TOPICS OF THE DAY.
WHAT IS THE FOOD CONTROLLER WAITING FOR ?
WE trust that our readers will not think we are suffering from a fit of nerves over Food Shortage, or tho sub- marine peril. We have never felt more happy about the mili- tary position, more certain of the weakness and imminence of collapse in our foes, or of the determination of the country to win the war be the cost what it may. But though from so many sides the prospect is bright, we are not going to blind ourselves to the fact that there is one great source of danger, a danger so great that it may undo us all. That is the danger which comes by way of the sea, comes from our being, in the Govern- ment's own words, "a beleaguered city." But once again our readers must not think that because we realize the greatness of the danger we are unnerved by it, or think that even if the very worst happens it should cause us to give in to our enemies. All we want to do is to make the British people recognize the danger fully, and to meet it at once by every measure that is appropriate and that will minimize the evil.
But can any one say that the Government are leaving nothing undone that can be done, to make our position secure, in face of what has already happened, what is happening, and what is going to happen now that Germany has got her in- creased supply of submarines and has proclaimed to the world her intention of sinking everything that approaches our shores ? No doubt a good part of her threats are empty, but on the other hand experience shows us that she can, in spite of her naval inferiority, carry out a very large portion of them. The fact that of the food eaten m this country two-thirds at the very least has to reach us by sea transport is Germany's opportunity to bring us to our knees, and she is now going to use that opportunity to the full. In these circumstances what is our duty ? What would any one of our readers, who had the full use of his faculties and who was in power at this moment, do in regard to the Food peril ? W, ould not the first thing he would do be to say : I am not going to run any risk of famine that I am not compelled to run by physical circumstances. I am not going to trust to luck,' to just managing,' or to ` running through even if it is by a near squeak,' or anything of the kind. I am not going to say that I should like to do this or that thing, but cannot do it because the interests ' opposed to my doing it aro too powerful. I am not going to listen to. any talk about ` reasonable compromises,' or ` acting sensibly,' and not upsetting powerful people,' or the like. I am not going to put off action till the very last minute, or to wait and BCC whether I cannot escape taking a big plunge by some happy accident. I am not going to pause a little in order to make sure that things won't improve. Lastly, I am not going to allow anything to be done which if things get worse will expose me to the censure of my own conscience or of public opinion, the censure conveyed in the words : Too late ! You could if you had been prompt have prevented this or that waste of food, but you did not prevent it. You let the food be wasted, and you can never get it back again. Because you did not stop a preventable waste, those dead children were as much murdered by you as if you had cut their throats with a knife."
So far we feel sure that our readers will be with us as to what should have been the attitude of the Food Controller and of those who control that Controller—namely, the War Cabinet. Now let us see what it means when translated into action. What would our sane Spectator reader actually do if ho were now in power ? We believe that he would declare his policy as follows : " I am going to build up a store of food in this country. I am going to create such a national cupboard that I shall be able to say to the Government and the nation : `.You are safe for nine months, even if the Germ&n3 can carry out their threats and not a single ship with food or corn can enter our ports for three-quarters of a year.' For the next three months I am not going to allow any ship to be laden for Britain in any port in tho world except with food or with steel or munitions required for war purposes. And here remember I am not going to reject this or that form of food, such for example as rice (unpolished) or lentils or rye, because I am told that the British people have proud stomachs and will not cat them.. Provided the food is good and whole- some I am going to buy it when and where I can—i.e., where it is to be found in plenty—and store it against a rainy day. If I am told that this is an impracticable scheme, and that under it ships will come back empty, I say they will do nothing of the kind. There is practically no port in the world in which there is now a British ship or a neutral ship under British charter where a telegraphic order would not secure a cargo of local foodstuffs, instead of one of luxuries or so-called essential raw materials such as are now freely entering this country. I am not going to be content, however, with letting nothing except food and steel come to this country till my store- cupboard is full. I shall see to it that nothing in this country which can be used for food shall be used for anything else. Again, I am not going to be content with saying that on and after the 1st of April next the brewers must only destroy in the produc- tion of intoxicants seventy per cent. of what they were destroy- ing till that date. I am going to shut down their food destruc- tion now—at once. Not thirty in fivescore but seventy more shall be saved for food. Not one ounce of food now sn this country shall be turned into beer till the danger of shortage is over. If it turns out that this was an unnecessary precaution, I shall not mind. Only a fool weeps over his past insurance premiums and says : My house never was burnt—what a pity I spent all that good money on insurance. I might have spent it on champagne or cigars.' Till, then, the danger is past my maxim is going to be—` Bread before Beer.' If I am told that this will never do, and that however much I may dislike it, it is a fact that the country would rather risk its safety than interfere with the Trade on one side or the workmen's beer on the other, I shall pay no attention whatever. I know such talk to be rubbish. I know that if the issue is plainly put before him, there is not a man in the country who would not say he would rather give up his beer or his whisky for a few months than run any risk of famine which he need not run. If, further, people tell me that what I can save by stopping the production of beer is too small to be worth while, I shall reply that they are grossly ignorant of the facts. The waste of food there is on so huge a scale that if we had stopped barley being turned into beer at the beginning of the war, and had put that barley into store for a rainy day, we should now be absolutely safe 1 " We have set forth in the abstract and in the concrete the way in which the sane man would meet the Food Shortage and the submarine peril. Now look at the way in which the Food Controller is meeting it. He is not saying that till we are safe no sea tonnage shall be used for conveying anything but food or steel. He is allowing the brewers to destroy all the barley they desire to destroy up till All Fools' Day, and after that felicitous date seventy per cent. of what they have been accustomed to destroy. If that is the way in which a great business man is content to meet a great crisis, all we can say is : " God help him and the nation that trusts him 1 " But the matter cannot stop here. If Mr. Lloyd George and his War Cabinet, who control the Controller, are content with this policy as regards food, then we must say, though we say it with deep regret, that they are not fit to rule this nation. Thero is nothing we desire more than to give loyal and hearty support to the new Government. But how can we give it to those who apparently are going to run the risk of History having to record that when we were on the verge of win- ning the war on sea and land, and beating our foes to a frazzle, we were compelled to give in because we had not taken the trouble to conserve our food supplies ? We went on turning good food into beer till it was too late to break off the evil game !
Our voice may be feeble compared with the voices of the eminent statesmen whose policy we oppose, and it may be that our countrymen will rather run risks with a great and practical business man like Lord Devonport than do what can be done to avoid those risks with one whom our oppo- nents no doubt call " an excitable journalist with no experience of affairs." Be that as it may, we mean to ask our readers to join us in a public protest against the policy of " waiting and seeing " how much food it is safe to waste in brewing till famine is upon us. 'We have come to the conclusion that the best way to make our protest effectual is to support the admir- able organization which is working for Prohibition during the War entitled " The Strength of Britain Movement." If it is given the sinews of war, the skilful advertisements sent forth by this body can be made to reach all classes in all parts of the country. It is stated that to cover the ground properly £100,000 is required. We ask our readers to help us to help the promoters of " The Strength of Britain Move- ment" to raise this sum. Subscriptions should be addressed to The Spectator, 1 Wellington Street, Strand, London, W.C., with the letters " D. G. written on the envelope. Cheques should be made payable to "The Spectator" and crossed. "Bar- clay and Co., Goslings' Branch, Spectator ' D. G.' Account," or can be paid direct into the Spectator " D. G." account.
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