int 113robinces.

Mr. Phillimore finally abandoned the contest for Leominster on Thurs- day; issuing an address declaring that his late appearance now made it certain he could not succeed. Mr. Peel remains unopposed.

Colonel Perronet Thompson met his constituents at Bradford on Mon- day, and gave them instruction and amusement in a political address on the topics discussed in the House of Commons last session. He submitted his conduct to his constituents for their approval or condemnation. To Chartist questions he answered, that he approved the Irish Coercion Bill, as this alternative was put to him by circumstances—" Am I for rebellion in arms; or am I not for it?" He rejoiced that the fire had been put out before any more than one corner of a single room in the house had been burnt. As to his pension, he had earned it and bought it, hardly and dearly; but if they could show him it was unjust, he would give it up. As to separation of Church and State, two years ago he would have said " No "; now he saw good reasons for saying " Yes." Votes of thanks and political approval were carried by large majorities of the meeting.

A banquet on a magnificent scale, "to inaugurate free trade," was given at Manchester on Wednesday, " that being the day when expired the last shred of protective duties on foreign corn." The Free-trade Hall, the place of the festival, was decorated with taste and splendour for the oc- casion. The number of guests, admitted by ticket, was 2,984-700 of them ladies: numbers paid a high premium for their admission, and a mul- titude were disappointed of places. The list of notable names, from all parts of England, occupies more than the space of one of our columns, and includes some two dozen Members of Parliament, and half a score of gentle- men lately Members. Besides those names whose appearance is a matter of course—as that of Mr. Charles Villiers—the name of Mr. James Wil- son may be mentioned for his official position, and that of Mr. Bickham Escott for the steady rise of his Liberalism: there are also names of less prominence, such as that of Colonel Salwey or Mr. Hardcastle, whose ap- pearance among Manchester notables, we believe, has not been so much a matter of course. Letters expressing regret at compulsory absence were read from Mr. Joseph Hume, Mr. William Hutt, (who is compelled by a painful affection of the eyes to commune with himself in his chamber,) Mr. Horsman, (who would have set aside all engagements to be present if Minis- ters had intended to reimpose a five-shilling duty,) Dr. Bowring with fare- well good wishes, the Reverend Baptist Noel, Ebenezer Elliot, and Mr. Frederick Bastiat of Paris. Mr. George Wilson presided.

Mr. Charles Villiers responded to the toast of "the Free-trade Members of both Houses of Parliament."

Mr. Villiers avowed himself an impenitent Free-trader, and disclaimed any sighing for the sliding-scale. It had not been his fault that there had been a pe- riod of delay for transition. He recalled two curious facts. It was curious that during fifteen of the thirty months that a modified form of the sliding-scale has been in operation, the law has been suspended altogether. And this also was cu- rious enough: "I may mention that a year after I had made my motion for total sad immediate repeal, in March 1846, I happened one night to come into the House of Commons and heard the Protectionist Member for Dorsetshire (Mr. George Bankes) make precisely the same motion in March 1847." From June 26th to January 1849, 23,640,000 quarters of wheat were imported to this country; and also 2,716,600 hundredweight of flour, and 581,000 head of cattle. We have paid for all with our manufactures; have at this time bullion enough and to spare in the Bank. There have een three startling instances within the last twenty years in which we have reduced our duties upon the products of foreign countries, whilst they have not relaxed the provisions of their restrictive system directed against us; yet we find that our exports to those very countries have largely increased. He meant France, Germany, and the United States. "In 1829 we exported to France goods to the value of 491,3811.; in 1846 our exports had risen in value to 2,715,9631. To Germany in 1829 we exported goods to the value of 4,470,0001.; in 1846 our exports amounted to 6,606,0001. To the United States in 1829 the value of our exports was 4,800,0001. ; in 1846 it was 6,800,0001. None of those countries have relaxed the heavy duties they still un- wisely and for themselves most injuriously maintain upon our manufactures; yet we have increased our exports, and it is clear that the only way in which we can pay for them is by our manufactures." But the force of example is telling in all these places. In France, since our Corn-laws were repealed, the conviction of our sincerity has become general, and free trade is far stronger in the National As- sembly than it was in the Chamber of Deputies. In Frankfort a great free trade club has been formed, which includes sixty members of the Imperial Assembly. And the rising importance of the Western States in America is lessening every day the chances that the tariff can be maintained.

