TOPICS OF TIIE DAY.
THE FUTURE OF THE UNIONIST PARTY.
WHAT we hoped and believed would happen is already happening. A movement, and a strong movement, is beginning, not among the leaders, but within the Unionist party itself, for reconstruction on Free-trade lines. ;Unionists in London and at headquarters may glory in .the prospect of Bourbon leaders who forget nothing and learn nothing, but it is clear that there are thoughtful men scattered up and down the country who, if they can help it, will not allow the party to remain for ever in the Slough of Despond of Protection. As journalists, we are proud to note that the signals of good sense are being made first of all in the newspapers—not in the London Unionist papers, of course, for they seem to have been 'seized since the defeat with a kind of political delirium— but by some of the country Unionist organs of public opinion, which, we venture to think, are far more in touch with political realities than their colleagues in the Metropolis. For example, the Western Mail a Cardiff, a most important and ably conducted Conservative paper, in its issue of Tuesday spoke out with no uncertain sound on the need of the Unionist Party to reconsider its position. In the most prominent place in the paper the Western Mail pub- lished what it rightly describes as an important letter from an influential Conservative connected with the Cardiff district. We have no clue to the identity of the writer, but it is clear that he is not only a strong and loyal Conservative, but also a man who can think and give adequate expression to his thought. After pointing out that the main issue at the Election was Free-trade versus Protection, and that the effect of the Fiscal controversy had been to detach thousands of voters from the party, and declaring that men like the Duke of Devonshire, Lord GOschen, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, and Lord,Hugh Cecil represent a class which, though they do not make much public clamour, nevertheless exercise great influence, he proceeds to state under various heads what he considers the party should do. First, they should abandon Tariff Reform. No doubt, he says, that policy is dear to many members of the party ; but so was Home-rule to many Liberals, yet they found it necessary to recognise their mis- take. Had they not done so they would still be in the wilder- ness. Next, they should endeavour to settle the education question on reasonable and moderate lines. Further, he desires that a strong party programme should be formulated on popular lines, including measures for largely increasing the number of 'small holdings in England. In conclusion, he declares that the abandonment of the Fiscal question, the settlement of the education question, and a friendly iSolicy towards the Trade-Unions, especially over the Taff Vale case, will bring back to the Conservative ranks thousands of moderate men who must eventually become alarmed by the progress of the Socialist movement.
It may be said, perhaps, that no great significance need be attached to the fact of a Conservative newspaper giving expression to individual opinions of this kind. Possibly that is so ; but no one will deny the importance of the fact that the Western Mail, in a powerful leading article, endorses the essential part of the letter. It is necessary, says the Western Mail, that a definite conclusion should be come to without delay by the Conservative leaders. Either Fiscal Reform must be dropped at once, or else it must be clearly defined and adopted by the whole party. "But," adds the Western Mail, "the party will take this latter alternative with their eyes open to the risk we have already alluded to, the risk of many years of Opposition." It is clear that the Western Mail strongly desires that Protection should be dropped, and dropped immediately, and, as it puts it, that "the experi- ence of the Radicals should not be lost upon the Con- servative leaders." That is excellent sound sense, and we Congratulate our contemporary upon having the courage to be among the first to formulate openly what so many people are saying and thinking in private. When we speak of the Western Mail's courage, we do so advisedly, for we do not doubt that tremendous pressure is beinn- brought, and will continue to be brought, to stifle the voice of our contemporary. We have mentioned the Western Mail as among thefirst of the Unionist newspapers to speak out, but the credit of being actually the first must be given to the Inverness Courier, a, Liberal Unionist organ, which on Tuesday, Ja.mary 23rd, wrote in a similar strain. After noting Mr. Chamberlain's efforts to pin the Unionist Party to a policy of Tariff Reform, the Inverness Courier proceeds as follows :—" The forces against his scheme, which we have mentioned above, are permanent forces, not to be overcome by persistent appeals. We are sorry to see his [Mr. Chamberlain's] statement endorsed by the chief organs of Unionism in the London Press. They are attempting to lead the party on a false track. If Unionism is not purged of the error which led to the present disaster it is doomed to further defeat.
