl upon Tiflis : if you would strike a blow at Russia, you should aim at her in Georgia, which is the root of her power. When these events took place, it was time for the English Minister to put him- self in motion.

And so he did—he began to concoct materials for a blue-book, by sending a Commissioner to Asiatic Turkey to pick up political information, and re- port on the condition and restore the efficiency of the Turkish army. But, unfortunately, Lord Clarendon forgot or neglected to state what means were

at the Commissioner's command. Except his indomitable courage, his innate energy, his sense of duty, his mother-wit, and his English heart, I know of none that were at his disposal. Instead of powder and shot, they provided him with a plentiful supply of paper and ink ; anti will do him the justice to say, that from the moment he reached Erzeroum he bombarded- his correspondents as vigorously, though not, unhappily, with so much sue- cess_, as he has ever done the Russians." This brought Mr. Whiteside to treat of the conduct of Lord Stratford, —a section of the speech that occupies four columns of the TifNa. Mr. Whiteside, plentifully quoting the blue-hook, charged the trovernment

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 55 eh 20m

Tuesday 55 Di ihn Wednesday No Bitting. Thursday No sitting.

Friday 55 .... 65 Om

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 45 (n) 125 lern

Tuesday 45 (m) 1211 45m

Wednesday Noon.... 6h 53m Thursday 41s (us) lh 90322

Friday 4h .(m) lh 45m

5 ;Time, Sib 8m

63; — 38711 28ut Sittings thisWeek, 3; Time, 4h 20m SittingstkisWeek,

this Session, 46; — 9811 1001 — this Session, with having sent out Colonel Williams to do what he could without au- thority to do anything, and with such instructions that no one ehonld ever be able to say why he was sent out. He charged Lord Stratford with having given the Commissioner good advice—to remodel, to reform the Turkish army ; a thing he was resolved should never come about. The motives of Lord Stratford he was utterly unable to comprehend ; the conduct of Lord Stratford he was unable to understand or justify. He would not censure the Government and shelter a man who deserves cen- sure, not so much as they, but who unquestionably deserves it. Commenting on the use made of the Levantine Count Pisani by Lord Stratford, Mr. Whiteeide remarked that when Lord Stratford malted any- thing done he went to the Porte himself, when he wished a thing net done he sent Count Pisani. Conscious that he would be called to account, he took precautions fox his defence, and it was Pisani who kept the curious re- cord. Why were the services of the Count preferred ? Was it that the other attaches were English gentlemen, and not so ready as,Pisani to give pleasant answers to the queries of the Ambassador ? Lord Stratford in one of his despatches spoke of the few favoured states where public opinion pro- claimed the danger from corruption, and suggested the-remedy. The noble writer alludes to public opinion, "Does he think that public opinion is respected in a country where conduct such as he himself pursues can with safety be passed over unnoticed by the Government ? Well may he talk of public opinion, if the acts that he himself does in violation of his manifest duty, at an unparalleled crisis, can be covered or defended by the Govern- ment that maintains him in an office for which he has proved himself so wholly unfit." Mr. Whiteside admitted the foresight and dwelt on the energetic language of Lord Clarendon; who discovered the misconduct and was aware of the defaults of Lord Stratford in his neggeet of General Wil- liams But in his defence Lord Stratford made a lear, explicit, Point- blank request that the Foreign Secretary would explain once for all the re- lative duties and the relative authority conferred on General Williams. There was no answer defining the powers of General Williams. How does this ease stand? Take it as put in thestrongest possible manner for the Govern- ment: "'Lord Stratford de Redcliffe is an extraordinarily intractable and clever man; he was our Ambassador at Constantinople; he failed to per- form duties required of him, and the Foreign Secretary censured him.' But where, I ask, is the Ambassador ? He is there still. (Cheers.) Yet if the army in Asia was disorganized by the unaccountable behaviour, apathy,. and neglect of the Ambassador, how can any one maintain that the mere fact of their having censured Lord Stratford exonerates the Government from all responsibility in reference to this ease?" (Cheers.)

The next section of the speech was a review of the Kara blue.book re- Wine to the measures discussed for the relief of Kars, with the object of showing that it was the deliberate purpose of Lord Panniure not in any- way to contribute to the prosecution of the war in Asia.; of malting out that all Ministers did contribute was four men and a doctor—nothing more ; of exposing the "signal imbecility" of the War Minister ; the "cowardly suggestions" of Lord Clarendon—"if the army cannot main- tain Kars, it should fall back on Erzeroum"—compared with the in- trepid resolution of General William., who forced the Muchir to forego his inglorious purpose of evacuating Kars in June. On Lord Panmure's despatch condemning the plan of the Porte for the relief of Kars by the employment of the Contingent and other troops in Mingrelia, Mr. Whiteside thee comments. "Am I pressing the despatch of Lord Panmure too far against the noble Lord when I say that, although conscious of the state of things in Aka, he said there were no means of re-

lieving Brigadier-General Williams and his friends ? Here is a War

Mimi-

isterofa.suggestivemind! Here is a num of capacious intellect ! Here is a Minister to conduct a great war! It was said by Edmund Burke, in pro- posing his measure for the conciliation of America—and the observation is a profound, although apparently a very simple one—' It is easy to object ' ; and a greater philosopher than Burke has described to as a class of persons who appear to be wise by always objecting, because then there is an end of the business; whereas, if you were to assent, there would be something to be done, some energy to be employed, some skill to be made use of, some risk to be run, from which the small mind shrinks, and against which it shelters itself under its own incapacity, pronounces that the thing cannot be done, and leaves valuable lives and the honour of the country to be sacri- aced by its imbecility."

