Vrhatru nut( Vriardirgo iu Ihriiroutut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP Ton WEER.

Holm OF Loans. Monday, Jan. 29. Trials for Petty Offences; Lord Brough- am's Statement—Order of Military Merit; Duke of Newcastle's Announcement— Army Administration; Earl Grey's Motion. Thursday, Feb. 1. The late Ministry ; Lord Aberdeen's Statement ; Duke of Newcastle's Statement; Lord John Russell's Speech.

House or Costume. Monday, Jan. 29. Adjourned Debate on the Conduct of the War; Mr. Roebuck's Motion carried by 305 to 148. Jhesday, Jan. 30. Fisheries (North American) Bill read a Bret time—Carriage of Passengers Bill read a first time. Thursday, Feb. 1. No business of importance.

Friday, Peb. 2. The Vote of Thanks communicated to Sir De Lacy Evans in per- son—Fisheries (North American) Bill reported, TIME. TABLE.

ADJOURNED Mr. STAFFORD opened Monday's debate on Mr. Roebuck's motion ; principally with a detail of what he had seen at Scutari, Balaklava, and the camp before Sebastopol. At the outset, however, in reference to the resignation of Lord John Russell, and the reconstruction of the Govern- ment, he said that the House should not deal with this Minister or that, but hold the whole Ministry responsible. He bad heard with indifference the statement of Mr. Sidney Herbert, that a commission had been sent out to inquire into the affairs- of the hospital, because, however that com-

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment. Monday 611 . 9h 15m Tuesday No sitting.

Wednesday . No sitting. Thursday 6h 7h Om Friday No sitting.

Sittings this Week, 2; Time, 6h Ilim — this Resslon. 16. - 96h Xlm

The Commons.

Hoar of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 4h .(m) lb 41int

Tuesday 4h db 40m

Wednesday No sitting.

Thursday 4h .... 411 46m Friday 4h .... 6h Om

TttngatlsC:en;4rie. e:tseiesio 15. Time. r - DEBATE ON THE Co/moor or THE Wes. mission might report, it would not absolve the Minister of War or the Secretary at War from their responsibility ; it would only expose their complete and unhappy failure,. Actuated by no party motives, he would always be found ready to communicate the results of his experience to any Minister of War, whoever he might be. In an account of the different hospitals, Mr. Stafford expressed his ap- proval of the choice of Smyrna as a site for a new hospital ; as the position of the hospital at Scutari, and the atmosphere at Constantinople, are unfa- vourable to the healing of wounds. Abydos was well chosen as a spot for a hospital ; and if the stores were ready it would not turn out a failure. But when Mr. Stafford was there, there were four hundred soldiers, and only two bottles of port-wine in store. Mr. Stafford eulogized the bold and judicious manner in which the Times correspondent in charge of the sick and wounded fund had acted in a difficult and delicate situation ; and regretted that the fund was nearly exhausted. He described the bad state of the hospital at Scutari ; men lying on mattresses upon a floor of unglazed porous tiles, stained with feculent matter, which had engendered a noxious atmosphere, so that whoever entered caught the prevailing diseases.. It had been greatly improved, but it was still and always will be unhealthy. The doctors are not entirely to be blamed ; for there has been a want of proper instructions from home. As another illustration, he took the case of " convalescents" returning to the Crimea. Out of three hundred few had knapsacks: Inquiring of one soldier where his shoes were, he was told they were in his knapsack, lying with others in a ship a hundred yards off: Mr. Stafford went to the ship, but he could only obtain two knapsacks : the fact was the whole of these knapsacks had remained on board the ship ever since the troops had landed in the Crimea, and they had made four voyages to and fro between the Crimea and Scutari; in this case they were under the cargo, and two were all that be could obtain. He described the hospital at Ba- laklava,—now greatly improved—as uncleanly, unventilated, without a sheet, a mattress, or one single medical comfort. There were fourteen men in one room, and nine in another, lying on the bare boards; while in the passage between the two were bedsteads that could have been put up in two or three minutes. He found one of the convalescents sitting in the middle of the street, ready to drop with fatigue and hunger, and nobody to take him to the hospital—next morning he died. Another case was that of a man who could take no food but hospital sago : he was allowed a pint a day ; he wished to have it three times a day, instead of other food; he was willing even to buy it ; but he was refused the privilege. Mr. Stafford wished to take him back to Scutari, but the medical officer said he had not been ill Iong enough. "Riding out one morning towards the camp, he passed a man lying down by the roadside in the last stage of diarrhoea ; as he passed, he heard the man say, not addressing any one in particular, Will anybody take me away or kill me ? ' On this he dismounted and asked the man how he came there ? 'They have been moving me down from the camp' said, to put me on board ship ; but they have left me here, and I don't know what they are going to do with me ; but I wish they would either 11M me or take me away. There were four or five others close by in even a worse condition, inasmuch as they could not speak, while this man could ; and, on turning towards the camp,, he saw coming towards him a long pro- cession of our wounded soldiers, being brought down from the camp on French mules and in French ambulances. He would do the French soldiers the jus- tice of saying that no countrymen could have behaved with greater kindness to these poor fellows. They lifted them gently from the panniers in which they were placed ; but there were no arrangements made to receive them, and there they lay on the shore until the two boats appointed to re-. ceive them carried them on board the ships." The sick on board the Avon had been served, with soup made of whole pease, which instead of thickening sank to the bottom, while the greasy pork floated at the top. The Candia went to Balaklava to bring down sick, and took some medieal comforts with her ; but Captain Field could not obtain permission to leave them from the authorities, until he said he would deliver them to any officer who would give him a receipt for them. When the sick were put one board, had it not been for the urgent representations of Captain Field, there would have been no medical provision at all. These sick men had nothing to cover them but filthy blankets, swarming, with vermin. At the instance of Mr. Stafford, the doctor was induced to waive routine and to issue fresh blankets; which, the orderlies being ill, Mr. Stafford and his servant served out to the men.