Mr. Villiers urged the necessity of improving the physical condition of the peo- ple, before it would he useful or possible to obtain for them constitutional reforms. "It is the condition of all human improvement that the people should cease to be anxious about the amount of food they can possess themselves of: I believe that will be one of the consequences that will follow from a repeal of the Corn-laws. I like not to prophesy-1 have a mistrust of every prophet ; but I do believe that one of the effects of the repeal of the Corn-laws will be that we shall have bread both cheap and abundant; that we shall not be subject to those scarcities which have so often and so grievously afflicted us; and that the physical condition of the people generally will be improved. If I am asked where this abundance of food is likely to come from, I should say that it is as likely to come from our own soil as from foreign countries. I believe that agriculture, subject to the fetters of monopoly, withers and pines, just as much as any other branch of commerce. I believe that the removal of those fetters will be the date of great improvements in agriculture."

Mr. Cobden spoke with his usual energy, less than his usual novelty. We take a few points of his oration.

He was indignant when he saw "that other individual," the Duke of Richmond, trying to hoodwink, gull, and bamboozle the farmers of Sussex—the county where Mr. Cobden was born—and telling them that he would talk to Lord John Russell about restoring protection. That Duke should not restore one shilling of protec- tion again. "1 tell his Grace that it is of no use his going to men in power to talk about restoring the Corn-laws. We are in power on the Corn-laws. (Tremen- dous cheering.) Now I do feel somewhat indignant at this barefaced attempt to delude honest men. (Cheers.) I have had credit given to me for seven years for keeping my temper upon this subject; but I can't keep my temper with hum- bugs. I want it to be understood, that in dissolving this League, we are not going to be revived again to have a fresh contest about protection. We have done with that." (Loud cheers.) Mr. Cobden referred to the Peace question, in phrases which seem to promise that the League machinery shall be applied to a peace establishment propagand- ism. " As we meet here for the last time as members of that great and united body which effected the emancipation of our industry, I cannot help saying that I should feel the deepest regret in separating this evening, were it not that there is something in the toast which I am about to propose which leaves me a hope that we shall not separate, after all. (Tremendous cheering.) The toast which I have to propose is, ' Free Trade and Peace, the best guarantees of popular rights, the beat promoters of national industry, and the most effectual means for the reduction of national burdens.' Well, Irepeat, I don't think that we shall separate for long, after all: for if free trade and peace be united together, why then I think that we have something yet to do before we have finished our work. I think that we may conscientiously cooperate to carry out the second object of the toast: indeed, I do not think that there is one of this assembly but will be as willing to work for one as for the other, and who will not agree with me that the most logical conclusion to which we can come in arguing the matter is this, that having effected free trade, we are bound to see if we cannot carry peace also." . . . . " I am glad to have this opportunity of letting not only our own fel- low countrymen, but all Europe, know that those men and women who exerted themselves with so much self-sacrifice and so much honour to themselves to eman- cipate industry—that they are as determined now to watch over and preserve the peaceable relations of this country with foreign nations—that they are as much opposed to war as to monopoly, and as determined that peace shall be hence- forward a real peace, and not a mock one." (Cheers.) He thought that free institutions abroad were logically connected with the progress of pacific principles ; and he denied the assertion that the tendency of Democracy was towards war. He hoped to live to see the time when foreign affairs would no longer be among the secrets of a cabinet, but be as publicly discussed as domes- tic affairs are now. "I am against all monopolies of states ; and I hope to see the monopoly of the Foreign Office and the monopoly of the Cabinet so invaded that they shall not be allowed to engage in a treaty which may involve you in the liabilities and risks of war without its first undergoing public discussion." (Much cheering.) All our bloody contests for the last two hundred years have been con- ducted with a latent belief that captured colonies would recompense us for war. We know better now. " I believe we are now at the beginning of a great world- wide revolution, which is destined to circulate round the globe, and to end only with time itself; and I believe that the beginning and the dawn of that revolution were laid at our own meetings in the Free-trade Hall."

Colonel Thompson, Mr. John Bright, Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Hope (a tenant farmer and League essayist), and Mr. George Thompson, were the other speakers. At an instant or two before midnight, some minstrels struck up Dn. Mackay's song, " There's a good time coming "; as the clock struck twelve, the assembly rose and shouted their burros that Pro- tection had ceased; and soon afterwards the meeting broke up.

Next day, a large number of the most influential of the guests at the feast held a meeting in Newell's Buildings, for the purpose of originating a new " Financial Reform Association." Mr. George Wilson of course presided. Mr. Cobden moved and Mr. Bright seconded a motion to found a society for maintaining an efficient care over the registration of voters in boroughs and counties, and promoting the increase of the county electors by the multiplication of forty-shilling freeholds.