A third section of the speech dealt in the same manner with negotia- tions concerning the plan of Omar Pasha ; and threw equal blame upon the authorities who, two thousand miles off, gave orders as to details which they did not comprehend. He implied blame upon Lord Claren- don for consulting with the French Government; and he put in a telling light all the facto most adverse to the Government„—praising Omar Pasha, defending the Turkish officers, defending Lord Stratford- " always in the right " after he made up his quarrel with General Wil- liams. He condemned Ministers for not having asked for the money- 50,0001, or 100,080l.—that would have saved Kara ; and he charged Lord Panmure with something like falsehood.

"Did Lord Paumure write a despatch -on the 14th of July to say that there was no room for hope? Did- this noble Lord, who is the War Mi- nister of- England, write a despatah to say it was too late to regret the policy which has left General Williams and his army exposed to such straits ' ? Dtd he read that despatch of the ad of August to the French Go- vernment ? He did. And yet, when asked in public for information re- lative to the war, he says, 'I think Turkey in Asia will be able to Dislint.itl herself.'- Why, if the House will pardon that conduct on the part of a Minister who is bound to speak the truth—if it will tolerate conduct such as that—talk not to me of Ministerial responsibility. It is a farce—an idle ceremony. That statement was made to lull the public suspicion—to calm the public mind. It was made as this Parliament was about to break up for the session- I impeach this Minister for shameful neglect ; and I charge him with having perverted his duty, not only to his allies and to his Sove- reign, but to the sacred cause of truth." (Cheers.)

In an earlier part of his speech Mr. Whiteside demanded the vote of Lord John Russell. Quoting a passage from Lord John's speech in ex- planation of his abandonment of Lord Aberdeen in 1865, he observed that Lord John, like a true patriot, upset the Aberdeen Administration be- cause it did not carry on the war with vigour.

"There is something very_ singular in the aec mit given by the noble Lord of thnt. Government. He seems to have considered that the combi- nation of the rremier, Lord Aberdeen, with the War alinister, the Duke of Newcastle, occasioned all the difficulty, because if we had a good War Minister and a bad Prime Minister, or a good Prime Minister and a bad War Minister, public affairs might be successfully conducted, but with the conjunction of two bad Ministers that-was absolutely impossible. Nay, the noble Lord pushed the argument to this singular extent—he says, if the fiery spirit of the noble Member for Tiverton, in the capacity of War Minister, had been added to the rigid nature of the Earl of Aberdeen, the mixture would have been a good one. The noble Lord illustrated his meaning by historic references with which his richly coltiyated mind en- ables him to supply himself, and thus to enliven our debates. Why, if Lord North had been in the place of Lord Chatham we should not have made the conquest of Canada; and if Lord Cluitham had been in the place of Lord North, we should not have had to lament the capitulation oe Sara- toga. Who is Lord North ? We can guess—(Loral laughtsr)—but the mo- dern Chatham is now before us—(Renewed laughter and cheers)—he who is to exalt the nation to the height of glory, to terrify the enemies of Eng- land by his name, and, like his immortal predecessor, to make his influence felt wherever war rages in every quarter of the globe. (Cheers and laugh- ter.) The flatterers of Lord Palmerston say that he succeeded to hie position at a time of great difficulty. That is true, but such was his ambition. Times of calaini.ty and confusion produce the greatest minds. It is then that the genius of the statesman shines conspicuous amid the geueral gloom, as lightning is most brilliant in contrast with the darkest clouds. The noble Member for London however, only wanted one great Minister, but he got two—a Prime Minister of surpassing energy, and a War Minister of sur- prising genius. Let us inquire whether their action has been equal to their ability ; and then I will ask the noble Lord uhether his splendid illusion is not dispelled, and whether, with reference to the sentiments he expressed on the occasion to which I have referred—if the war in Asia does not appear to have been conducted with due energy and vigour—he can, as a consci- entious man, vote against the resolution I ant about to submit to the House." (Cheers and laughter.) The peroration—" Search through this mass of jargon, and you will look in vain for the evidence of wisdom or vigour. Here you have idle words for brilliant deeds—polished phrases for prompt and decisive actions. Tur- key expected and deserved more from Engand ; and therefore, Sir, I place this resolution in your hands, invoking in its support the votes of a pa- triotic Parliament, as I anticipate the approving voice of an indignant people." (Prolonged Opposition cheers.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL answered Mr. Whiteside; proposing to bring the House from the lofty flights of vivid and powerful rhetoric to the domain of sober facts. To judge how far the English Government is re- sponsible for the fall of Kars, we must consider the state in which Gene- ral Williams found the Turkish army—" a rabble and no army," as he designates it. The deplorable state of things that he found at Erzeroum and. 'Kam- General Williams sought to remedy, and partially succeeded. His Government could give him no authority, they could only give him instructions ; and if he received no authority from the Turkish Govern- ment, surely for that the British Government is not to blame. As to Lord Stratford, were gentlemen opposite prepared to say that he should have been recalled ? Would they censure Lord Clarendon because he did not recall that distinguished diplomatist at a time of great emer- gency? The Attorney-General contended, that Lord Stratford except ea regards his first omissions, and Lord Clarendon throughout, had given General Williams efficient assistance ; procuring, in succession the dis- missal of Zarif and Shukri Pashas, and the appointment of Vasailf Pasha, who had precise instructions to cooperate with General Williams. It was most important to maintain Kara, but neither Turkey nor England had the requisite means at their disposaL With regard.ta the plans for the- relief of Kars, he vindicated the course pursued by the Government in staying the desperate expedition proposed by the Ports, in requesting the assent of the French Government to the plan of Omar Pasha, in de- ferring to the opinions of the Generals in the Crimea, who declined to spare the Turkish troops. "The honourable and learned gentleman says, we ought to have sent money. In what form—as a gift, or a loan ? If we had proposed to send money as a gift, we should have been told that we were resorting to the worn-out and mischievous system of subsidies. We did ask for a loon; and we also asked the sanction of the House to the raising of a Turkish Con- tingent. Who so loud in opposing the Turkish Contingent as the honourable gentlemen opposite? When we asked for a loan, how was the proposal re- ceived? We were told we had not made out a sufficient case of necessity on the part of Turkey. This, let it be remembered, was in the mouth of July, at the very time when it was necessary, if at all, to send assistance to Kars. I should like to know where the honourable and learned Member for butis- killen was on that occasion ; he who today denounced with such glowing and fervid eloquence the ambitious projects of Russia, and who really seems to. lament that the war has been terminated and that peaceful and amicable relations have been restored ? Why, he voted against the Turkish loan ! " (Laughter and cheers.) After a shorter speech from Lord JOHN Maareetta in support of Mr. Whiteside, and another from the LORD-ADVOCATE on behalf of the Go- vernment, on the motion of Mr. 7. G. Partiamone the debate was ad- journed until Tuesday.