He contrasted the state of the French hospitals with ours, from personal inspection ; describing the French as clean, well-ventilated, and well sup- plied with every convenience ; so that "it seemed as if the French had been there for ten years and that the English same only the day before." Amidst the gloomy pieture which he drew, Mr. Stafford eongratulated Mr. Herbert on the success of one measure—the sending out of the female nurses last autumn. Success more complete had never attended human effort than that which had resulted from this excellent measure. They could scarcely realize, with- out personally seeing it, the heartfelt gratitude of the soldiers to these noble ladies, or the amount of misery they had relieved, or the degree of comfort —he might say of joy—they had diffused ; and it was impossible to do jue- ties, not only to the kindness of heart, but to the clever judgment, ready in- telligence, and experience displayed by the distinguished lady to whom this difficult mission had been intrusted. If Scutari was not altogether as we could wish it to be, it was because of the inadequate powers confided to Miss nightingale; and if the Government did not stand by her and her devoted band, and repel unfounded and ungenerous attacks made upon them—if it did not consult their wishes and yield to their superior judgment in many respects—it would deserve the execration of the public. (Cheers.) He told how happy the news of the Queen's letter had made the wounded in the hospital at Scutari. He saw one poor fellow proposing to drink the Queen's health with a preparation of bark and quinine .which he was ordered to take as a medicine ; and when Mr. Stafford remarked that the draught was a bitter one for such a toast, the man smilingly replied—" Yes, and but for these consoling words I could not get it down." This anecdote was told to his fellow sufferers, and this was the way in which they sweetened their bitter draughts. He had no notion of the noble qualities possessed by these brave men until he lived and laboured among them. Fervent exclamations of humble piety and sincere penitence were heard escaping from their dying lips. Unceasing pain and approaching death failed to unman those gallant spirits ; and it was only when charging him with their last messages to those near and dear to them that their voices were noticed to falter. Once, indeed, a brave fellow, who bore the highest character in his regiment, on his deathbed uttered to him these words—" Had I been better treated I might have gone back to my duty in the field, and there I should have been ready to meet the soldiers of the enemy : but England has not cared for ine.' These words caused to Mn Stafford's mind the deepest pain, but he felt convinced that England did care for her soldiers; indeed, from what he had seen of the feeling of this country since his return, he believed that there was comparatively nothing else for which the people of England now eared as much as for the welfare of those who fought their battles. The issue raised by the present debate was, whether the system which en- gendered such disasters and such misery, so correctly described by the chief organ of the British press, should be abolished or suffered to continue. Mr. Osscuarn said he did not collect from the panoramic view submit. ted by Mr. Stafford whether he included the naval administration in the obloquy he had thrown upon various branches of the military service. He might be content to rest the vindication of his vote on the ground that the Admiralty had done its duty; but he would not sacrifice a Min- ister to the faults of a system, well defined as a system of the middle ages, but a system sanctioned by former Ministers and Parliaments. Does our military system tend to develop or bring forward military talent or genius ? It does not. Look how the staff is composed. (Cheers and counter-cheers.) It is all very well to talk of consolidation, and the substi- tution of one man for another : whatever may be the vigour and experience it will not be sufficient ; you must reconstruct your whole military system. An army must go through a campaign as well as win battles. " You must lay an unsparing hand upon that building adjacent to these premises—you must see, whether, in fact, you ran find a modern Hercules to turn the Serpentine through the Horse Guards and all the ramifications of the War Office." (Cheers.) In France, the staff is the head of the army ; and officers are placed on it who possess a knowledge of military science and display fer- tility in expedients. In England, staff-officers are appointed by interest and connexion. If a return were obtained showing how many of the staff-officers in the Crimea can speak French, or trace a common military field plan, it would be found that not one-third could do it. If anything happened to Lord Raglan, where could a second in command be found ? How can we have a succession of generals, when any man with peculiar talent can only enter the army by lodging a large sum of money and purchasing every step ? The regu- lation-price—and no man gets it for the regulation-price—for the commission of a Lieutenant-Colonel of infantry is 45004 ; in some instances, 16,0001. had been paid. How is it then that any but a rich man can enter the army ? (Opposition cheers, and a call of " Question !" from the Treasury-benches.) " I think this is speaking to the question—this is going to the core of your system, which I maintain is rotten." (Opposition cheers.) He had entered on the subject with some demur—he had been told it was not for a person in his situation to speak ; but in his mind the safety of the whole army is at stake. Another army constituted on the same footing will not do any better. " It is not enough that soldiers must win battles, they must go through campaigns ; and we have seen the lamentable and disgraceful way in which this war has been conducted." (Vehement Opposition cheers.) He imputed no inefficiency to the men—they are the victims of a system which the House is to blame for having submitted to so long. In the Caffre war the troops were armed with Brown Bess," and dragoons were sent with bullets that would not go into their rifles. 'For eighteen years we have been talking of consolidation : some terrible calamity occurs near our own doors, and then we set about condemning a Minister who is really destroyed by the system. " The fact is this, that you never will have any reform till you commence with the Horse Guards, and are not satisfied with the mere consolidation of offices. It is very painful to me to make this statement. (Laughter.) I have a superior duty to perform. I represent a constituency. (Derisive cheers.) It is not the first tune I have made these representations to the House ; and I do say now, with the most perfect sincerity, that I feel I am performing a most sacred duty." (Renewed cheers from the Opposition.) Mr. HENLEY said, the real question was, had the Government made the best use of the means at their disposal ? Knowing they had no wag- gon-train—knowing that plenty of transports would be wanted—why, when they abounded in this country, did not the Government provide them ? Weakened by disease caused by the neglect of the Government, the army left Varna and landed in the Crimea, and the men were four- teen days without cover because there was a want of transports. When the only road from Balaklava to the camp was seized by the enemy, how could the army, which had not been reinforced, get up the thousands of tons of stores sent to Balaklava ? That the transport of 50,000 troops and 250,000 tons of stores should be made a matter of difficulty, considering the resources of this country, was the most marvellous thing he had ever heard of. Turning to the motion before the House, Mr. Henley said he saw no inconvenience in the form of the motion, nor force in the argument that it should have been a vote of no confidence and not a motion for inquiry. It ex- pressed the real meaning and feeling of the country. How could they answer the universal cry, " Why are these things so mismanaged ?" by saying that the motion would set a bad precedent ? The Government had the people at their back ; the House of Commons gave them carte blanche as far as money was concerned; they knew the transport service was defective ; they had failed ; and their defence was that the system was a bad one ! Hundreds of men in the country would have conveyed these 250,000 tons of stores to the camp and laughed at it : but Minis- ters were too self-sufficient to ask advice or aid from others. The carrying of the motion would have the effect of setting things to rights. The Duke of Newcastle was "one of the most ill-used men in her Ma- jesty's dominions." No doubt, he was a most unfit man for the post assigned to him ; but he ought not to have been left in the dark as to what was going on in November, in a matter which so intimately con- cerned himself; "and then, when he was brought into a fix, he ought not to have been abandoned and left to himself.'

Admiral BERKELEY vindicated the Admiralty from the "unjust at- tack" of Mr. Henley. Lord Raglan had not complained of want of transports, but that there were no waggons in the Crimea. Then to at- tempt to keep an army of 30,000 men well supplied from Balaklava would be about as reasonable as it would be to attempt to feed the popu- lation of London in St. James's Square. Merchants want ships to carry on commerce ; and a letter just received from Liverpool stated that more transports could not be found. The debate was maintained on the part of the Opposition by Mr. BERZSFORD, Mr. Mnats, and Mr. Riftirmeir. Mr. Rim eulogized Lord John Russell, and argued for inquiry. Mr. Rica said that the proposed inquiry would fetter the Executive in the application of a decisive remedy,

Sir Flux= BARING took up a distinct position. To inquiry he was opposed, because it would, as he elaborately made out, frustrate the re- lief of the army, that object which all have in view, and paralyze the de- partments at home and abroad. Inquiry, in fact, although desired by the public, is the worst step that could be taken. Some said that al- though inquiry was absurd they would vote for it as a vote of censure : then why not propoise a direct vote of censure ? If the motion for in- quiry were carried, they would get rid of it afterwards ; and that would be an unworthy course for the House of Commons to take. He then touched upon the conduct of Lord John Russell. As a supporter of the Government, the disclosures of the last few days had given him great pain, and led him to doubt whether he could have confidence in the War Administration. Some arrangement like that proposed by Lord John Russell in November last was imperatively called for ; but Lord Aberdeen had rejected it on insufficient grounds. It is, no doubt, painful to tell those to whom you are attached that others are better than they for the public ser- vice ; but, at a moment wheu the safety of our troops, the honour of Eng- land and her allies, are at stake, " private affections ought not to have been listened to." Lord John Russell had spared Lord Aberdeen the most pain- ful part of his duty, by courageously undertaking to make the first move ; he had manfully done his duty, and Sir Francis wished that Lord John had been supported by his colleagues. He begged it might be understood that he did not mean his vote to be one of confidence in her Majesty's Govern- ment.

Sir BULWER Lrrrox, dismissing the arguments relating to the abstract propriety of appointing a Committee, said the question was, could the House acquiesce, without becoming accomplices in the destruction of the army, in the mode by which Ministers have discharged their responsibi- lities ? Lord John has refused to be an accomplice—would the House be more complaisant ? Should they be restrained from a remedy by inquiry, because the motion should have been a vote of censure ? "Take it, then, as a vote of censure, and let it so stand as a precedent to other times, if other times should be as grievously afflicted under a similar Administra. tion."

He would lay before the House the broad principles of the charge they made against Ministers. "First, we accuse you of this—that you entered, not indeed hastily, but with long deliberation, with ample time for fore- thought if not for preparation, into the most arduous enterprise this genera- tion has witnessed, in the most utter ignorance of the power and resources of the enemy you were to encounter, the nature of the climate you were to brave, of the country you were to enter, of the supplies which your army should receive." Ministers, who had been duly warned on all points where they had blundered, came to Parliament and pleaded ignorance as an excuse for their incapacity. It is a noble fault in a people to underrate an enemy, but a grave dereliction of duty in a Ministry of War. Odessa, that great feeder of Sebastopol, was defenceless ; had it been taken the troops might have wintered there ; and to spare it was the greatest inhumanity to that army which rots piecemeal, ragged and roofless, before the walls of Sebas- topol. Reading extracts from the letters of a young officer who had perished in the war, he charged Government with not having bought mules at Galli- poli ; with choosing Varna, at a pestilential season, as an encampment; with undertaking the expedition to Sebastopol at a season pestilential and unfit for military operations. They might have learned that, from such common books as M'Cullocle s Dictionary, or the Gazetteer of the World. They should have foreseen and provided against wind and hurricane, rains and mud. They should have provided Lord Raglan with the means of making a road to the camp without waiting for Mr. Peto's offer. Lord Raglan, like the commander of the Walcheren expedition, had done all that could be ac- complished. Instead of grappling with the War administration, Ministers had met Parliament in December with two bills, one of which remains a dead letter to this day. People looked to that House and asked " what is to be done ? ?' Lord John Russell's resignation significantly told them what was to be done.