The National Confederation for an equitable adjustment of National and Local Taxation held its first annual meeting at Liverpool on Monday; Mr. W. Jackson, M.P., presiding. A large attendance of influential citi- zens was present. The Chairman made an effective speech, in explanation of the principles and plans of the Association— The principle they adopted was that every man should declare what his income was; they capitalized that income according to tables which could be easily calculated, and taxed him a certain amount on that capital. Begin with the landed proprietor with an estate worth 3001. a year: allowing for drawbacks, &c., he would say that such an estate was worth twenty years' purchase; that would give them 6,0001. A calculation had been made that the amount upon which a percentage could be charged in this country would be six thousand millions. Three-quarters per cent upon that would yield forty-five millions. Forty-five millions would pay the whole of the assessment of this country, even taking the expenditure as it was now. Now they said to the landowner of 300/. a year, " Give us 451. a year, and you may go free of all other taxation." Take next the pro- fessional man: supposing their friend the doctor made 2,0001. per annum; take that at five years' purchase, which would be 10,0001.; three-quarters per cent on that would produce 751. Take the shopkeeper, the manufacturer, or the farmer, on the same principle, and they could easily come at a good and sound conclusion. Take again the labouring man, for none should escape, the poor man arrived at good working condition at twenty-one years of age: the average time of a man's ability to work was twenty years; but suppose they allowed one-half, and say his labour was worth ten years' purchase; he apprehended also, that, taking into consideration mechanics and others, he did not over-estimate the average income at 15s. a week, or 401. a year; the capitalization of this would be 4001.; three- quarters per cent on that was 31., and that man would then be free from every op. pression which now bore him down. Out of the 401. he would have to pay 31.; but how far would the remaining 371. then go?—according to the present system, it would be equal to 501. to him. For his own part, Mr. Jackson promised to take up the subject, which had now lost Dr. Bowring for its patron—that of a full payment of every farthing of national revenue into the national exchequer. He found that the Association was attracting much influential opinion and attention in London, and should not wonder if the Peelites took it up and used it to recover their lost power.

After the reading of the report, several gentlemen of opposing politioa addressed the meeting in a spirit of hearty cooperation. Mr. Jackson was elected President; the Earl of Radnor, Mr. William Ewart, M.P., Mr. Hind- Icy, M.P., Mr. Lawrence Heyworth, M.P., and J. Williams, M.P., were elected Vice-Presidents, for the ensuing year.

The explosion in the colliery near Barnsley has proved one of the most fatal on record: seventy-five people perished by the explosion itself or by the succeeding "choke-damp," while those who escaped with life were in most cases more or less scorched. The vicinity has been one general scene of lamentation: a witness at the inquest stated that he had lost three brothers.

At the sittings of the Coroner's Jury, on Friday and Saturday, a good deal of evidence was adduced. Mr. Charles Locke, colliery-agent, who had inspected the pit before and since the accident, said the mine was well ventilated ; there was such a plentiful current of air that the men complained that it wasted their can- dles. He considered that the ventilation had been impaired recently by the pre- valent high winds. The disaster appeared to be quite accidental. Other wit- nesses supported Mr. Locke's statements and opinions. One of the colliers, Ham- mond, described as an ignorant man whom it was very difficult to under- stand, gave rather contradictory evidence. He was in the mine when the explosion occurred: he thought Thompson and Addy, who overlooked the men, were to blame for allowing the men to work, as the gas had accumulated early in the morning; this was known, and a shovel had been placed in a particular position to warn the men to keep their lights low. Some of the men would have spoken about the fool air, but they were afraid of losing their employment: he appre- hended danger, and he had heard the men talk about it. In digging coal, the mineral had been thrown behind the men, and this impeded the circulation of the air; and in the old workings the coal had been irregularly taken out—holes bad been left where gas collected, no current of pure air reaching it When the ex- plosion occurred, the men were getting coal out of the old workings, by cutting away the pillars: they used unprotected candles. After giving this evidence, the witness said the explosion was accidental ; he could not say it could have been prevented; it was not from negligence. Another miner thought the disaster was accidentaL After hearing some further evidence, the Jury adjourned till next

week.

After a great deal of evidence, very strongly criminatory, had been received against Evans, the Bristol carpenter who was charged with attempting to poison ha wife, he was committed for triaL