In the House of Lords on Tuesday, the Earl of MALMESBURY who had given notice of a motion substantially the same as Mr. Whiteflide's, notified that he should withdraw it. He said that he was "coerced by circumstances" into taking that couree,—the prolonged absence of Lord Clarendon; the importance of his motion, that rendered a week's notice necessary. Only the day before, Lord Clarendon had laid the treaty of Paris on the table and fixed Monday for its consideration. It would be inconvenient to have two debates on the same subject; and under these circumstances he would withdraw his motion. He asked if Lord Cla- rendon would lay on the table the terms of the motion he intended to make on Monday. Earl Gearevat.e.—" HI rightly understand the noble Lord, he atop- ther withdraws his notice of motion with respect to Kars." The Earl of MALME8BCRY—" Yea."

Earl Gitearvrime—" I am glad to hear it." (" Hear, hear ! " and a, laugh.)

The Earl of Msimesarray—" The noble Earl has not replied to my ques- tion."

Earl Grierevate—" The terms of the motion to be made by my . noble friend on Monday evening will be laid on your Lordships' table on J riday."

The debate in the Commons was resumed by Mr. J. G. PRILLIIIIORR; but it had not the same degree of interest as the discussion of the prece- ding evening. The substance of his speech was a vindication of the zeal and diligence of Lord Clarendon and a condemnation of Lord Stratford, Mr. Phillimore had given notice of an amendment, to the effect that a Select Committee should be appointed to inquire into the conduct of Lord Stratford ; but as he "would not stand between the Ministers of the Crown and the majority which, if the House were not transported by party violence beyond the bounds of reason, they had a right to ex- pect," he would withdraw his amendment.

The next speaker was Mr. KER SEYDIEB.; who picturing himself as undertaking the thankless task of interposing between two parties drawn up in hostile array, to persuade them to return home without finishing the battle, produced an amendment, to the effect that it would not be

expedient to offer any judgment on the causes and consequences of the capitulation of Kars until the House had considered the treaty of peace and the protocols. The gist of his speech was, that Ministers had to contend against immense difficulties, arising from the procrastination of the Turkish Pashas and the misconduct of Lord Stratford ; and its practi- cal conclusion, that the House should reserve its decision.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER touched upon three points, and treated them very distinctly. Mr. Whiteside assumed that the Govern-