During the debate Mr. Walpole had been chided for condemning a Minis- try which based its existence on the principle of coalition. Most of our powerful and even popular Administrations have, it is true, been more or less coalitions; but one indispensable element of a coalition is that its mem- bers should coalesce, and that was wanting in the present Cabinet. " It has been a union of party interests, but not a coalition of party sentiment and feeling. It was a jest of Lord Chesterfield's, when a man of very obscure family married the daughter of a lady to whom scandal ascribed a large number of successful admirers, that 'nobody's son had just married every- body's daughter.' If I may parody that jest, I would say of this Govern- ment, that everybody's principles had united with nobody's opinions." (Laughter.) "The noble Lord the Member for London, on Friday last, at- tempted, not triumphantly, to vindicate the Whigs from the charge of being an exclusive party that required all power for itself; and he found a solitary instance for the refutation of that charge in the magnanimity with which the Whigs had consented to that division of power which his desertion now recants and condemns. But, in plain words, his vindication only amounts to this, that where the Whigs could not get all the power they reluctantly consented to accept half. (Hitch laughter.) Now, gentlemen op- posite will perhaps pardon me if I say, that I think the secret of Whig exclusiveness and Whig ascendancy has been mainly this—yon, the large body of independent Liberal politicians, the advocates of Progress, have supposed, from the memory of former contests now ended, that, while England is advancing, a large section of your countrymen, with no visible interest in existing abuses, is for standing still; and thus you have given, not to yourselves, not to the creed and leaders of the vast popular party, but to a small hereditary combination of great families—(" Hear, hear !" from Mr. Bright)—a fictitious monopoly of Liberal policy, a genuine monopoly of lethargic Government. It is my firm belief, that any Ad- ministration, formed from either side of the House, should we be so unfor- tunate as to lose the present, would be as folly alive to the necessity of popular measures, of steady progress, of sympathy with the free and en- lightened people they might aspire to govern, as any of those great men who are democrats in opposition and oligarchs in office." (Loud cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE said he did not recollect an occasion upon which there had been such a combination of great questions before the House,— the fate of the Government, the smallest element m the discussion ; the condition of the army ; the duties of the House of Commons. Passing by the antithetical dictum of Sir Edward Lytton that the Government was formed by a union of interests, not of opinions, Mr. Gladstone en- tered his respectful protest against the Baronet's statement : for whether in the preparation of measures or in their conduct through the House, he had always received from Lord John Rumen a cordiality and harmony of support that left nothing to desire.

In treating of the position of the Government in reference to Lord John, Mr. Gladstone gave a full explanation, leading to conclusions materially dif- ferent from those indicated by Lord John's statement. On the 16th of De- cember, Lord John had surrendered his proposition for placing Lord Palmer- ston in the War Department ; and his colleagues were not aware of any differences between him and themselves when he resigned. So that Minis- ters had only one course to pursue—that of challenging Parliament to vote on the motion ; for to have abandoned office would have been to fly from duty in the hope of escaping from punishment.

Next came the state of the army ; and here, without attempting to weaken the interest felt in the country, he showed that some of the evils were diminishing, and large succours had arrived,—the warm clothing, the huts, the railway plant. General Canrobert had undertaken permanently to provide 1600 men for the trenches--equivalent to the addition of 4000 or 5000 men to the British force; and the statement received as gospel, and literally preached to Mr. Gladstone last Sunday morning in church as gospel —that out of 64,00Q,, Lord Raglan had only 12,000 bayonets left—was moor- tee; seeing that, Mclusively of the sick, the British force exceeds 30,000 men. The hand of Providence has been heavy upon us, but our army is not yet among the things that were. He entered into considerations to show that a just estimate had not been taken of the unavoidable causes of misery. Mr. Henley said the governing and providing hr an army was a matter of

no difficulty: if proper advice had been sought every man would have had his breakfast regularly served, "and I almost thought the right hon- ourable gentleman was going to say, and the Times newspaper laid on the table along with it at nine o'clock ! Such was his notion of the facility of the operation." He had also said that the war had been starved from motives of economy. (Mr. Henley dissented.) Mr. Gladstone was glad that was not his opinion ; fearing it would be found, that when the financial arrangements for the coming year are pro- posed, that the Government have been driven into profusion. He retorted

upon Sir Edward Lytton the charge that Government had been misinformed ; and that even in MC:diodes Dictionary it is stated that the climate in the

Crimea is totally different in different parts, and that in the South there is nothing to prevent military operations. But they were asked why did you spare Odessa ? Suppose the House condemned the Government for sparing Odessa, and subsequently found that they had acted upon the advice of the commanders ? It was said our troops would have found shelter in Odessa : but Sir Edward forgot that it is an open town, of 100,000 inhabitants, per- fectly accessible on all sides, and within easy reach of from 300,000 to 400,000 men. It was said that mules ought to have been bought at Galli- poli—not a port, but a small village on a strip of land without twenty mules in it. Mr. Layard said they had not bought mules anywhere ; yet there had been 6000 horses and mules collected at Varna. Among the obstruc- tions Mr. Gladstone would certainly place the defects of the War Depart- ment ; but he would not admit that nothing had been done to cure them. If the military departments be censured, the censure must recoil upon suc- cessive Governments, and the Parliaments whose confidence they possessed. But it was upon the Secretary for War, not the Departments, that they proposed to pour their vengeance : a twelvemonth hence, when all he has done is known, there will be a reaction in his favour. Because complaints were rife, ought he to have recalled Lord Raglan—who had been thanked by the House—who had received from the Queen the highest military hon- our she had to bestow—who has, besides a soldier's duty, given life and prac- tical effect to the alliance with France ? Neither, without consulting him, could he have recalled his subordinates. The officers are responsible to Lord Raglan ; he is responsible to the Government; the Government is re- sponsible to the House of Commons. You cannot find a shorter way to a remedy. The question before them was not whether the House should vote con- fidence or not, but whether it should pass a vote of censure. That distinc- tion was brought out in a marked manner during the Shelburne Adminis- tration, when Lord North declined to support a vote of confidence and would not consent to a vote of censure. The motion before the House, a disguised vote of censure, had been most unhappily compared to the inquiry into the Walcheren expedition—the chief point of resemblance being that both were moved for upon the 26th of January. But the Walcheren expedition we undertook single-handed : how could this inquiry proceed without raising questions as to the policy of the French ? The Walcheren inquiry was made after the fact, and by the whole House, and not by a Select Commit- tee. Was the present inquiry to be intrusted to a Select Committee ? Mr. Layard said it was absurd, and yet he votes for the motion, because he thought it would despatch the Government. It was said that the country would be disappointed if the motion were rejected : but if the motion were carried; and the inquiry not carried out, what would the disappointment be then ? As a real inquiry it never can take place ; it will lead to nothing but increased confusion and disaster ; and he should ever rejoice that his last words as a member of Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet had been " words of solemn protest against a proceeding which has no foundation in the constitution and practice of the proceedings of Parliament—which will be useless and mis- chievous for the purpose for which it professes to be calculated, and full of injury to the power, dignity, and usefulness of the Commons of England." (Prolonged cheers.)

Mr. DisRAEiI began by saying, that when Mr. Roebuck ceased through inability to address the House, he thought it was an artifice of rhetoric ; for if ever there were a resolution that required no argument, Mr. Roe- buck's was that resolution, because a few hours before it was submitted to the House the leading Minister of the Crown in that House had ad- mitted Mr. Roebuck's case. After that admission, no Member could be justified in opposing the motion.

Certainly there are, as Mr. Gladstone said, some points of difference be- tween the present case and the Walcheren inquiry. In that case no Minis- ter of the Crown had admitted that the condition of the army was inexplica- ble to him. On the contrary, the First Minister of the Crown said inquiry would be impolitic and inexpedient. In the present case, Mr. Gladstone says that the army was originally 66,000, and that more than 30,000 remain : what have become of the 26,000 who have perished is not a subject worthy of in- quiry! But when the First Minister in that House said the causes of the loss were inexplicable to him, and Mr. Gladstone said there had been great misrepresentations, surely there were grounds for inquiry.

