nrhated an prince:infra in Park:molt.

1. CLAIMS OF THE DISSENTERS: CASE OF MR. CHILDS.

Several petitions were presented to the House of Commons, on Monday, by Sir WILLIAM FOLKES and Mr. HUME, on behalf of Mr. Childs of Bungay, who had been imprisoned in Ipswich Gaol for a contempt of the Diocesan Court of Norwich, which be committed in the course of a conscientious resistance to the payment of Church-rates.

One of the petitions described the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Court

as." inconsistent with all the principles of British law, and capable of being employed, as in the present case, to effect the purpose and gratify

the rancour of religious intolerance ;" and "prayed for the immediate abolition of the barbarous and anomalous powers of the Ecclesiastical Courts." These expressions were loudly cheered by a large body of Members.

Lord HENNIKER defended the conduct of the BungayChurchwardens, at whose instance Mr. Childs had been imprisoned; and thus stated the case in their favour— It appeared that in the year 1833, a rate had been made, to which no objection was offered, except in the cases of a relative of Mr. Childs, and one or two other

gentlemen. Distraint had been made on the goods of the former ; but these

were restored to him shortly after, under circumstances of considerable excite- ment in the town. In 1834, another rate was made ; but when it was about to

be levied, Mr. Childs refused payment, and the Churchwardens, in consequence, had recourse to the proceeding which had been made matter of complaint. To this course they were induced to resort for three reasons: first, because one of

the Magistrates was a clergyman; next, because they wished to avoid the great excitement which a distraint of goods for Church-rates had created the preceding year ; and thirdly, because they wished to have the question referred to the Con- sistorial Court at Norwich, whose decision would end the dispute. The Church- wardens, however, both before and after taking this step, had given repeated opportunities to Mr. Childs to pay the rate without any expense in costs; but he had constantly rejected the offer. Lord Henniker regretted as much as any nian the subsequent proceedings, but congratulated the Member for Middle-ex, who had taken up the case, that according to information he had this morning received, Mr. Childs hail been released. At this result Lord Henniker heartily rejoiced, and entertained no doubt that the facts he had stated would be fully borne out by inquiry.

Mr. HOME maintained, that Mr. Childs, who was a conscientious Dissenter, was needlessly dragged before the Ecclesiastical Court.

The Act 53 George III., cap. 127, was passed to prevent vexatious and costly proceedings of the kind. People had been compelled to come into the Eccle- siastical Court for small sums of Is., 2s., or 6s., and this was considered an evil which ought to be remedied. It was remedied by the Act, which provided that in all cases where the sum claimed did not amount to 101., under a warrant of two Magistrates a distress might be levied, and the goods and chattels of the individual taken and sold. He did not affect to speak as a learned man, and he was in the presence of the Attorney-General, and of other lawyers who could set him right ; but it appeared to him that the statute did away with the juris- diction of the Ecclesiastical Court in such cases. However, that was not the course pursued against Mr. Childs, who was cited into the Ecclesiastical Court of Norwich. What was his answer? " As I have refused to pay the rate, so I refuse to acknowledge your power to compel me to pay it, and I will not attend your Court." His non-compliance was called a contempt of Court, and he was dragged to Ipswich, a distance of forty miles from his family and friends, and lodged in the public gaol. He objected to purge the contempt from conscien- tious scruples merely, and every Dissenter must participate in his feelings. There had been no disturbance the year before when the payment of Church .rates was enforced from Mr. Joseph Morris, the person alluded to by Lord Henniker; therefore that excuse could not serve the Churchwardens. Mr. Hume, in conclusion, urged Ministers to bring forward a measure for the settlement of Church-rates without delay.

Mr. KELLY restated the case for the Churchwardens; making use of the same arguments as Lord Henniker. He deprecated the dis- cussion of the matter in the House of Commons ; as the conduct of the Churchwardens, who were liable to an action for damages, if they had transgressed the law, might become the subject of legal proceedings in a court of justice.