ment are responsible for the war in Asia • but if the Government had not assumed that responsibility, Mr. Wthteside's accusation falls to the ground. But it was said they assumed the responsibility when they sent General Williams as Commissioner to Kars. They might have erred in interfering so far, but that interference was ca,used by their belief in the importance of the operations in Asia Minor. The French might have sent a Commissioner, but from the first the French Government did not attach so much importance to the operations in Asia Minor as the British Government. General Williams was not the only person who acted as Commissioner to a foreign army—there was an English Commissioner at the French head-quarters. Circumstances gave General Williams an exceptional position ; the Turkish officers were destitute of energy and ability ; General Williams was thus enabled to assume something like the command of Kars ; and that circumstance led Mr. Whiteside to make it appear almost as if Kars was defended by an English army, for the failure of which the English Government was responsible. Nothing could be more remote from the truth or more at variance with fact. Any one who listened to Mr. Whiteside would have supposed that Asia Minor was the main theatre of operations : but all military judges agree that the main object was to take Sebastopol. Had troops been withdrawn from before Sebastopol to relieve Kars the Government would indeed have neglected their duty. Sir George Lewis contended that the loss of Kars was not of great political importance ; that it had no political effect on the negotiations, for the preliminaries of peace were substantially adopted by Austria, England, and France before the fall of Kars was known. Instead of falling short of the preliminaries, Tait in shape without reference to the capture of Kars, the treaty goes beyond them. There is no trace in the protocols of any concession made by England and France in consideration of the capture of Kars. Nothing is said about equivalents, and the restoration of Kars stands in a distinct article of the treaty. Sir George gave a detailed explanation to show that there was no delay on the part of this Government with respect to the ad- vances of the Turkish loan. The act received the Royal assent on the 14th August ; the loan was negotiated on the 20th; on the 25th, 100,000 sovereigns were delivered to the War Department for shipment ; a simi- lar sum on the 31st August, and on the 8th, 13th, and 15th September; maldng 500,000/. The delay in the application of the money took place in the process of transfer to the Turkish Government, which objected to the arrangements thought necessary to secure the proper expenditure of the loan. The 500,0001. was not transferred until the 1st December. In the mean time, the Turkish Government had obtained from the Messrs. Rothschild 583,0001.; and thus they indirectly obtained a portion of the loan.

Sir George declined to accept the amendment of Mr. Seymer, because it gave the go-by to Mr. Whiteside's motion—a motion which Ministers felt it their duty to meet. They courted a decision on the motion as originally made, confident in an acquittal.

Sir JOHN Plixrerorow insisted that the Government were responsible for the fall of Kars. He relied on two despatches in the blue-book.

Having cleared the way by expressing his opinion that the conduct of Lord Stratford, which he could not vindicate, "had no material effect in musing the fall of Kars," Sir John laid great stress on the rejection by Lord Clarendon and Lord Panmure of the expedition to relieve the for- tress planned by the Porte, and condemned them for presuming to judge of the merits of the route selected and the condition of the troops to be employed. After distinctly refusing to adopt the proposition of the Porte, how could they say they were not responsible for the consequences ?

Mr. LAYARD took a share in the debate adverse to the Opposition. He held, that although the Government were to blame in some matters,

yet it is unfair to attribute the loss of Kars solely to them. Reminding the House that he had frequently called their attention to the importance of operations in Asia Minor, he said that no one except Lord Ellen- borough supported him. Wily did not Mr. Whiteside make his speech on the perilous state of things in Asia Minor two years ago ? His de- sire seemed to be rather to beat the Government than to beat the Rus- sians. His attack was directed against Lord Palmerston, whereas all the misconduct took place before Lord Aberdeen retired from office. Lord Aberdeen did not take precautions to defend the frontier of Asia Minor when the war broke out, and he ought to bear the responsibility. Mr. Layard made a qualified defence of Lord Stratford; and this seems to have excited Mr. Msourne., who amused the House for some time by the energetic way in which he expressed his "scorn, indignation, and disgust" at Lord Stratford's proceedings ; and the equally unequivocal denunciation he applied to the Turkish Pashas and officers—" the most atrocious miscreants that ever polluted the earth with their presence, dunkards, traitors, robbers, blackguards—everything that is abominable under the sun."

Sir WILLIAM Hearneorz was inclined to adopt the amendment of Mr. Seymer ; but the Government, by refusing to accept it, drove him into a corner, and he should be compelled to vote with Mr. Whiteside.

Mr. WARNER and Mr. Sergeant SHEE defended the Government. Here Sir EDWARD LYTTON moved the adjournment of the debate. Lord PALMERSTON, expressing his surprise at that motion, said that the

mind of the House was made up ; every man entitled to speak could not ; the opinion of the House was that they should decide the question that night. I can quite understand that the party who have in another place shrunk from this motion, daunted evidently by the speech of the mover of this re-

solution may wish to shrink and escape from a division here also. (Cheers.) We wile not lend ourselves to such invitations. We are here prepared to sit till the latest hour of the morning to which our discussions can extend. (Cheers.) I will take the sense of the House tonight ; and I have no hesi- tation whatever in expressing my conviction that the result will be the re- jection by a large majority of the motion of the honourable and learned

Member for (Cheers.)

Mr. Disa.szu said, that the moment he saw the amendment of Mr. Seymer he felt that. there was less chance than he could desire of a divi- sion that night. The real cause of their not dividing was that gentle- men put amendments on the paper without due reflection. Mr. Philli- more, it appeared, never intended to bring forward his amendment. If he had not given notice, Mr. Seymer would have moved his amendment on Monday, and the whole question would have been before them. " I shall support my honourable friend the Member for Hertfordshire in his fair and reasonable proposition that this debate should be adjourned. and as the noble Lord boasts of his power of sitting up, I tell him that he will find me ready also in my place, and that I will not rest till I obtain for my honourable friend that opportunity of recording his views upon this subject to which he is entitled. The noble Lord has assumed a tone not at all befitting the occasion. it is not altogether an unusual tone with the noble Lord, but, in my opinion it is a most unwarrantable one, and I assure the noble Lord that it Is a tone to which I for one never will succumb." (Cheers.)