As far as he could see, there were only three objections to the motion : first, that it conveyed a censure on Lord Raglan,—but language could not be devised bearing a more remote meaning from any such interpretation; second, that it was unconstitutional and inconvenient,—which he denied ; and that it conveyed a censure on the Government or a want of confidence in the Administration. But in which Government did it imply a want of confidence—the Government as it existed before Lord John resigned, or the Government that was to be reconstructed ? The motion had been argued as if it were a personal attack on the Minister of War. It was unparlia- mentary to single out one member of the Cabinet and exempt all the others. He had always maintained those opinions. Long ago he was asked by a gentleman who sits opposite, whether he would support a vote of censure on the Duke of Newcastle, and told that a decisive majority would be the result ; but he declined to make the Duke of Newcastle the scapegoat of the Cabinet. It was not for him to defend the character of the Duke against his colleagues. The maladministration of his office must be ascribed to evils none can deny, and few can palliate ; and he was " not certain that any other member of the Cabinet, in the same situation, would not carry on affairs in a manner equally unsatisfactory." What had been the adminis- tration of Lord Palmerston, whose express fitness for such administration was said to be unequalled ? The Militia came under his superintendence, yet this paragon of military ability did not bring in the bills for the esta- blishment of the Scotch and Irish Militia until after midsummer. The whole Cabinet, and not a solitary member of it, is responsible for the cala- mities we deplore. Sir George Grey had daringly taunted them with not proposing a vote of no-confidence. He was bound to say that the Opposition had been timid, bectuse of the unparalleled calamities which had been accumulating over the country. If that timid opposition had ceased, it was because, notwithstand- ing the support they had received on all sides, Ministers bad so mismanaged affairs that England was never in so perilous a position as she is at this mo- ment. Mr. Gladstone had said that perfect confidence Availed in the Coali- tion : yet they had scarcely taken their seats in the House of Commons be- fore they were aware that their leader had quitted his post. Lord John Rus- sell's speech had filled him with amazement : he seemed to be listening to a page of the Memoirs of Bubb Dorld0tyton; and he could not help feeling

that the unconstrained admissions it contained would in the eighteenth cen- tury have been called a " proilgate intrigue." We have heard of many dis-

honourable intrigues; we remember that between Canning and Wellesley for the ejection of Lord Castlereagh—still a stain on the memory of Mr. Can- ning. But there was a difference between what took place in the Cabinet then and the Cabinet now; for while Lord John performed his part with feeling, Lord Palmerston seemed sincerely shocked that he should have quitted his colleagues without due notice. Surely the memory of Lord Pal- merston, who a twelvemonth since left his colleagues in an equally sudden manner, ought to have restrained his rebuke. Mr. Disraeli professed that he saw no objection to the combination of the public men where it could be "conscientiously" done ; but the existing Government bad not the same convictions on the great questions of the day. Lord John did not object to the appointment of the Duke of Newcastle, because it gave him the oppor- tunity of turning the balance of power in his favour by enlisting a supporter of his own. Only two years ago England was the leading power of Europe : does she hold that position now? And could Ministers complain of the con- duct of a member of the Opposition who voted that "the affairs of the country are intrusted to a most deplorable Administration" ? Lord Joins RUSSELL rose to notice some personal allusions. If he en- tered into the matters with respect to letters which he wrote to the Duke of Newcastle, the House would find that the circumstances stated by Mr. Gladstone did not complete the history of the transaction ; but he thought it better to omit any facts in vindication of himself, because it tended to an inconvenient practice—that of stating what had passed between members of the Cabinet. But he could not pass over that phrase of Mr. Disraeli characterizing the transaction as a "profligate intrigue." If he meant that in the habit of invective of last century, Parliamentary statesmen would have used the phrase one against the other, he had no objection, because false imputations abounded ; but if he meant that the phrase truly described the character of that trans- action, Lord John must solemnly deny the imputation.

More than once a Prime Minister has been called upon to tell a colleague

that the office he held might be more efficiently held by another. When Lord Stanley was Chief Secretary for Ireland under Lord Grey, and it was thought desirable that he should be Colonial Secretary, to conduct the Eman- cipation discussions in the House of Commons, Lord Grey did not hesitate to state his conviction to Lord Goderich ; who gave way, and accepted the office of Privy Seal in the same Cabinet. That was never called a "profligate intrigue." In his conduct to Lord Castlereagh Mr. Canning was not to blame • the consequences were traceable to the weakness of the Duke of Portland. But neither of these cases bad any resemblance to the present. " When I wrote to the Earl of Aberdeen, I begged that the letter might be shown to the Duke of Newcastle and to the right honourable gentleman the Secretary of the War Department ; and a day or two after the Earl of Aber- deen stated that both the noble Duke and the right honourable gentleman had been informed of the purport of my communication, and that they had stated to him that they were perfectly willing to concur in any arrangement that might be best calculated for the public service. I did not conceal from any of the parties my opinion on the subject; and I have seen so much of the evil consequences of all parties in the Cabinet not acting in unison to- gether, that I did not speak to any one of my other colleagues on the subject; and so far I kept clear of anything like intrigue." Lord PALMERSTON fully concurred on one point with Mr. Disraeli—

that the responsibility falls, not on the Duke of Newcastle alone, but upon the whole Cabinet. On that ground Ministers were resoled to abide by the decision of the House. With respect to the Duke of New- castle, public opinion has done him great injustice, and the day will come when a juster estimate will be formed of his ability and devotion in the service of his country.

Much has been said about a coalition; but in the present state of parties

no Government can be formed, strong enough to carry on its affairs, that is not founded upon the principle of coalition. He did not deny that there has been something calamitous in the condition of our army ; but he traced it to the inexperience arising from a long peace, and the state of the military departments. They had been told that the army ought to have wintered at Odessa : but it might as well be said, that an army invading England should pass the winter at Brighton, and wait there to attack London in the sum- mer. Had the conduct of the war been impugned, Government would have been prepared for defence ; but if the House thought the Government not deserving of confidence, the direct and manly course would have been to af- firm that proposition. The course about to be pursued would be dangerous, and inconvenient in its results abroad. He trusted the discussion would be confined to the overthrowing of the Government ; and that when the House has determined what set of men shall be intrusted with public affairs, they will give their support to that Government; and not show.to Europe that a nation can only meet a great crisis when it is deprived of representative in- stitutions.

Mr. Mtnerz spoke in favour of the motion. Mr. Hemmers tried to speak, but his voice was drowned by cries of " Divide !" Mr. THOMAS DuNcoiszx obtained a hearing, to say that if the inquiry were not car- ried out, a fraud would be committed on the country; and to ask Mr. Roebuck whether if the motion were carried he would nominate his Committee ?

Mr. Rozaucn said, he bad certainly intended to carry out the in-

quiry, and had heard nothing in the debate which led him to change his mind. The Ministers had failed; they had acted under one continued paralysis; they could not do worse. If adopted, the resolution would not carry into a single department greater incapacity, ignorance, and inaptie tude, than had already been exhibited. The Ministers had failed the people ; their confidence was now in that House; and would that House abdicate its functions ? Inquiry is requisite now, if ever : inquire now, and save our army, which is in jeopardy. [Mr. floebuck spoke with ap- parent difficulty, and was compelled to stop once in his brief speech.] Here the House went to a division. The numbers were—

For the motion 306 Against it 148 Majority against Ministers 167

There was no cheering when the numbers were announced.

Loan ABERDEEN'S RESIGNATION.

The House of Lords was well filled on Thursday night, by Peeresses, Members of the House of Commons, and privileged persons ; but the number of Peers present was not The Earl of ABERDEEN annouw.4 that after the vote of the House of Commons on Monday. night, the whole of the Ministers had commissioned him to place their resignations in her Majesty's hands ; that her Majesty had accepted those resignations ; and that the Ministers only held office until their successors were appointed.