Lord Jour; Rossini. would admit that the hardship suffered by Mr. Childs was not intended by the Churchwardens, but he thought that they bad acted unwisely and unjustifiably. It was clear to him that they bad transgressed the law. Having given this opinion of the pro- ceedings against Mr. Childs, Lord John proceeded to notice the obser- vation of Mr. Hume respecting the necessity of settling the question of Church-rates without delay. When Lord .Althorp brought forward Ids measure last year there was a difference of opinion between Minis- ters and many of those who wished for the abolition of Church-rates- a difference respecting the principle of keeping up the fabric of the churches of the Establishment at the cost of the State. Lord John was in favour of that principle then, and he still was in favour of it ; and in any measure that be might bring forward, it would be his duty to see that the churches of the Establishment should not be suffered to fall into decay and ruin. He hoped that before this question was settled, all the facts connected with it would be laid before Parliament, not only by the Church Commission appointed by Earl Grey's Govern- ment, but also by that which Sir Robert Peel had appointed, and which be hoped to see renewed. There were other reasons why the settle- xnent of this question should not be immediately pressed- " His Majesty's present Ministers have resolved to undertake, during the pre- sent session, to propose to Parliament a question of very great magnitude, and of very great extent, and I must add of very great detail, with respect to municipal corporations. ( Great cheering.) They have likewise undertaken and resolved to bring forward, in the course of no very long time, a question regarding not only tithes in Ireland, but the carrying into effect a resolution f this House which I had the honour to move before the adjoUrnment. Now if I have gained any thing from the experience of the last three years, during which I was in the Government, it is this, that I think we frequently fell into difficulties by under- taking too great a multiplicity of business at once—(Loud cheers from the Op- position, echoed back from the Ministerial benches)—and that, although we were enabled to pass some very great questions, and although in the course of the last four years we were enabled to propose and carry measures through Parlia- ment, exceeding in importance, and exceeding in magnitude, any questions that, in a similar period of time, were ever proposed and carried in Parliament, by any Government, yet at the same time, there were various other questions which oc- cupied our consideration which were brought before Parliament by different honourable Members, which at the end of the session, in the month of August, we found we were unable to carry forward, for want of time to give them due consideration. Therefore ready as lam to consider any of those questions which were brought into this douse by the late Government—ready as I am to enter- tain and discuss any question which any honourable Member may introduce, yet I am not prepared, as far as the Government is concerned, to pledge that Government to undertake any question further thau those two—Municipal Reform in England and Wales, and the reform of the Irish Church, including the settlement of the Tithe question. For this reason I will not undertake, during the present session, to bring forward any measures with respect to Church- rates."

Sir ROBERT PEEL concurred with Lord John Russell in the opinion he had so decidedly expressed, that it was the duty of the State to provide for the maintenance and repair of the churches of the Esta- blishment. He also approved of Lord Althorp's just and rational proposition that the portion of Church-rates which was devoted to the repairs of Churches, and was properly connected with the support of the Establishment, should merge in the general revenue of the country; while that portion which was improvidently expended, or for purposes not connected with the principle of an Establishment, should not be charged upon the nation generally. He was opposed to the "conun- drum" of charging the 230,000/. proposed in lieu of Church-rates on the Land-tax, but would have made it a simple payment out of the re- venue of the country. Lord Althorp's measure was certainly brought forward without due consideration ; and it confirmed the statement of Lord John Russell, that notwithstanding the great triumphs of Lord Althorp's Government, yet their attempts were not always unattended with difficulties. (Laughter and cheers from the Opposition.) "I am always glad, when I can (Sir Robert continued), to produce a practical proof in support of the arguments of a Minister of the Crown, and this affords one proof that sometimes the noble lord and his colleagues did proceed somewhat too hastily, and that reasonable men might well believe that a slower progress in legislation, accompanied with more mature consideration and delay, might answer the object of good policy better than extreme rapidity in bringing for.. ward measures, and an equal rapidity in abandoning them. Lord Althorp said he would vote 250,000/., out of which was to be paid a debt of 80,0001., in con- sequence of the Church-rates having been mortgaged to that amount. But I called for a return of the real amount for which the rates were mortgaged ; and certainly I was surprised to find that instead of the incumbrance amounting to 80,000/. it was nearer 827,000/. The noble lord will find that I am not wrong ; and as I have, in order to encourage the noble lord, delivered into his hands the Dissenters' Marriage Bill, I will with equal fairness, to enable him to give prac- tical effect to his principles, give to him all the data I have that tend to demon- strate the existence of this debt."

He wished to say a word respecting Corporation Reform, but feared that be should be called to order.

