A sixth letter from Mr. Sharman Crawford to Mr. O'Connell
con. eludes the series ; though Mr. Crawford warns the Agitator, that as he is "the medium through which the greatest good or the greatest evil can be produced" to Ireland, his conduct will not escape future animad- version from Crawfordsburn. This last letter is calculated to make a deep impression upon all of Mr. Crawford's countrymen who can look beyond their present position, arid venture to scan Mr. O'Con- nell's policy with sotnething approaching to independence of mind. The fallacy of Mr. O'Connell's " instalment" principle as applied to tithes is exposed-
" I confess I am not so fond or the Instalment system as yon are. You say,' every portion acquired, however swill, increases the power to acquire the remainder.' Sir. I deny that this is always the ease; lea I will close with yea on this propositiou of duty I will agree to it anhia.li ;it ingly, , with the proviso that the i intim acquired shall nut be loaded with any condition, direct or implied, which shall impair the power to aciplite the remainder. Sir, I have been always Isilhttg to circle this to you. Is this being impracticable? But I have keen misrepresented to the table. It has been alleged that, on the tithe qeestion, I refused the part. because I could not get the whole. No such thing. I have repeatedly stated my argument, but it has been as repeatedly mis. construed, I Mleged (and, I think, proved, because I never have been refuted) first-- That the remission proposed lo he given was no real remission or instalment to the peo,de. Secondly—That it gave a new secut it y ;mud Foyer of levying the titles agalust the people, and iiivolved an implied condition. which WOliti immensely impair the power of obtaining total relief. Yon. must admit that the increased seen, 'g was MS inducement hckt out to the Church to surrender a portion of the recesses."
He wishes Mr. O'Connell to bring forward those measures in Par.. liament which he declares to be necessary for the welfare of Ireland-
" My proposal is that, in case those measures shall not be proposed to Parliament. either by the Crowu or the Ministry, you shall, yourself, bring forward bills to sustain your own principles ; and I agree then that, if you cannot obtain the whole, you should accept any real instalment which can be obtained, without yielding a coaaession. an the part of the people. injurious to their power of further advancement. This is what I call an instalment ; any other description of arrangement I call a compromise, not an instalment. Sir, do not mistake me. / do not want the public mind to be agitukd about phantoms a hich you nner erptct to have a corporeal existence. I desire that the public mind should be steadily directed to those objects which the leaders of the people do really believe can, and ought to be, obtained; :Ind that these objects should be honestly, steadily. and perseveringly adhered to, taking erery real step which can be obtained as you advance. I maintaiu that the mode or obtaining these objects is by obtaining the decided declaration of public opinion in their favour ; and that, even if it were polio- ble, they ought not to be passed in Parliament by party iutrigues, unless sanctioned by the opinion of the nation. And I maintain, further, that the best mods of ac- qttiring public support is by the Representatives of the People honestly aud fearlessly bringing these questions to Wye is the House of Commons, by debates and dirismas ; and then, if the uation concur, those Representatives who oppose you now will ultimately be forced to support you hereafter."
In this way it would be seen whether Ministers are really the friends of Ireland Mr. O'Connell describes them to be-
., if they proved themselves so, either by supporting you in your measur,e,fr Ire- land, or by supporting measures for general reform, then I will admit that they arc entitled to your support in return. But if they do not—if they conteniptuously :eject all your propositions (as on the occasion of the Libel Bill)—if they retire upon the Rano- vetiara troops, as is corps de reserve, to protect them, not from their etieruies, but from the right wing of their own army—then, Mr. O'Connell, what will you do? Will you still adulate this Ministry ? Will you continue to limp the 'Preasury tench 11, ith your knees? No, Sir, unless the Ministry change their course, you roust either at once di dare yourself a Tory.Whig, or must look to some other means of aSSertillS the rights of Itelaud than the unmeaning adulation of Sovereign or Ministers. Your doctrine will then be, ' Put not your trust iu Princes' or rulers. You will go back mice more to the People. I can well recollect the time when )0u used to !oast the People before the Crown—• The People. the only source of legitimate power.' " Sir, I call upon the Irish nation. and if I dared to presume to do so. I would call upon the friends of freedom in England and Scotland. to judge between us, whether the propositions I make are not fair ours. I ask whether they are not laying Ent grounds for that which you profess to desire—union among Reformers? I a you, Sir, whether this is not as likely a mode of promoting it as that invention for which you demand laurel leaf'—namely, the nickname of Tory.Radical? Du you en- terer that it a ill promote anion among Reformers to insult in this way men of prin. because they differ from you in opinion as to the mode of advancing their Fin- ciples ? "
He denies that Mr. O'Connell is going the right way to conciliate the people of England, when he declares that " with the good-will of England justice never will be obtained for Ireland "-
" Is this the w ay tu soften the asperities of feeling between the two countries ? Now, Sir, do yoe believe this statement to be correct? /fit be correct, how ma eu jolify the people if Jr land to go OS one hour longer with this experiment, as you colt it ? if it be not true, or if you think there is a possibility of chauging the feeliug of the people of England. are you not tatting the most effectual nteaus to prevent the creation of that friendly feeling which you profess to desire? Again. you talk of au experiment, as if on held sir, in your own hand the power of repealiug the Union whenever it struck yogi. fancy. Now, ruled your inconsistency ; you call upon the people to give up the abolition of the tithe system as impracticable, and you speak of the repeal of the Union as practicable. Sir, you would do mere good to the ' great aid good Irish map ion ' I iy spy:00w/ that which you have Olen ca; led for from others— a iitbi AVM sense—than by exciting their feelings or imtio.. poi le who a you can ,o' these feelings, and stimillating tleir p:1,61,211S :111,1 01,4 ag.tiost ILL Lb. n itiou whim you hay e tad the pow. r of V.' 111.S.i..'