" My Lords, I wiah to say that, in opposing the vote of Monday last, and

in thinking that vote in some degree unconstitutional in itself, and liable to many objections, it is not our desire to preclude any inquiry into our con- duct. I believe that an impartial inquiry would fully establish that no in- difference has existed to the wants of our army in the Crimea, or any ab- sence of exertion and preparation for the supply of those wants and for pro- moting the efficiency of their condition. This, therefore, I believe would be the result of an impartial inquiry into this subject ; and especially my noble friend near me, the noble Duke, I must consider to have met with great in- justice. It is my conviction, that the more his conduct is inquired into the more will it be found marked by a degree of assiduity, labour, interest, and attention to the duties of his office, that have never been exceeded, and I believe never can be. My Lords, I am not at all surprised at the tfeeling which generally prevails throughout the country. The public, although they may not reason deeply, always feel rightly, and feel strongly. They see that misfortunes have occurred beyond the ordinary course of the calamities of war ; and they very naturally turn to the Govern- ment as the object of censure, as it is to them that they look for the efficiency of the army and the right management of the war. I make no complaint with respect to this. I think it perfectly natural, and am ready to submit to the natural consequences. But, my Lords, while I admit the sufferings and privations which our troops have endured in the Crimea, I must say that the representations which have been made have been very greatly exaggerated. I do not mean to say that of individual suf- fering—far from it, for I know that it has existed in a degree that has been both painful and heartrending. But what I mean is, that an inference has been drawn as to our military condition which I think has been grossly ex- aggerated. I see no cause whatever for discouragement or dismay on look- ing to that condition. On the contrary, I see every reason to indulge the most sanguine hopes of ultimate success. In the first place, the condition of our own forces has been recently greatly improved ; for the provisions, the clothing, and all the other appliances, have been recently increased, and very much tended to improve the actual condition of our troops. Our ally the Emperor of the French has told his Legislative Body, and through them has told Europe, that his army consists of 580,000 men. Since that time he has ordered an additional levy of 140,000 ; and, with such a force as this, ani- mated by the determined zeal with which he has espoused the cause in which we are both engaged—I say with such a force as this, if employed in anything like the same proportion in which we have devoted our army to the service, we are entitled to look with the utmost confidence to the issue of the war." Then, a treaty has been concluded with the King of Sardinia, which places 15,000 men at Lord Raglan's disposal ; and a treaty has been concluded with Austria, from which the moat important advantages are confidently antici- pated. " We have come to an understanding with the Austrian Govern- ment upon the terms of the peace that we have agreed to propose to the Emperor of Russia. The Austrian Cabinet has agreed to adopt those proposals ; and the Russian Minister has accepted, or proposed to accept, those conditions so proposed, so understood by the Allied Powers. Now, my Lords, Austria had also engaged that, if these terms be not accepted and do not lead to the conclusion of a peace, she will be prepared to join her military efforts to our own. You see here, then, that there is the alternative of a peace which will acquire all the objects for which we are contending ; or we shall receive the assistance of that great military power, whose army is to be raised to the amount of 600,000 men. With these prospects, it is impossible to conceive or to entertain unworthy apprehensions, notwithstanding those casualties to which all armies are liable. This, my Lords, is our military prospect." At that time he would not refer to the internal state of the country. " I might revert to what has been accomplished in the course of the last few years by various measures of much importance ; and especially I might ad- vert to that solid system of finance established by the wisdom and supported by the unrivalled eloquence of my right honourable friend the Chancellor of Exchequer, by which the prosperity of this country, notwithstanding the state of war, has been maintained undiminished—by which all its transac- tions, commercial and domestic, have existed in a degree of prosperity un- known to a state of war. I might also refer to the condition of her Majesty's Navy. I might refer to the efficiency of the administration by which it has been brought into the condition in which it is at this moment without, so far as I am aware, any objection existing against the administration of that department. My Lords, I have already instanced examples, in the advantageous treaty we have concluded with Sardinia, and the im- mediate action of such a valuable Three, and the important treaty with Austria, which are enough to show your Lordships the fruit of the exertions of my noble friend near me the Secretary for Foreign Affairs: it has been especially his duty to attend to those Important matters; and I may say that the treaty with Austria has been throughout conducted with a degree of ability and caution and prudence, that, so far as my experience extends, is quite unequalled. And here I shall say, that we have every reason to place the most entire confidence in the consistency and good faith of the Austrian Government. From the first, without disguising their ardent desire to preserve peace, they have never proposed doing so by the sacrifice of any of those great European interests for which we are contending ; and therefore I think, that, having proceeded with such caution as they have done throughout the whole of these transactions, we have a better right to rely on their firmness and good faith in the course they have now taken." He would not revert to any measures passed during the last year, which was not so fruitful as some preceding years, though valuable measures were then passed sufficient to illustrate any session of Parliament. "The present want of the country is a strong Administration." (Loud cries of " Hear, hear !") How that was to be formed, it was not for him to say. Rumour had confidently asserted that Lord Derby had been commanded to undertake the formation of an Administration; but, seeing him in his place, Lord Aberdeen presumed that was not the case. But be that as it may, a strong Government is wanted ; he trusted there would be no want of patriotism to promote that object ; and, speaking for himself and those who act with him, said that any Administration formed by her Majesty at this urgent time shall receive from him and them all the support they could give to it. "I do trust, that whatever Government may be formed will carry on this war with vigour, with effect, and with a view to the only legitimate end of all war- s speedy arrival at a state of peace. My Lords, I trust that, by keeping steadily in view the real objects of the war—not being diverted into wild and imaginary projects, or animated by merely vindictive feeling—such a Go- vernment, as soon as those real objects of the war shall be attained, will listen to the dictates of humanity and of true policy, and will lose no time in reali- zing the advantages of peace as soon as they can honourably do so." (Cheers.) The Duke of NEWCASTLE wished he could follow the usual course and content himself with Lord Aberdeen's explanation ; but there were two reasons why he wished to depart from that usual practice. First, under any circumstances he must have made a statement on his own behalf; secondly, he had to make a personal explanation. "It is in consequence of statements that have been made in the other House of Parliament by the noble Lord who was lately President of the Council, which I cannot but feel have most materially affected my position as a public man, that I feel it incumbent on me, however inconvenient and however personally painful, to make some explanation to your Lordships No man can feel more than I do the inconvenience of thrusting upon Par-

lament or upon the public what I may call domestic differences between colleagues in a Cabinet,'even at the moment of separation; but, my Lords, in the speech to which I have referred, the noble Lord placed the justifi- cation of the course which he had taken almost exclusively upon my ac- ceptance of the office of Secretary of State for War, and my subsequent con- tinuance in that department. I therefore feel it necessary to state to your Lordships some omissions which were made by the noble Lord, and to afford some explanations consequent upon words which fell from him. The noble Lord said, in one of the letters he addressed to my noble friend and which he read to the other House of Parliament, that when the two Secretaryships of State were divided he yielded to my strong wish that I should occupy the War Department; thereby undoubtedly implying that he had been opposed to that course, that he had remonstrated against it, and that he had been overruled. Now, my Lords, I venture to say that such was not the case : and, if I now enter upon any explanation with reference to what took place in the Cabinet, I beg to say that I have followed the proper course, and have applied to my Sovereign for permission to refer to those occurrences ; with- out which permission, undoubtedly, the oath which in common with others of her Majesty's Councillors I have taken would have precluded me from alluding to such occurrences."

In the Cabinet, when it was determined to divide the office of Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, the Duke of Newcastle pointed out that dif- ficulties would follow the separation, unless the duties of the new office were defined ; and he told Lord John Russell, that he ought to have provided a definite plan, as the Duke, encumbered with two laborious offices, had no time to organize departments. But Lord John said, that in deference to the wishes of Parliament, the measure of separation should be immediately adopted ; and it was so. His colleagues would not have forgotten, that at the close of that Council his last words were these-•-" The Cabinet having now decided that the two Secretaryships shall be divided, all that I can say, as far as I am personally concerned, is, that I am perfectly ready to retain either or neither.' (Cheers.) So much, my Lords, for my 'strong wish,' referred to by the noble Lord." ('' Hear, hear !" and a laugh.) During the discussion, the Duke never understood that Lord John Russell had expressed a desire that Lord Palmerston should occupy the War Department; but he heard from Lord Aberdeen that Lord John Russell contemplated the possi- bility of taking the office himself. Had that been the case, the Duke would not have stood in his way ; but as no other member of the Cabinet was put forward, he would not shrink from what he knew was a post of difficulty and danger. " When I say a post of difficulty and danger, I am sure that many of my private friends in this House and elsewhere will recollect the observation I made to them when I was frequently told by them that I had acted unwisely in leaving a department where they were kind enough, or perhaps prejudiced enough, to say, that I had formed some alight reputa- tion. My answer to them was this= I am well aware what I have done. I know that in this new department, whatever success may attend our arms, I shall never derive any credit ; but this I also know, that if there should be disaster, upon me alone will come the blame and the public indignation.' (Cheers from Lord Hardwicke on the Opposition benches.) I notice my noble friend's generous cheer. I have beeu upon terms of private intimacy with him, and I remember that he was one of the friends to whom I made the observation to which I have just referred. Well, my Lords, I think I have said enough to prove to you how unjust have been the imputations which have been made upon me in Parliament and elsewhere, that my ' pre- sumption and self-love' induced use to insist upon taking the office of Secre- tary for War. I hope I have sufficiently explained to your Lordships the conduct which has been characterized by some as arrogance,' and, by the noble Lord to whom I have referred, by the more patronizing phrase of commendable ambition.' " ("Hear ! " and laughter.) He would pass over in the correspondence between Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell, that letter dated the 18th November, in which he says, " it was my intention to avoid throwing any blame upon him [the Duke], —indeed, I think he deserves very great credit for the exertions he has made " ; because Lord John in his speech stated, that " in reality he con- sidered that letter as what our friends on the other side of the Atlantic are pleased to call 'soft sawder,' for he said that when he spoke in those terms he was still bent on my removal from office. This was his object- ' Si possis, suaviter ; si non, quocunque mode.' " As the gist of Lord John Russell's speech was to represent the determination of the Duke to hold the War Department, he was surprised that Lord John did not quote the follow. ing sentence from Lord Aberdeen's letter dated 21st November—" I have shown your letter to the Duke of Newcastle, and also to Sidney Herbert. They both, as might have been expected, strongly urged me to adopt any such arrangement with respect to their offices as should be thought most conducive to the public service." "My Lords, 1 have shown you, in the first instance, that I did not insist upon holding the seals of the War Department ; and I have also to state that, when my noble friend placed the letter of the noble Lord in myhands, my answer was—I believe I state precisely what I said—' Don't give my Lord John Russell any pretext for quitting the Government. (A laugh.) On no account resist his wishes to remove me from office. Do with me whatever is best for the public service. (Cheers.) In that way you will gratify me the most. In that way you will be serving the Queen best.' (Re- newed cheers.) The noble Lord after having read a portion of one of the letters of my noble friend, said—' I went on to give some instances of errors that had been committed' ; and he then proceeded to read further extracts. Now, my Lords, the impression upon the public mind must of course be that these errors were of some grave character—that upon them hinged the safety of our troops in the Crimea—that, perhaps, to them was attributable the disastrous sickness which had prevailed. The noble Lord did not read the complaints he had made of these errors, but, with your Lordships' permis- sion, I will read them now. The noble Lord, in a letter dated the 28th of November, says— "I will give you an instance but too pregnant with warning. Early in October I wrote to the Duke of Newcastle on the subject of transferring the Ninety-seventh Regiment, then at the Pumas, to the Crimea. He informed me in answer, that he had wished to do so: and that he had also wished to send between 2000 and 3000 men, the draughts of various regiments, to the Crimea. Now, why was he not able to carry his'intentions into effect ? Because he could not remove the obstacles put in his way by other departments, and because the Prime Minister did not at once overcome those obstacles. At a much later time the Ninety-seventh was moved ; and it is only today that I see by a telegraphic despatch from Lord Stratford, dated on the 18th instant, that the Orinoco, which conveys that regiment, had left Constan- tinople for the Crimea. But, in the mean time, Lord. Raglan had teported that he wished he had been able to place in the position of Balaklava, on the 26th of October, a more considerable force; and also, that on the 5th of November the heights of In-