"Without undervaluing the importance of that measure, yet, so far as public order is concerned—so far as giving satisfaction to Dissenters Is &interned—and so far as removing from the statute-book laws open to objection, and difficult to be enforced, difficult, because the Government has pronounced an intention to abolish them, I will say there is not one question of greater importance in its practical consequences, not one, excepting the question of the Irish Church, which so much presses for a practical settlement as this question of Church-rates. I must confess that I thought that one of the grounds upon which I had been dis- missed from office was, that my accession to power had a tendency to interrupt several practical measures actually under your consideration, and which were nipped in the bud by that unfortunate frost which took place about the 9th of November last. It was put upon record in the most formal and solemn manner by his Majesty's faithful Commons, in the amendment to the Address, that they beg leave submissively to add, that they cannot but lament that the progress of

these and other reforms should have been interrupted and endangered by the un- necessary dissolution of a Parliament earnestly intent upon the vigorous prosecu- tion of measures to which the wishes of the people were most anxiously and justly directed.' Why, then, if you had asked me, upon the most solemn obli- gation, to what more particular measures, in addition to Corporation Reform, that amendment had especial reference, I should have answered You must mean a commutation of Tithes, and the abolition of Church-rates, because these were the two measures upon which the late Parliament were most particularly

and most earnestly intent. I will add one other measure—the Dissenters' Mar-

riage Bill. These were the three measures which it was said I had interrupted by advising the dissolution of Parliament. What, I ask, is to happen with respect

to the commutation of tithes? That I understand is to remain over ; the Dis- senters' Marriage Bill is postponed for three week.; and a declaration has been made by an especial authority-1 mean the Member for the Tower Hamlets— that you must not touch this measure individually, but that you must consider what influence it will have upon the Church-rates and upon commutation of Tithes, and then will follow a large plaPosophical ineasare, founded upon prin- ciples which will give universal satisfaction.'

Sir Robert concluded by earnestly calling upon Ministers to settle this question of Church-rates-

" Surely the noble lord, in consideration of the interests of the Established Church—in consideration of the satisfaction of the people of this country—and in consideration of maintaining obedience and subordination to the law, and effecting the supercession of individual complaints against particular grievances like those we have heard this night—surely, an executive Government fit to be intrusted with the administration of the affairs of this great country will feel that this question ought not to be left to the discussion of parish vestries, or to be made the subject of resistance by parochial martyrs for another year."

Mr. SPRING RICE admitted that Sir Robert Peel had delivered, an able speech, but not a candid one. Let his arguments be shortly con- sidered.

" He has argued altogether as if—and I put it to the House whether the two cases are at all similar—as if the present Government stood now in the position in which it would have stood if that change of Government which took place in November last had not occurred, and if that change had not been succeeded by a general election. There is not one single word contained in the amended Address to the Throne which I do not now reavow, as strongly as I voted for it before. If, indeed, the events which took place in November, and which were in February brought under the consideration of the House, had not produced delay, if they had not impeded the course of reform, then I admit that that Ad- dress would have been false, and that the House ought not to have passed it. But if, on the other hand, the occurrences of November have had the effect of im- peding the course of safe and useful reform, then the position in which the House is now placed is not a position which the majority who voted for that address is at liberty to impute to us. It is to those causes that we have a right to refer that positron. The right honourable Baronet well knows that the inter- val between the month of November and the meeting of Parliament in the month of February, is, of all intervals, that which enables the Government to meet Parliament with the best effect. I do not any that this intetval was pro- fitably spent by the right honourable gentleman, for we were then in that anosna- bus state in which it was doubtful whether this country had a responsible Government or not. During the period to which the right honourable Baronet referred, however, he at least bad the advantage of preparing hie measures; and up to the time when the change of Government took place, he was the respon- sible person. Sir, the right honourable Baronet has profited by the concession i made by my noble friend who sits near me ; a concession applicable to a particular state of things which then existed, but one which the right honourable Baronet very ingeniously seemed to consider an admission on his part that the late Government—that Lord Grey's Government—did nothing but bring forward incomplete and ill-digested measures."