The House then divided—For the adjournment, 173; against it, 243; majority, 70. The announcement of the numbers was received with loud cheering from the Ministerial benches. Mr. Mums moved the adjournment of the debate.

Lord Per.sizasropr, remarking that as Mr. Disraeli proposed to stay and support the motion for adjournment, and as the division might be taken as an indication of the division on the main question—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear ! ")—he would consent to adjourn the debate until Thursday.

Debate adjourned accordingly.

When the House assembled on Thursday, several orders of the day had precedence on the paper. It was proposed that they should be post- poned. Mr. DUNLOP complained of this ; saying that the only object of gentlemen opposite in supporting the adjournment was to give an oppor- tunity for five or six more speeches on a subject devoid of interest and already virtually decided. Mr. Merszs also made an appeal on behalf of private Members. Lord Run:ER.9Tel( said, he was not the proper person to appeal to. He had been willing to conclude the debate on Tuesday ; but Mr. Melina himself stepped in and again moved the adjournment after the House had decided not to adjourn. It would be better to go on with the debate now. Accordingly, the orders of the day having been postponed, Sir EDWARD Lyrrow resumed the debate on Kars. He said he did not intend to give offence by moving the adjournment on Tuesday : he had no personal wish to gratify-; friends urged him to do it ; many Members who usually speak had not spoken, and he had looked upon the adjournment as a matter of course. He would endeavour to make amends for his unin- tentional offences by condensing what he had to say as much as possible. Ministers laid the blame of the fall of Kars on the Turkish administra- tion; and Lord Clarendon had said that the neglected garrison would have the satisfaction of knowing "that their sufferings troubled the sleep and repose of the Turkish Ministers, who, in default of all ordinary measures of relief, never ceased to pray for their safety and success." But were there not other Ministers besides the Turkish whose repose that neglected garrison might have troubled, and whom the default of all ordinary measures of re- lief might have inspired not only with the piety of prayer but the humility of repentance ? Lord Clarendon wrote admirable despatches; if despatches would have saved Kars, Lord Clarendon would have saved it. Ministers, indeed, wrote admirably ; but he did not see how they could have acted worse. Granted that men could not have been drawn from the Crimea : Ears did not fall from want of men ; Kars fell from famine ; the want was not men, but money. Yet not a shilling of the taxes so cheerfully paid by England for the defence of the Sultan's dominions went in aid of the General who was defending those dominions—" the great keys of Asia Minor." What reason did the Chancellor of the Exchequer allege for not asking the House for a small sum—say 100,0001.? Why, that the amount was contemptible ! But if they would not apply for a grant, why was the Turkish loan so long deferred ? Had he been in the House he should have voted for the loan. What his party objected to was, however, not the loan, but the joint-guarantee with France. Had the conduct of gentlemen on that side of the House been such as could lead Ministers to suppose that the Opposition would have gone to a division in the spring against a proposal to give pecuniary aid to Turkey? What aid did Ministers give ? They took 20,000 Turks into their pay—and that was the reason why they could not be sent to Ears! They assigned to General Willinms a doubtful position with equivocal authority. The Ambassador neglected the Commissioner, and when the Ambassador, rebuked for his neglect, asked what were the powers of the Commissioner, he got no reply. Going over in detail the negotiations respecting the various plans for the relief of Kars, Sir Edward charged the Government with having no pre- meditated scheme ; with having obstructed the schemes of the Porte ; with having neglected to consult with France in April or May upon the proba- bilities of the campaign in Asia; and with having failed to supply all that General Williams demanded. There might be a majority against the mo- tion : many would vote from conviction, many from the loyal affection of party, some from personal admiration of the noble Lord ; huts majority woutd not be tantamount to an acquittal. "Not a step do you take, not a conception do you originate, not a strategy prepare, until you are over- whelmed by the logical consequences of your own improvidence and neglect ; and the stain of the fall of Kars will cling to your memory as a Government as long as history can turn to the blue-book for the record of a fortitude which, in spite of your negligence and languor, still leaves us proud of the English name." (Cheers.) Mr. Varisrox Spurn favourably contrasted the tone of Sir Edward Lytton's speech with the vituperation of Mr. Whiteside, and charac- terized the motion as one for party purposes. But the defence he offered of the Government was superseded, later in the debate, by a speech from Lord Palmerston. Mr. tszsrrrenr said that he had intended to vote with the Government; but the tone of the speeches of Ministers, who treated the question as one involving approval of their general policy, compelled him to vote with Mr. Whiteside. Captain LAPPAN and Co- lonel Derma discussed the military merits of the plans for the relief of Ears; the former vindicating, the latter condemning the decisions of the Government. Mr. Cower; defended the War Minister and the Govern- ment from censure they did not deserve; and recommended the House to avoid "all these vain and worthless discussions," and to unite at the command of their beloved Sovereign in thanking Heaven for the re- storation of peace. Mr. LIDDELL would vote for the amendment, on the ground stated by its mover; although he believed the fall of Kars was attributable to a want of energy and foresight on the part of the Govern- ment.