kermann were defended by no more than 8000 British infantry. What can be done by a single British regiment was seen on the 5th of October, when the Ninety-third alone saved the position of Balaklava by their firmness and gallantry. Had 5000 more men been at Lord Raglan's disposal on the 25th of October and the 5th of No- vember, how much more fruitful, though not more glorious, might_have been those memorable days ! "

The explanation of this the Duke had given in writing to Lord John. Before the receipt of Lord John's letter, he bad applied to Lord Clarendon to know whether it would be safe to remove the Ninety-seventh Regiment from the Pincus. Lord Clarendon showed him a communication, just received, laying great stress on the maintenance of the French and British force in the Piraeus, as if withdrawn the consequences they were sent to prevent would immediately occur. Would a Secretary. for War, with such a state- ment before him, have been justified in removing the regiment at all ha- zards ? The regiment was subsequently removed, because Lord Clarendon afterwards reported that the force might then be reduced; and 600 men were sent to replace the Ninety-seventh, which was 1000 strong.

The second error, that he was pressed to send out draughts of 2000 or 3000 men, who were ready to go, was explained thus : that Lord Raglan had deprecated the sending out of young soldiers unless pressure should en- sue, and that all the steam transports were exhausted at that moment. "It is therefore perfectly true that my attention was drawn to these er- rore, as the noble Lord has called them ; but they were also answered ; and although on the 28th of November these errors were brought forward as reasons why I ought to leave the War Office, at a data anterior to that, but subsequent to my answers, I had the better fortune to satisfy the noble Lord, for in the last letter I received from him before he returned to town, he wrote the words I am now about to read. This letter, let me observe, was written at a time when the noble Lord, as he himself has stated, with other members of the Government, had resorted for purposes of health to different parts of the country. I don't complain of the noble Lord, or of any of my colleagues, for having done so; but it was not my good fortune to be able to resort, for the purposes of health, or for any other purpose, to the country ; and day by day, and hour by hour, during the whole of the year 1854, it was my duty to remain in town and to exert myself to the beat of my ability. I will now read the conclusion of the noble Lord's letter, dated the 8th of October, which finished the correspondence with reference to these errors. The noble Lord said—' You have done all that could be done, and I am san- guine of success.' ("Hear, hear !" and cheers from the Opposition.) The noble Lord was sanguine of success ; he thought I had done all that could be -done." (Cheers.) • The Duke further explained, that Lord Aberdeen did not accept his offer with reference to leaving office, because, having submitted it to the whole of hie colleagues, that proposal was unanimously disapproved of by them. The hat letter in the correspondence is dated the 3d December, its purport showed that Lord John retained his original opinion, and stated that he should bring the subject before the Cabinet. He did not do so ; Parliament met ten days afterwards ; statements were made in both Houses vindicating the conduct of the Government, and especially of the War administration ; a debate ensued, and the result seemed satisfactory as regarded the Govern- ment. On the 16th December,. three days afterwards, a Cabinet Council was held ; and that afternoon in conversation with the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord John Russell expressly stated that be had altered his views and did not wish for a change. [Here Lord Aberdeen spoke to the Duke.] "I was not going to carry the matter any further, but my noble friend reminds me that I have made an omission. I really feel, in a matter which is so personal to myself, and which therefore, perhaps, appears more important to me than to many of your Lordships, that I am hardlyj justified in trespassing at such length upon your indulgence. (Cheers from all parts of the House.) My noble friend reminds me that the reason which the noble Lord assigned for the abandonment of his proposal was, that he was satisfied with the opinion which he had received, not only from faithful and attached friends whom he had in the Cabinet, but that he had consulted another friend upon the subject—and I can only say, from my knowledge of that noble Lord, that a better adviser could not possibly have been chosen—the noble Lord con- sulted another friend upon the subject ; and he told my noble friend at the head of the Government, that be was convinced by the arguments which the noble Lord bad laid before him, that he was satisfied and had changed his views."

Having thus disposed of the personal question, the Duke of Newcastle dealt with that part of Lord John Russell's speech where he said he could not oppose Mr. Roebuck's motion because no measures had been taken to remedy the evils of the War administration and provide for the vigorous prosecution of the war. The fair inference from that statement is, that Lord John had proposed measures which his colleagues had been unwilling to adopt. That never was the case. "I know of no measures ever proposed by the noble Lord which were rejected ; I know of no proposals which he made which were not accepted, unless it be one." That proposal was made on the Sa- turday before Mr. Roebuck gave his notice; and it was that the mode of conducting the business of the War Department by calling together the heads of the military departments, should be conducted with greater formality, and that those boards should be regularly constituted either by a minute or an order in Council. The Duke differed from Lord John as to the propriety of such boards, but Lord John's opinion prevailed. "In the course of that meet- ing, he sent to my noble friend at the head of the Government a proposal to which he also referred, but which be did not quote. As it is of some im- portance to my case, however, I fear that I must read it. It is as follows-

' ARMY DEPARTMENTS. Jan. 22, 1855.

The Committee of the House of Commons on Army and Navy Expenditure recom- mended that the Army departments should be simplified and consolidated. What is now proposed is, that there should be a board consisting of-1. Secretary of State ; 2. Secretary at War ; 8. Master-General of the Ordnance; 4. Commander-in-chief; 5. Inspector-General of Fortifications. ' It is contemplated that there shall exist at the same time a Board of Ord- nance, consisting of-1. The Master-General; 2. the Storekeeper-General ; 3. the Surveyor-General ; 4. the Clerk of the Ordnance ; under whose directions the In- spector-General of Fortifications will remain. It seems obvious that these two boards, acting at one and the same time, instead of consolidation and simplification, would produce complication, disorder, and delay. There are but two modes by which unity of direction and rapidity of action can be procured. The one is to give the Secretary of State the entire direction of all existing offices and boards connected with the Army ; the other is to make a board, with the Secretary of State at the head, absorbing the Board of Ordnance, and controlling the whole civil management of our military force. The constitution of this board and its functions would be- ' 1. The Secretary of State, to preside over the board and be responsible to Parlia- ment.

• 2. The Secretary at War, to pay the Army and control its finances. 3. The Master-General of the Ordnance, to arm the Army and the Navy.

4. The Commander-in-chief, to command the Army.

5. The Clerk, Storekeeper, and Surveyor of the Ordnance, all in one, to lodge the Army.

' 6. The Commissary-General, to clothe and feed the-Army. This is nearly the Duke of Richmond's plan. J. Rossi:tr..'

" My Lords, the noble Lord said in his statement in the other House, that be had no reason to think that his views would be adopted. Now, I can say moat positively,. in answer to that statement from the noble Lord, that I bad no reason to think that his views would be rejected ; because the first step which my noble friend took, upon receiving the communication which I have read, accompanied by an intimation from the noble Lord that he should propose it on a subsequent day—on the evening of which he eventu- ally resigned—was, after having shown it, I think, to the Secretary at War, to send it to me for my opinion."