Mr. Rice then referred, amidst loud cheering, to the principal urea. sures of Lord Grey's Government, to prove that the efforts of that Government in favour of Reform had been neither few nor unsuccess- ful. He justified the present Ministers in confining their attention to two great measures at this late period of the session-

" If this be blameable in a Government, does not Sir Robert Peel know that if in the month of May we were to pledge ourselves to the variety of questions on which he has argued, he would then have us in his power, and that we could

not complete any one of those measures ; and does he not now know that by adopting the course we have taken of selecting two great measures, and pro- posing them for the consideration of Parliament, we have pursued the safest, the justest, and the most satisfactory course? The right honourable Baronet himself can hardly, I think, deny this proposition, because those who introduced the subject on his behalf distinctly stated the principle that no one question could

be more pressing than the settlement of the question of the Irish Church. It was the first question which the Government of the right honourable Baronet introduced ; it is the question which we are now pledged to bring forward; and I sin somewhat am prised that in the great and new-born zeal which now manifests itself in favour of the Dissenters, we should be called upon by the right honourable Baronet and his friend' s in their defence, to postpone all other claims to theirs. Sir, why were not the Dissenters' grievances settled loug since? Why did not the right honourable Baronet, and those concerned with him in the Government of this country, settle them once and for ever? How long were they responsible ? If they object to us that we have postponed for the present session the bringing these different matters to issue, how will they answer to the Dissenters for their having postponed during so many years the settlement of this question, the adjustment of their claims and the removal of their grievances? Sir, do the right honourable Baronet, and those who act with him, think that by taking this course they will persuade the Dissenters of England that we have not been earnest in our sincere wish to carry into effect, and work out to the utmost, the principles of that relief which we—not for the first time in the sear 1825, but during the whole period of the organization of the Whig party—have felt that the Dissenters of England were entitled to? do they think that the Dissenters of England will be misled or dazzled by this new horn zeal ? If it be calculated to produce any impression on their minds for one moment, I only wish the Disseaters to look back to those debates of which we hear so much—I mean the records of our Parliamentary decisions. I say let them do this, and then ask where this zeal in their behalf was slumbering at the time that the Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts was proposed? That point upon which we are now all agreed—that point upon which there is now such perfect unanimity cf opinion—was then opposed by the very individuals who now come forward and tell us, in their zeal for the Dissenters, that we are paltering with their interests when we postpone the consideration of their claims for one moment longer."

It was not from any reluctance to do justice to the Dissenters that Ministers postponed the settlement of their claims- " It is not because we shrink from the question—it is not because we are in- different to the rights of the Dissenters, that we postpone the consideration of their claims ; it is because we are resolved to select, with all due respect for the right honourable Baronet, our own ground of battle. We will not accord to him the advantage of driving us from our lines, if we feel it more 10 furtherance of our principle, and more conducive to the public interest, that we should fight on our own ground Sir, we take our stand upon these two great mea- sures. The right honourable Baronet knows, I believe, as well as I do, that we could not accomplish more. Perhaps he thinks we might substitute the measure upon which he has laid so much stress for one of the measures we have announced—Corporation Reform, Sir, the question of Corporation Reform—there is our point of contest with the right honourable -Baronet —there shall he our field of battle -and there we will meet him upon an issue which will be intelligible to the people. Does not that question press, or does the right honourable Bar onet think it might be advantageously postponed ? It does press, Sir, upon certain parties in this country ; it presses hard upon them at the present moment in the shape of inflictions, from which, I trust, our measure will relieve them the alarm presses hard upon ocher, who would gladly—moet gladly—postpone the discussion; and who, fur the purpose of advantageously acquiring the means of postponement, urge the Dissenters to the settlement of their claims, and abjure municipal retsina. The right honour.- able Baronet and those around him are so perfectly friendly to the claims of the Dissenters, that really, whether it comes a little sooner or a little later, the Dia- meters need not be alarmed, because on that subject all parties are quite agreed. I hear, however, that on the question of our Municipal Corporations we cannot look for quite co much coincidence of opinion."

Mr. MKS, Dr. BOWRING, Mr. MARK PHILLIPS, Mr. PEASE, Mr. BAINES, and Dr. LUSIIINGTON, strongly expressed their belief that the Dissenters would far rather that the settlement of their claims was deferred, than that the question of Corporation Reform or the Irish Church, should be postponed to another session.

Reverting to the case of Mr. Childs, Sir JOHN CAMPBELL declared, that the Churchwardens had acted illegally ; and in this opinion Mr. Law (the Recorder of London) concurred. Mr. COBBETT asked if tbe Judge in the Ecclesiastical Court of Norwich was not to blame, as well as the Churchwardens ? Dr. LUSHINGTON said, that he un- doubtedly was.