It was now the hour of dinner ; the House had grown thin ; no Mem- ber seemed disposed to rise after Mr. Liddell, and a cry of "Divide r arose. At length Sir TAMES GRAHAM got upon his feet ; and, assuring Mr. Dunlop, if he were in his place, that he did not intend to make a speech for display, said he should compress hie observations into the smallest possible space. Ile had doubts as to how he should vote. Ile knew the difficulties with which a servant of the Crown has to contend ; he knew from experience—from the authority of all great commanders— how difficult it is to conduct a great war with divided authority; and he quoted the °dicta of Wellington and Napoleon to support his opinion. He remarked that, thanks to the courtesy of Lord Raglan, the e11. ee with France had been preserved unbroken; and he passed to a consideration of the character of General Williams, to show that he was fit for his post. Mr. Layard had attacked the Government of Lord Aberdeen ; he preferred kicking a defunct Administration to a living one. He quoted the blue- book to show that Lord Clarendon and the Duke of Newcastle had, in 1864, directed attention to the war in Asia; and that they had urged the Porte to adopt without delay the necessary measures for the campaign in 1855. Dividing the blame imputed to the Government into two parts,— that being dissatisfied with Lord Stratford they did not recall him, and that they omitted to send aid to Kars in 1855,—he contended that, al- though he could not vindicate Lord Stratford's conduct, yet, considering his great services, it would have been a fatal error to recall him.

Coming to the second point—the omission of sending aid to Kars in 1865—Sir James admitted that the defence of Kars was secondary to the capture of Sebastopol. He seemed at first to approve of the refusal to allow Omar Pasha, while the operations before Sebastopol were pending, to take away his army ; and he seemed to think that the House would not condemn the Government because it gave way to the indisposition of the French to favour any operations elsewhere until Sebastopol was taken. But later in his speech, after blaming the Government for not supplying General Williams with money, he stated distinctly that he thought the wishes of Omar Pasha might have been met, and that his veterans might have been replaced by the Turkish Contingent. Too much had been conceded to the unfounded prejudices of our French al- lies. He desired to speak with the utmost dderense of the Emperor of the French, but the mortification felt by the Turks when the movement of their troops was made dependent upon his will, was natural and well- founded.

With respect to his vote, Sir James said he could not bring himself to say, as an abstract proposition—it might be from prejudice, it might be from kindly feeling towards old friends—that Lord Clarendon was defi- cient" in foresight and Lord Palmerston deficient in energy. The objects of the war had been obtained ; and it would be ungenerous to the Ad- ministration that conducted the war to that conclusion, to declare that it is altogether unworthy of the confidence of the country' and that it has failed in foresight and energy. "For these reasons, I shall neither vote for the amendment nor for the motion." (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI next rose, and made with the exception of Mr. White- side's the longest speech in the debate. He opened by remarking that Sir James Graham had tempered justice with mercy; had spoken against Ministers, for whom he intended to vote ; and had declared them sinners to be condemned, but that, abstractedly considered, they are innocent. He vindicated the propriety of the debate from the attacks of the Scotch Members. He denied that it was an entirely factious movement on the part of the Opposition ; and, discoursing on the functions of an Opposition, —to vindicate its principles, to offer its criticisms on public affairs with- out the slightest reference to the consequences of a division,—he de- clared that nothing would deter his friends and himself from taking a course founded on justice and right ; and that "no majority, however accidentally gained, can deprive discussion of its consequences, nor pre- vent truth from prevailing.' Mr. Whiteside's remarks on Lord Stratford had been "misunderstood." When the fall of Kars became known, every machinery was put in motion to convince the public that Lord Stratford was the cause of the disaster. But Mr. Whiteside did not bring him before the House to be branded by its verdict. There is no reference to the conduct of Lord Stratford in the reso- lution. That conduct, as shown in the documents placed on the table, is indefensible and Mr. Whiteside's argument was, that if Lord Stratford sinned the Government did not recall him ; and therefore they, and not Lord Stratford, were responsible. The conduct of Lord Stratford is by no means an important portion of the subject under discussion. They were plain men, and expressed in their resolutions what they said in their speeches. They did not want to upset the Government "We are not the men for that. If we wanted to upset a Government, we should seek some artist on the benches behind the First Minister." A little more than a yearago,. a very fine artist did upset the Aberdeen Government. And why ? , main- ly., specifically, particularly, and precisely," because he was dissatisfied with the conduct of the war in Asia. A Government was set up, headed by the modern Chatham, to carry on the war with vigour. General Wil- liams was then at his post, looking for support. What did Ministers do ? Did they send him men? It was said that it was not in their power to do so—all the energies of France and England, of Sardinia and Turkey, were, forsooth, concentrated at Sebastopol. He did not dispute that they were playing for a great stake ; but had not Russia also everything at stake at Sebastopol, and did she not contrive to fight for the prize she had set her heart upon in Asia Minor ? It exceeds belief that the Allies could not send 20,000 men to assist a beleaguered garrison in Armenia. But if they did not send men, neither did they send money ; and they justified their failure by saying that they would have had no chance of carrying a vote in that House. What a doctrine to advance in the House of Commons ! And when they raised a tardy loan, what did they do with it ? Not one piastre went to the relief of Kars.