The Duke replied, that there were only two proposals in that paper that; differed from the arrangements in the Cabinet Council of Saturday,—one, to do away with the Board of Ordnance, in which he concurred; the other, to add two members to the board, which he thought unadviaable, while the sixth mentioned in the paper, the Commissary-General, did not exist. But the principal portion of the proposition met with his entire approval. "My Lords, I need hardly say that, upon such an important question as the conduct of the war, differences of opinion on incidental matters of course

tout. place ; but this I must my, that if 1 were to point out that member of the Cabinet from whom I have received the most general assent to my views when discussions took place, it would be the noble Lord. I should say that I received the most kind and generous support from all my colleagues upon all occasions; but as regards identity of views, I should be inclined to say that upon all questions which were raised there was a more complete iden- tity between the noble Lord and myself than between any other members of the Cabinet."

Lord John Russell said that until Mr. Roebuck gave his notice he bad not considered what course he should take. But the Duke of Newcastle had. Aware that the public feeling had been roused against his administration of the war, and had become so strong that in justice to the public service be could not continue to hold office, he had determined to resign ; but, knowing that it.was not proper to anticipate the verdict of Parliament and run away from responsibility, he determined to face the censure of Parliament. Eal- ing that he should announce his determination, he had told Lord Aberdeen, B that happen what might, he should resign. ut it was not correct to say

that an arrangement which Lord Aberdeen had found it impossible to recom- mend in November, he bad adopted in January. "So far from having an- nounced my intention to be a party to any such arrangement as that re- ferred to, I told my noble friend, in the first instance, and I told my noble and right honourable friends in the Cabinet, when the secession of Lord John Russell rendered it necessary that my intentions should be announced, that I had made up my mind that I would retire, and that I would not take another office—that I would neither change offices with my noble friend Lord Palmerston, nor assume that which had just been quitted by the noble Lord

—that I would j

uld leave the Cabinet; but, as for changing offices, I positively and entirely refused to do so." Personal feelings might have influenced him, but he believed that higher considerations had influenced him also ; and he therefore said that if the Government succeeded in the House of Commons, he would from the back benches occupied by those not in office be there ready to defend, night after night, the policy to which he bad been

a party. '

" M.y Lords, various accusations are made against me, of which one of the most prominent is that of incapacity. I should be the last man who ought to express any opinion upon that point. I am ready to leave that in the hands of others, perfectly conscious of many defects. I cannot but feel that the charge of incapacity is, with the public, a favourite explanation of every pub- lic misfortune. Whether it may be peculiarly justified in my case, or whether it may be attributable to the causes to which I have referred, fsay I leave that to the verdict of others. But, my Lords, other charges have been made, which I confess I have felt deeply and continue to feel deeply. I have been charged with indolence and indifference. My Lords, as regards indolence, the public have had every hour, every minute of my time. To not one hour of amusement or recreation have I presumed to think I was entitled. The other charge, of indifference, is one which is still more painful to me. [The Duke was evidently much moved during this portion of his address, and he spoke in a tone of deep emotion.] Indifference, my Lords, to what ? indifference to the honour of the country, to the success and to the safety of the army ? My Lords, I have myself, like many who listen to me, too dear hostages for my interest in the welfare of the military and naval services of our country to allow of such a course. I have two sons engaged in those professions, and that alone, I think, would be sufficient; but, my Lords, as a Minister—as a man—I should be unworthy to stand in any assembly if the charge of indifference under such circumstances could fairly be brought against me. (General cheering.) Many a sleepless night have I passed, my Lords, in thinking over the ills which the public think and say that I could have cured; and which, God knows, I would have cured if it had been within my power. Indolence and indifference are not charges which can be brought against me; and I trust that my countrymen may before long be satisfied—whatever they may think of my capacity—that there is no ground for fixing that unjust stigma upon me." (Cheers.)

The Duke stated at the close of his speech, that, as regards inquiry, he would lay everything he had done with perfect fairness before a Committee ; that he would meet, without shrinking, the motion of Lord Lyndhurst, should it be brought on ; and that whoever might be his successor, even if he were a political foe—even if he were that gentleman who, some weeks ago, went over from the Ministerial benches to ask Mr. Disraeli whether he would support a vote of censure on his conduct—even he, or his instigator, should meet with no ungenerous treatment from the Duke. Out of office, he should rejoice in the success of the Minister who succeeded him, whether it were attained by better fortune or greater ability; and, meriting that suc- cess, receive that approbation from his countrymen which it had not been his own good fortune to secure.

The Earl of DERBY made the allusion to Mr. Disraeli the peg for a re- mark, under the misapprehension that the Duke of Newcastle had im- plied that the vote of Monday was the result of concert ; a mistake which the Duke quickly corrected. The vote, said Lord Derby emphatically, did not proceed from any one party ; and more than that, the party di- rectly opposed to the Government were earnestly recommended to abstain from bringing forward any motion of censure tending to embarrass the Go- vernment. Lord Derby was jocular on the theme of the picture of the Cabinet " peint par soi-memo " in the Duke of Newcastle's speech; and he suggested that Lord John Russell and the Duke of Newcastle should meet in the central Hall of the Parliament Palace, in the presence of both Houses, and "exchange words." With some raillery of Lord Aberdeen for excess ofcautionin alluding to " a rumour," he informed the House that her Majesty had commanded his attendance on Wednesday, and had honoured him with a long audience on the subject of an Administration ; but that in the present state of parties and of the House of Commons, he found that he could not accept the task of forming a Government which her Majesty had committed to him. He quite agreed with Lord Aber- deen that the country requires a strong Government ; and, whatever Go- vernment might be intrusted with her Majesty's confidence "to carry on the affairs of the great war, and the great political affairs in which the country is now involved, that man is undeserving the character of a patriot, or of an honest man, who does not, to the utmost extent of his power, give to the Government of the Queen his disinterested and as far as he can his cordial support."

The House then adjourned until Monday.

In the House of Commons, Lord PALKEBSTON briefly informed the Members present that Ministers had resigned ; and on his motion, the House adjourned ; to meet again on Friday, in order especially that Sir De Lacy Evans, who would then take his seat, might receive the thanks of the House in person.

THE Wan Dariorztasr•r.

On Monday, Earl GREY, in accordance with notice, moved the follow- in resolution respecting the War Department. " That it is the opinion of this House, that great evils have arisen from the present division of authority and responsibility in the administration of the Army ; and that the whole of the business connected with this irepostant branch of the public service, which is now distributed among different office% ought, therefore, to be brought under the direct control of a single and well- organized department." In opening his case, Lord Grey said that he had brought it on that night instead of Thursday next, because he had learnt that some changes might take place in the Army-administration, and he thought that before such changes were made it would be desirable that the House should ex- press its opinion on the principle of those changes. Ho reminded the House, that he had twice before brought that important subject under consideration,—two months before the war broke out ; and again on the 7th April, in moving for returns. His intention then was, not to elicit the expression of an opinion, but to direct the attention of the House, the Government, and the public, to the subject : and he thought he had not been altogether unsuccessful; because, although the Duke of Newcastle argued that existing arrangements were working admirably, yet it had been found necessary to separate the Colonial from the War Department and to appoint a fourth Secretary of State. He complained that the paper explaining that division of offices should be so imperfect, and confessed be thought there should have been some minute by her Majesty in Coun- cil, or other equivalent document, defining the limits and pointing out the business of the new office.

After this preface, he entered very fully into the working of the existing mechanism of the War Department, and illustrated its deficiencies with much amplification. The separation of the Colonial from the War Depart- ment had removed one great objection ; but the still greater objection that the administration of the Army is divided among too large a number of departments still remains,—aggravated, indeed, by the creation of a fourth Secretary of State who cannot deal with so many matters of finance and so much detail. To the cumbrous mode of conducting business by means of voluminous correspondence, is due the disasters in the Crimea. Mistakes and errors are the inevitable consequences of such a machinery. He would mention one or two instances. Mr. Nasmyth was employed by the Government to manufacture a certain kind of artillery ; but his work was interrupted for a fortnight by some misapprehension be- tween the departments. The case of the "candle stoves" was another instance of delay where speed was required. A third was that of the Ninety-first Regiment. The Duke of Newcastle sent orders for that regiment to come home from the Cape, and a ship was sent to bring it; the Lieutenant-Governor received the order, but the General in com- mand of the troops received no order from the Horse Guards; and the ship returned home empty. This arose from the division of authority ; the Duke of Newcastle thought that Lord Hardinge had given orders, and Lord Hard- inge thought the Duke had given orders. Mistakes of this kind have had a most unfortunate influence on the progress of our arms in the East. But, as an act of justice to the Government, he must observe that the want of success which we have experienced is to be accounted for, not merely by errors which have been committed since the commencement of the war, but by errors in the management of the army which no Government for many years past has been able to avoid—errors of at least as long a standing as from the commencement of the peace of 1815.