One of the petitions presented was ordered to lie on the table, and the discussion ended.

On Thursday, Lord BROUGHAM called the attention of the House of Peers to the case of Mr. Childs.

His opinion was, with regard to subjects of this kind, that though he might disapprove of the law, 'yet that as long as the law did exist, he should not think he was bound to put himself forward as a martyr to it. At the same time, however, that he expressed this opinion, he could not be prevented from bearing his sincere testimony to the honest motives upon which Mr. Childs had acted in the present case. There was no man in his neighbourhood more respectable or more respected than Mr. Childs, nor any person indeed better thought of in that part of the country. Mr. Chills had been long known ; be had carried on an extensive printing.business; and, not confining his labours as a printer to that side of politics on which his own sentiments were ranged, he had re. eently published an excellent and cheap edition of This/se's Works. Mr. Childs had resisted the payment of Church-rates solely from conscientious scruples.

Lord Brougham also presented eighty.eight petitions, from Dis- senting congregations around London, complaining of Church-rates, and especially of the proceedings against Mr. Childs.

Lord SHAFTESBURY said, that if the party disputed the legality of the rates, the jurisdiction of the Magistrates was gone, and there was no other course to be taken than that which had been pursued.

2. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.

On Monday, the question being put that the House of Commons should-resolve itself into a Commitee of Supply, the Marquis of Cii.‘N- DOS rose, for the third time this session, to address the House on behalf of the English farmer. He proceeded to enlarge upon the desperate state of the agricultural interest.

There was not any honourable gentleman who had an estate in the country, who was not aware of farmers who were about to leave the country from distress. Persons of all classes had found it necessary to retrench their expenditure ; the tenantry were obliged to abandon their farms, as they could not cultivate them without ruin ; and the labouring classes were in a state of most abject destitu- tion. He called therefore upon the House to stop the evil, before all classes were completely overwhelmed in one common ruin.

Some relief would be given by reducing the County-rate, and com- muting tithes ; and he was sorry that the commutation was to be post- poned to the next session. His object was to relieve the farmer from the pressure of some local as well as general taxation. It was indeed impossible that he could continue to support his present burdens, at the present price of farming produce.

He held in his hand a paper, which had been drawn up by that great friend to the agriculturists, Sir Jolla Sinclsir, which showed the average price of wheat for several years; from this it appeared, that the price of wheat in 1800 was 110s. the quarter ; in 1811, 122s.; in 1833, 53s. ; i,n 1834, 44s. ; and 1835, 38s. He thought that he might safely say there had been for several years a regular descending scale in the price of the produce of farmers. It appeared also from a return made from the Corn-market, Mai k Lane, that within a certain period, 16,000 quarters of foreign barley, 33,000 quarters of Irish oats, and peas in proportion, as well as large quantities of bonded corn and flour, had been brought into the market. He thought that some relief might be afforded to the farmers if the Government purchased the surplus corn that was now in the country, and laid it up; so that when prices rose, it might be introduced into the market instead of importing foreign corn. He might be told that this would be just the same as purchasing foreign corn ; but he would reply, that the farmers would have the satisfaction of knowing that it was British produce. lie repeated, that local as well as general taxation fell most heavily on the farmer. Every country gentleman knew how burdensome the County-rate was to the agriculs turists. That interest was obliged to bear alone the expense of prosecuting felons, and also the charge of maintaining ptisoners in gaol% The statute-duty also fell almost entirely on the farmer. He recommended the Chancellor of the Exchequer to look to the Report of the Committee on Agricultural Distress last year, where it is suggested that the land should be relieved from many of these burdens, and that they should be thrown generally on the country. It was not fair that the expense of building and repairing bridges, and keeping up the roads, should fall almost entirely on the land. From this charge he should propose that the farmers be released. It was most unjust to make that class bear the burden of the Statute.duty.