At the close of his speech, Mr. Disraeli contrasted the position of Lord Palmerston, in making an attack upon the Ashburton treaty, containing charges little short of treason, and ending by a motion for papers, with that of Mr. Whiteside who made an explicit motion. On the second night of the debate, Lord Palmerston—" this great statesman, who could not enter on any imprudent course "—had the satisfaction of finding the House counted out. " Therefore, I think the noble Lord, who took such an exulting tone the other night, and who seemed to suppose that ours is to be the mi- nority and his the majority, ought to remember that, whatever our fate may be, it will be at least superior to that of the noble Lord when in a similar position."

Lord Jona/ RUSSELL pointed out, that the moment to make this motion had been chosen with singular infelicity. If the war had gone on, it might have been said that Turkey in Asia was endangered by the loss of Kars: but in a few weeks Kars will again bear the flag of Turkey. Or it might be said that the loss of Kars was injurious to the negotiations : but Mr. Whiteside did not follow Lord Malmeabury's example, and wait for the treaty to see if it bore testimony to his opinion ; he brought on the mo- tion the 'very day the treaty was laid before the House ! On the whole, Lord John thought the objects of the war had been attained. Lord Aber- deen's Government had decided that the mode of obtaining those objects

was by an expedition to the Crimea ; and the Governments of France and England determinedto encounter any risk rather than allow that expedition to fail. He heard with astonishment the doctrine of Mr. Disraeli that the Go- vernment could obtain men to send to Asia ; because he remembered, that " after every means of pressure had been employed, we were only able to send just a sufficient number of troops to the Crimea to hold the lines at Sebastopol." Lord Aberdeen's Government proposed to raise a Foreign Legion : who used language that prevented them from doing so ? Lord Derby, Lord Ellenborough, Mr. Disraeli and his friends ! It was no doubt desirable to send money to Turkey : but who were foremost in refusing the Turkish loan ? " The right honourable gentleman and his friends." • Mr. Disraeli, because it suited his purpose, said that Lord John resigned because he objected to the mode of conducting the war in Asia. Mr. Disraeli's memory may, as he says, have become weaker, but certainly his imagination has become stronger. Why Lord John resigned, was because he did not feel justified in opposing Mr. Roebuck's motion. After paying a tribute to General Williams, and repeating that we have gained the objects of the war, Lord John con- cluded to this effect-

" I think also, that the position in which we now find ourselves is in a great measure due to the principles of our constitution. It was said by a noble Lord in another place, that in the war now happily at an end the principle of representative government was on its trial. I can hardly agree to that statement, because I think that the principle of representative go- vernment had already been subjected to shocks as severe, and had always been triumphant. This war, however, i another triumph to that principle. We end the war with our finances unimpaired, with our trade uninjured, with a spirit as high as it was at the commencement of the war ; andT this, Sir, proves to use that a representative form of government is as great a tower of strength in war as it is a cause of prosperity in peace. The free expression of public opinion may cause at times some injustice, and I my- self have somewhat suffered from ; but it is inherent in free institutions, and those institutions have, I believe, deserved increased admiration and gained fresh lustre from the contest in which we have been engaged." (Loud cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON, in answer to the taunts of Mr. Disraeli, denied that he had made any attempt to stifle the debate. He thought on Tuesday that it was desirable to continue the debate; he thought on Tuesday, and thought now, that the division on the adjournment repre- sented the opinion of the House, and that they were then only perform- ing what has often been called the Parliamentary process of dividing first and debating afterwards. Mr. Whiteside had made a wonderful speech ; "a speech, however, which must have impressed every one who saw it—I say 'saw' it in preference to saying 'heard' it, as displaying on the part of the honourable and learned gentleman rather an activity, of body than a vigour of mind." ( "Hear, hear !" and laughter.) But it did no credit to his judgment. He began by a dissertation on the interests of England as connected with India and Persia : nothing could he better calculated to increase a suspicion which the enemies of England entertain—which the Russians had tried to instil into our allies—that we were dragging them into a war not for the defence of Turkey but the protection of India. He denied such an insinua- tion. England needs no allies to defend herself wherever she rimy be at- tacked. It is a total misrepresentation of the policy that guided us to say that we entered on the war to defend India against a Russian attack.