In order to substantiate that statement, he pointed to the deficiency of offi- cers of rank and experience of such an age as to make them efficient in the field; to the want of a wide field of selection, because they had persevered in the system of promotion by seniority ; to the deficiency of the instruction both for officers and men in time of peace ; leaving them without a know- ledge of outpost duty, or bow to construct small works for offence and de- fence, or how to build huts for shelter out of such rude materials as can al- ways be found. In this campaign the want of thorough instruction of the Staff-officers had been one of the greatest difficulties we have had to en- counter. It is not -the niggardliness of the House of Commons, it is not over-economy which has brought about the state of things of which we com- plain. Who will say that 15,000,0001. a year is not sufficient to keep up an armament for all purposes in time of peace ? Existing evils have been caused by a division of responsibility and authority ; "too many cooks spoil the broth," is a homely saying, and we have had too many cooks.

" We want something like the administration at the Admiralty" ; a con- solidation of " the many independent departments which now have concur- rent power and authority" ; " one single well-constituted department, which shall be an efficient instrument to execute the orders of the Govern- ment." " The real direction ought to rest with the Prime Minister." It might be objected that such a consolidation as he required would place the patronage of the Army immediately in the hands of the Government. But all executive offices belong to the Crown ; and the patronage of the Army would be as properly distributed as in the Navy or any other branch of the public service. The Commander-in-chief is a War Minister shorn of a great part of his power : the best way would be to get rid of that office, and ap- point a General to organize the troops, and place the distribution of the patronage under the control of a responsible Minister of the Crown. While the Government is responsible to the Parliament, it is a palpable absurdity to say that the control of the Army shall be given to quasi-independent

authorities.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE said he entirely concurred with much that bad fallen from Earl Grey. He should not mix up anything personal to himself with what he had to say on this important subject : when Lord Lyndhurst submitted his motion he should offer that vindication of the conduct of the war of which he thought it capable.

Lord Grey had not correctly stated what be said ten months ago: he did not say that all existing arrangements were satisfactory ; but that, whatever changes were introduced, should be introduced after mature deliberation. The distress of the army in the Crimea is not entirely owing to the Departments. He believed two of the instances of loss of time might occur under any system. The delay with regard to Mr. Nasmyth's guns arose out of a misunderstand- ing between the Admiralty and the Board of Ordnance ; and the Duke, on his own responsibility, set the mistake right by telling Mr. Nasmyth to go .on with the guns. With respect to Price's " candle stoves," when they were brought under his notice, he ordered a quantity to be made for field- hospital purposes ; but a delay of nine days arose because the head of the medical department was ill. He mentioned these things to show that the delay was not, in these instances, to be attributed to the system. But he thought great alterations in the system ought to be effected. The medical system had quite broken down ; and it will be absolutely necessary to introduce the civil element into the hospitals. The organization of the medical board at home is also defective. With respect to consolidation, if it were intended to produce greater unity of ac- tion and the control of one paramount authority, in that he would concur. But consolidation has been carried too far as it is. It has been found neces- sary to separate the administration of the Army at home from that in the field ; and, the Navy transport service having failed more than any other, Sir James Graham had proposed to reestablish the Transport Board, abo- lished by himself in 1832. In connexion with the army in the field, the Duke described how he had found the Commissariat overburdened with du- ties it could not satisfactorily perform ; and how he had transferred the land transport service from the Commissariat, and had appointed a military man of great abilities to organize the service under military rules and sys- tem. He quite agreed with Lord Grey in what he said respecting the want of education both of officers and men. Our soldiers are helpless, compared to the French, not because they are less zealous and intelligent, but because they have lacked instruction. When the war broke out, there was a serious deficiency of arms, shells, rockets,'&c. ; which had to be supplied on the spur of the moment. 'He looked back with horror on our deficiencies a year ago ; but our arsenals are now fast replenishing. Admitting that there has been great delay. in adopting improvements, the Duke said he had now re- organized the scientific committee at Woolwich. He quite agreed with Lord

Grey that it is slow and weary work to introduce improvements in times of leisure ; and it is not surprising that in ten months, they had not made that progress in amending errors which every Government for twenty years has pointed out, but had not corrected. His mode of proceeding was to hold periodical meetings with the Commander-in-chief, the Secretary at War, and the Master-General of the Ordnance; that was a sort of board. But a board has disadvantages as well u advantages. It divides the responsibility among several persons. If the head be a man of ability, the board will work well, because the members will be subordinate; if he be not such a man, it will not work well. The Duke had appointed three Commissioners to go to Paris and investigate the whole of the French military system, especially the Etat-Major ; and he had instructed Lord Raglan to appoint a corresponding Commission to examine the French camp; so that vte shall have the theory and the results of its practice. He bad also taken steps for obtaining a collection of maps.

The Duke of Newcastle did not oppose the motion ; but be put it to Lord Grey, whether, under the circumstances, he would press it ?

Lord HARDINGE said, he had no particular objection to the motion. He maintained that the superiority of the French arose from their twenty-five years' practice in Algeria ; that the military education in

England had not been neglected,—as witness Sandhurst ; that he had at- tended to the promotion of the Army as far as lay in his power, and that

is one of his most disagreeable duties ; that last spring he had given every assistance to break through the old system of promotion; and that the great defect in the present war had arisen from overburdening the Commissariat.

Lord CAMPBELL urged Lord Grey not to withdraw his motion. The Earl of ELLENDOROUGH said, he recollected no instance where the House

had agreed to a resolution of this importance while the Government was in such a position as the present. They could not tell who would be Secretary at War tomorrow—perhaps the noble mover himself. He cri- ticized Lord Grey's propositions ; and maintained that the greatest cala- mities that oppressed the army in the Crimea had originated there, not here. He objected to the government of an army by a board—the ab- sence of all responsibility and the creation of all deficiency. Referring to his experience in India, he contrasted the military systems there and at home, unfavourably to the latter ; describing how the Governor-Gene- ral had an absolute will ; how all orders were obeyed ; and how success followed. His suggestion was that an order of the War Minister should be made sufficient in every department, complete authority in every case, and a justification for every officer in obeying it. Lord GREY made a brief reply to some of Lord Ellenborough's re- marks ; and, at the wish of the House, withdrew the resolutions.

Ferro OFFENCES.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition, on Monday, from the Magistrates of Cumberland, complaining of the grievance of being compelled to decide cases of the most trifling nature at Quarter-Sessions. In this complaint all Judges and Magistrates throughout the country must be prepared to join. He found that in Wiltshire, Sussex, Hampshire, and three others of the most important counties in England, out of above 1600 cases tried at Ses- sions, there were not fewer than 245 larcenies to an amount under tenpenee; 400 to an amount under one shilling ; and 900 under five shillings. A propor- tion of cases of the same sort came on at theAssizes; so that much of the time of Judges and Juries was occupied in trying men for stealing a potato or a turnip, with all the formalities of justice. He found that of twenty:seven oases tried at last Quarter-Sessions in Carlisle, in twenty the prisoners pleaded guilty ; those who were acquitted had been in prison forty or fifty days, whilst those who pleaded guilty had been in prison on an average thirty-two days ; the consequence of which was, that a sentence of only seventeen days' imprisonment was pronounced when they were convicted. Last session, he had thought it best that a bill on the subject should be brought in first in the other House : and one had been brought into the other House by Mr. Aglionby, but was postponed in consequence of the illness and death of its promoter. Lord Brougham now intended himself to bring in such a measure, on Monday next.

The Loan Cru.srcer.a.ost said, a bill for the purpose had been prepared, and was in the hands of Lord Palmerston ; it being thought best that the bill should be introduced in the Commons.

This bill had a twofold object : first, small cases, of an amount not more than two shillings, whether the prisoner or accused party wished it or not, might be the subject of trial by the Justice, unless he saw that they involved some principle which ought to induce him to send them to a higher tribu- nal; secondly, if the accused pleaded guilty, the plea might be recorded by the Justice, or if he deemed it right, might be remitted to the Sessions or the Assizes.

MILITARY ORDER OP Meier.

In reply to a question from Lord Vivian respecting the Balaklava clasp, the Duke of NEwcASTLE took the opportunity of stating, that "it had been resolved to advise her Majesty to provide that a cross of mili- tary merit shall be instituted which shall be applicable to all ranks of the Army in future." "It is not intended to affect in any way the present Order of the Bath. but that a separate cross of military merit should be granted, which shall be attainable by all ranks of the. Army, and which may be an object of am- bition to all, from the general who commands down to the private in the ranks." The rules have not yet been matured; but it is proposed that " the adjudication of this cross of military merit should be awarded on the opinion of a jury of soldiers of the rank to which the person on whom it is to be be- stowed belongs—the decision, of course, to be confirmed at home. That is the mode in which I believe the Russian and Spanish orders are bestowed."

THE ELGIN Rzorrnocrnr TREATY.

At the brief sitting of the Commons on Tuesday, on the motion of Mr. PEEL, a bill was brought in to carry into effect the treaty concluded between her Majesty and the United States of America touching the fisheries and other matters.