(heat praise bad beets given to :Ministers by Mr. O'Connell fur their services in the cause of " fair and boniest education of the people"— - I ask yon, what have this Ministry done elver pt following no the measures of their pr.'dece.e..ort ? You !aik of ' that irraseible cwt bi.4..ted being, S'.adry.• recollect t!rit under his itio•ple,ss the national system of education ma. iu,a dmed.--reerillect that the grant was supported and proposed to be eularized under Sir Ilob,,t Peel's Govettiment—cud recieleet. also. that it the late I; overnment "f dim Bill had been visaed it would have 5,1pelSolell the national grant—it would have limited the amount to the proceeds of the tillat hal of the Clergy, which soup!, M:eahsb;y have been altogether insufficient for the incrotsing wants of the people, and would have placed this sum—not at the di-pos:11 of 1..0.Na:it—not at the dispi.sal of the Commissioners or National Education—but to be iyplied at the iliscra!len of the Loofa Comath.sioners of her Majesty's Treasury. Sir, I tarn not an admirer of Lord Si marl 'a conduct ; bar, if he has faults. his good acts might oat to be forgotten. Recollect that he gave you a total extinction of the Church eels ; aid I caulad help recollecting that he Zeal the advocate (NA se.sion) if the poor mon's right to i.elief by settl, mnt.
"Again. ton say, • They (the Tories) would bring in no bill to abolish tithes.' nO WM wan to imply that the Melbourne Ministry would bring in such of bdl r lion know they would not. Why, then, attempt this practical deception? Again your ,ay, they • woold restore their arms to the Orangemen.' What do you mean by Ille word restore ? Have you forgotten that the Oratigemen Lave the Yeomanry arm,: they were left in their Intuits by the atellsoirne Government, who did not call in lice arms, aid allowed the act to expire which made the officers responsible for those arms. Sir. 1 am as strung an enemy to the Tories as you are; but I wish to do justice to Mr. Crawford denies the power of the Tories, even in office, to in- fliet any great evil on the Irish people- " Do you forget the strides which the Catholic holy have male in their .power Litre- hist ing despotism? WI at is the good to them of being admitted to the rights of free- men, if it dues not increase their menus of protecting themselves against oppre.sitm? You seem to thiuk that you are living under an arbitrary monarchy. When! there is no protecting power agaiust the will of the Autocrat, r.0 hnow, Sir. tluit Irk:fever might be ,he inclination of the Tories, they dared mit adopt such measures. England mut Scot- land %wild join you against such proceedings. But now, again, recollect your bloom ,istencies. At times you talk of Ireland being eight milliclus: you talk of her eirage, or her poser, as if it was omnipotent: and yet you now degrade the Irish i ',pre, by supposing they would submit to such despotism as this. Sir, I do not want to iuduce you, or any other person, to favour Tory power ; but want to show you the futility of resting on the Whigs any more thou the Tories, or on au) other means or purser but the constitutionally-expressed voice of the nation."
It is vain to represent the House of Lords as the great stumbling- block in the way of Reform— Sir, Rouse of Lords may have a great deal to answer for ; and I agree with you in the necessity of some alteration in their constitution; hat I assert that Ihey would be utterly powerless no resisting a strabilitforteurd and daermined Adnarnictration, honestly Imelact ly the Crown and the P,19.'e. You know they have alw aye yielded to that tomer, ton knew the remarkable instauces of Catholic Emoneipation and Path:Immo:try [term m; and they must yield again. as they have yielded before; last they hare bon s'inim'oted to opposition by the temporizing conchal of Me present .1/i,i0try and the Ito/rim II who support them. Let the Miuistry, the People, and the Representatives of the People do their duty, and then they can with awte courage and effect demand the reform it the Lords. But, again, recoiled' your ii.consisteucy. You relaescnt the nuns, of Lords as the impassable impediment; you leiptire the reform of that (louse as the remedy ; and yet what do you require as the metes? That all ILA,. Inert should combine is the support the present Ministry ; and yet you know that Ministry are. individualty and ca( away. pfedged against the r, form of the Lords. • • " You tell the people of England to clamour at public meetings, and petition for further reform; but this is only to be clamour—the first :aid real object to keep the Melbourne Sllitiistry to their p`aces. Sir, I do not want the people to clamour fur a nonentity. I want the honest, determined, and deliberate expossion at the feeling o, the mdires fur substantial objects. You say, • With the people of Ireland I shall hate no diffi- culty.' I do not know whether the people of Ireland will take this as a compliment or not ; but 1 doubt you misunderstand the people of England, if you expect to succeed with them iu this mode of proceeding."
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