The London press, it may be said, has failed, and not for the first time, to understand the trend of affairs. In 1880 it was equally sure and equally mistaken. At present it seems to be governed largely by financial interests, and though many of the papers boast of vast circulations, they have no idea of the currents that really sway the people. While the journals are well managed and in- teresting to read, their political influence is small. They echo the sentiments only of a particular class, and do not represent the genuine movements of public opinion." We do not, of course, wish to exaggerate the effect of the line taken by two newspapers. It is, however, significant that an appeal for reconstruction on a Free- trade basis should have been made independently in two places so different as Cardiff and Inverness. Again, we must remember that indications of a similar kind, though not expressed with so much clearness and boldness, are to be detected in other Unionist newspapers outside London. The Chamberlainites may be shouting very loudly about their successes in Birmingham, but such laudation leaves the ordinary Conservative cold. He is willing enough to admit that Mr. Chamberlain can make himself and his immediate circle safe, but what he wants to know is how the Unionist Party as a whole is once more to gain the confidence of the country. If the party is to forget all its old faith, and is to be committed irrevocably to a "raging, tearing" policy of Protection, resting on appeals to the Irish on one side and to Socialists on the other, as in the Halesowen speech, he views the prospect with something like despair. In any case, we do not mean to desist from our efforts to induce the rank-and-ffie of the Unionist Party to reconsider their position, and not to allow themselves to be driven over the precipice. We admit that an appeal to the so- called leaders of the party is useless, and that we shall be treated by the official Press and by the Tapers and Tadpoles as mere madmen for thinking it possible that anybody can stand up against Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Balfour combined. Nevertheless we intend, while the slightest ray of hope remains, to insist, as we insisted last week, that there is only one chance of re-establishing the Unionist Party. If we fail, we shall fail in a good cause. Meantime, the encouragement that the policy of common- sense is receiving in the quarters we have indicated above inspires us with the belief that the attempt is not so desperate as it seems at first sight. No doubt it will take time, and no doubt, also, we shall meet with plenty of reprobation and denunciation ; but even if it should take ten years to accomplish our object, it will have been worth while.
It remains to be said that the Liberal Press has shown true patriotism as well as good sense in the way it has approached the matter. If it had been actuated by mere party considerations, it would, of course, have done nothing to help a movement which, if it succeeds, must strengthen the Unionist Party. Instead, it would have done its best to encourage Mr. Chamberlain's policy of undiluted Tariff Reform. The Liberal newspapers realise, however, that it is not good for the nation that any one party should have a monopoly of power, and that a strong and sane Opposition is as necessary to the national welfare as a strong and sane Government. In the line they have taken we believe, also, that they repre- sent what may fitly be termed "the better opinion" of the nation as a whole. The nation desires to possess, as an alternative depositary of power, a strong Conservative—or should we say Left-Centre P—Party. It knows, too, that such a party will never be formed by Mr. Chamberlain, with his appeals first to the Nationalists and then to the Labour extremists.. But in the end what the nation as a Whole desires generally comes to ims. It determined that it had no use for a Liberal Party irrevocably committed to Gladstonian Home-rule, and Gladstonian Home-rule has ceased to be a part of the creed of the Liberal Party. In the same way it has, we believe, determined that the Unionist Party shall not prevail or possess power till it has been purged, and purged thoroughly, of the Chamberlain policy and of that other policy which is but Chamberlainism under an alias.
We may say, in conclusion, that though we do not desire to open our columns to any rediscussion of the Fiscal con- troversy, we shall be glad to hear from those who desire the reconstruction of the Unionist Party on a Free-trade basis. On the issue of Protection versus Free-trade the country has spoken, and we do not mean to weary our readers by a repetition of the old arguments. The problem of reconstruction is, however, a vital problem, and one which we desire to see fully and impartially discussed. We do not want recriminations as to why and how the battle was lost, but rather, as we have said, concrete suggestions for the organisation of future victory.
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