Lord Palmerston defended Lord Stratford against the vituperation of Mr. Whiteside, and contended that Lord Stratford is of all men the fittest for the post he occupies ; that Lord Stratford, although it is to be lamented that, "from pressure of business or any other cause," he omitted to answer the letters of General Williams, did all he could at Constantinople to obtain what General Williams wanted. Had the Government recalled Lord Stratford, they might have shown that they possessed "energy" but they would assuredly not have evinced much " foresight." "It is due to Lord Stratford to mention, in connexion with that recent great act which may perhaps be called the Magna Charts of the Christian population of Turkey, that when, in 1848, upon the termination of Sir Robert Peel's Administra- tion, I became Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Stratford was on leave of absence in this country, and I deemed it my duty to urge the re- quest that he would consent to continue to hold his office and would return to Constantinople. Lord Stratford did not belong to our pasty; he was a friend of Lord Derby ; it was Lord Derby . indeed, who gave him the title which he wears with so much honour to*linnself : but Lord Stratford, then Sir Stratford Canning, said he would return to Constantinople upon one condition—what was that condition ? It was that he should be supported by the Government at home, and urged to continue his exertions—those exertions which he had never intermitted during the long years he had been in Turkey—to obtain that equality between the Christians and Ma- hometans, which has at last crowned the efforts of his life." (Cheers.) The Government never undertook to carry on the war in Asia: the deci- sive blow was to be struck in the Crimea, the heart of the Russian power. They were resolved not to be drawn away by collateral and extraneous pur- poses; their great object was to capture Sebastopol and get possession of the Russian fleet. Russia was defending herself at home ; and it is no disgrace, as Mr. Disraeli alleged, that England and France could not oppose RESSIIR on her own soil with an equal force. It was not the loss of the mere posi- tion at Kars that was to be lamented—because they had resolved not to sheathe the sword while an inch of Turkey remained in the hands of Russia —it was because the conqueror in battle had been forced to surrender by pressure of famine. What led to the fall of Kars was want of provisions and the want of a relieving force. The want of provisions was caused by the mis- conduct of the Pasha of Erzeroum, who was iutrusted with the money to obtain them, but who left them half-way between Kars and Erze- roum, where they were seized by the Russians. Lord Palmerston here entered into a minute analysis of the facts, to show that the English Government were justified in objecting to the plan for relief projected by the Turkish Government; that the route by Trebizond was the best for a relieving army ; and that they were justified in deferring to the opinions of the Allied Generals with regard to the removal of Omar Pasha's army. "I think that no man of reasonable views will maintain that the Governments of England and France were not right in upholding the decision of their generals, that no portion of the troops should be taken from Sebastopol until Sebastopol had fallen before the attack of the Allies. The question, then, resolves itself into—nothing. (Laughter and cheers.) The censure that is east u n us is, in fact, a censure for having done our best to get possession of Sc'topol. It is a censure for having pursued a course which would end the great objects of the war, and for not having taken a course which would have defeated the great objects of the war. I am quite content to take our stand on that issue. (Cheers.) As to the conduct of the Opposition during the war, Lord Palmerston said he would be the first to do justice to the course they had pursued—a line of action which an Opposition has not always pursued.. "With those little exceptions to which my, noble friend behind me has adverted where flesh and blood could not withstand the temptation—such, for example, as

the opposition to giving the Turks money, without which the war could Lot go on, and the attempt to prevent us from raising additional troops in the first operations of the war,—with those exceptions, I am willing to admit that the course which they have taken has been most honourable to them- selves and perfectly in accordance with the general feeling of the country." (Ministerial cheers.)

He wound up his speech in a triumphant strain of panegyric on his men administration of the war, and ended with a taunt to ins o nents. "The party opposite, whatever may have been their energy in de to, have shown little foresight as to the result of this motion ; and I am satisfied that if they pursue the duty of Opposition with no more judgment than they have dis- played with regard to the motion, the people of this country will be of opin- ion that the longer they sit where they do the better it will be for the country. (Cheers and laughter.) Upon these grounds I go with confidence to a divi- sion." (Loud cheers.)

Mr. WHITESIDE replied, in a brief speech, full of retort ; and the House divided.

The first division was taken on Mr. Seymer's amendment ; which was negatived by 451 to 52.

The SPEAKER then put the original question. The House again di- vided—Ayes, 176; Noes, 303; Majority. against the motion, 127. The announcement was received with enthusiastic cheers from the Ministerial benches.

AUSTRIAN OCCUPATION OF ITALY.

Lord LYNDHURST gave notice last week that he intended to call the attention of the Peers to the occupation of a portion of Italy by Austrian troops. On Monday, the Earl of CLARENDON appealed to him, "on public

• grounds alone," to postpone his motion for the present. If he did, it 'would be more likely to promote those interests which both have at heart. Lord LYNDHURST consented ; but added—" I shall observe with con- .eiderable anxiety the course which is intended to be pursued to put an end to the intolerable grievances and misgovernment under which the people of Italy have been so long suffering."

MARRIAGE LAW, Lord Beoucluem presented a bill to make some amendments in the marriage-law so far as it is conflicting in the two countries of England and Scotland. The first part of the bill is intended to prevent the eva- sion of the English marriage-law by parties removing across the Scottish bolder and there contracting a marriage according to the law of Scotland. He proposes that if Scotland were not the birthplace or domicile Of the parties, three weeks' residence in that country should be a condition pre- cedent to the validity of the marriage. The second part of the bill pro- poses that persons, after a twelvemonth's residence in Scotland, may ob- tain a divorce in a Scotch court which will be valid in England. The bill was read a first time.