LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.
AMERICA AND ENGLAND.
[To THE EDITOR Or VIE eersceeroa.e3 Stn,—The issue of the Spectator of September 11th is specially interesting because it increases one's admiration for the course pursued by President Wilson and compels us to recognize how wisely he is acting, for the bane and the antidote of harsh criticism upon the American Government in its neutrality are contained in that issue. On one page is a fierce denunciation of President Wilson as a pro-German by an American ; on another a review which agrees with Dr. J. W. White's contention that the United States should declare war against Germany. Yet on another is the admirable and restrained article by Lord Cromer, in which he declares that "it is perfectly reasonable to maintain that active interference on the part of the United States can only be justified in the eyes of American citizens by arguments based, not on sympathies, but on interests." And, again, quoting Professor Nicholson, " what America owes to others is to support, so far as her duty to herself will permit, the law of nations as against the arbitrary violation by military power." Some of the wisest Englishmen—like Viscount Bryce—have declared that there is no call for active interference by America. Let it be considered by the critics that President Wilson is responsible, and they are not. Much admiration has been expressed for Mr. Roosevelt's extravagant expression of what ought to be done, but it should be remembered that since the decline of the Progressive Party few place any reliance upon Mr. Roosevelt's utterances, and there is a well. nigh universal expression of satisfaction that he is not at the helm of State, though it is possible that a great responsibility might sober even him.
It is desirable that we should be told exactly what is to be expected from us, since your best men do not ;Ask us to declare war. Do you ask for our sympathy P You have this in an overwhelming degree. So large is the number of the best newspapers which favour the Allies, so widespread is popular sympathy with you, that Germany has felt called upon to create a bureau and arouse efforts by Press and speakers to counteract that sympathy. Has the cause of the Allies ever needed the expenditure of a dollar to create sympathy or disseminate information? Do you ask our Government formally to protest P Against what? Germany has not violated a treaty in which we had a part. Against her action toward Belgium? It is very far from clear that as a Government we have any relation to that action; and what will be the effect of a protest against a nation to whom a treaty is "a scrap of paper" only fl We have had some experience in the futility of moral protests—and we are repeating it at this moment in our Note to Turkey concerning Armenia. It is suggestive also that quite severe criticism, in which the Spectator took part, was made against President Wilson in his protest against Mexican conditions, because he did not actually engage in war. When a Government makes a protest there should be a great seriousness about it. If the protest is right, there must be force somewhere available behind it. "Beware of entrance to a quarrel" is a good maxim, and all the sarcasm about Preaident Wilson's training and character and lack of decision is nullified when it is seen how strongly ho decides. A President who has without effort parted from his Secretary of State, because that Secretary could not win him to an extreme peace policy, seems to have plenty of decision. The great mass of our intelligent men—even the statesmen opposed on party lines to Mr. Wilson—feel that he is acting wisely, and cordially support him.
It may he true, as you and Dr. White say, that we ehould declare war because Germany triumphant is our next peril. But until we have a real and not imaginary cosus belli, it is a case of duty to ourself, as Professor Nicholson says ; of interest, according to Lord Cromer ; and not one of our real and intelligent leaders believes war would be right. It is very easy for the irresponsible to urge violent measures, for they do not bear the brunt, they need not shoulder the blame as the Government must. If the United States should ever take up war against Germany and Austria, it must be with a reason recognized by the great mass of our people, a right or duty we can justify to our children.
Now do not assume that Americans desire to take a low view of their interests or duty. It is a favourite sneer that we arc a commercial people and finance governs. I am sure
that the editor of the Spectator knows better than that. Sixty years ago the North was called "a set of shopkeepers," but those so-called shopkeepers fought to the death for a groat idea. It should be remembered that the United States is the only nation since the Crusades which has carried on a
great war for a principle—for a high moral principle—and in the last sixty years it has engaged in two such wars. The Civil War was fought for two principles—the integrity of the Union and the repression of slavery. If the latter fact is doubted, then remember that the song of "John Brown's Body " was one of the inspirations of the Northern soldiers. Lincoln's great debates with Douglas fixed that truth in the soul of the North. The Spanish War so recent was against tyranny—not upon us—but upon the weak, the impulse to aid the oppressed. In neither of these wars was national gain considered, nor did it follow. Be sure of this : when we see it clearly a moral duty to enter the conflict the United States will not falter, and it will be a fight to the finish. Until that time believe that we are not unfaithful to principle. Give us—and especially our noble President—credit for a great sympathy in a righteous cause, and remember that he cannot act by mere impulse, but must justify every decision to the highest intelligence of this great nation.—I am, Sir, &c.,
[Our correspondent speaks of our having urged the American Government to declare war on Germany. He must have been a very careless reader of our pages, for we have again and again, and with all the emphasis in our power, done exactly the reverse. No doubt we have quoted, though we have not endorsed but dissented from them, the views of Americans who have urged war as a duty in the present ease, but that is a very different matter. What we have done is to insist that the American Government should refuse to keep silence or be neutral on a moral issue. There are plenty of ways short of war by which the Government at Washington could mark their feelings about German action, but none of these ways has been adopted. No wonder, then, that some of the best citizens of America condemn the actions of her Government. —ED. Spectator.]
Previous page