After alluding to Lord Althorp's reduction of several taxes which pressed on the farmer, Lord Chandos went on to recommend the abo- lition of the taxes on spring-carts, on windows in farm houses, and the adoption of protecting duties on foreign butter, cheese, and seeds. He concluded by moving,

" That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, expressing the deep regret the House felt at the continuing distress of the agricultural interest, to which the at- tention of Parliament was called by his Majesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne at the commencement of the present as well as the preceding session; humbly to re- present the anxious desire of this house that the attention of his Majesty's Govern- ment might be directed without (miller delay to this subject, with a view to the re- mosa of some. portion of those burdens to winch the land %vas subject through therm: sure of general and local taxation."

Lord DARLINGTON seconded the motion.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL reminded the House of the small amount of surplus revenue, only 250,0001., beyond which reduction could not go; and this he thought would not do much towards relieving that general distress of the farming interest of which Lord Chandos complained. Some relief, however, might be given by lessening the pressure of local burdens.

With respect to the cost of prosecuting felons, he meant to bring forward a proposition that half the expenses of prosecutions at Assizes and Quarter-sessions eheuld be paid out of the revenue of the country. By this alteration, the County Magistrate would have an interest in curtailing the expenses incurred in prose- cutions ; which he would not be likely to feel if the Government undertook to defray the expenses of prosecution at the Assizes only, and thereby offered a pre- mium for the transfer of prisoners from the Quarter-sessions to the Assizes. 'With reference to the settlement of the Tithe question, he should propose that a S..:ect Committee he appointed, composed of Members coining from different pai is of the country, and representing the various interests liable to payment of tithe ; because he was persuaded that no compulsory system of commutation could be established unless examined and approved of by a Committee in which every class of tithe. payer was represented.

But it was to the operation of the new Poor.law Bill that be looked for the principal relief to the agricultural interest ; and from the effect already produced by that bill in diminishing the amount of poor-rates, and in some instances converting inert and listless into industrious labourers, there was good ground to expect that its beneficial effects would be universally felt. Lord John concluded by moving the follow- ing as an amendment to Lord Chandos's resolution,

" That this House will direct its early attention to the recommendations of the Corn. mittee which sat during the late sesstun of Parliament. on the subject of County rates, with a view to the utmost practical alleviation of those burdens to which the land is subject through the pressure of local taxation."

Mr. COBBETT declared his utter disbelief of the statement that good had been effected by the Poor-law Bill ; and attributed the reduction of rates which had taken place to the fall in the price of corn. and to the deficient supply of food afforded to the pauper. He made some strong reflections on the Duke of Richmond's bill of fare for the Sussex paupers ; which, he contended, was by far too niggardly. He attributed the distress of the landed interest to the operation of the change in the currency ; and declared that the Corn-laws were of DO use as a protec- tion to the farmer. [Mr. Cobbett spoke amidst constant talking and noise in the House.] Lords GEORGE and ARTHUR LENNOX defended the Duke of Rich- mond from Mr. Cobbett's attack ; and challenged a comparison between his character in the country and that of Mr. Cobbett.

Mr. CLAY, amidst much interruption, endeavoured to explain the real operation of the Corn-laws and the change in the currency upon the prices of farming produce.

Sir ROBERT PEEL next presented himself— He bad always held that the best chance they had of permanently reducing all their burdens, was by a legitimate reduction of the interest on the Debt ; which could only be effected by maintaining the public credit unimpaired, and not by hastily making the large reductions of taxation called for by the agriculturists and others. Besides, it would not be easy to point out any particular tax con- nected with the general taxation which fell exclusively, on the agricultural in- terest, with the exception of the Malt-tax; and he had already in the course of this session assigned his reasons for dissenting from the proposition for reducing or remitting any portion of that tax. But supposing we were able to find any direct tax to which the agriculturists were subject, such as a peculiar assessed tax, and were disposed to make a larger reduction of taxation than 250,0001., he should beg time to consider whether the agriculturist might not be more relieved by the removal of other indirect taxes than of that direct tax. Might it not be better for him that sonic tax should be reduced which impaired the stream of productive industry ? ( Cheers from the Reformers. ) and the removal of which would not only give him articles of manufacture at a cheaper rate, and make the manufacturer A better customer, but save him much in the shape of expense in the collection?

Still Sir Robert thought, that with respect to the Auction-duty, the Land-tax, the Spirit-licences, and a new valuation of county property by which more of the rates would be put upon the inhabitants of towns, something might be done to relieve the agricultural interest. He hoped that the expense of prosecuting felons would be entirely paid by the country. On the whole, be hoped that Lord Chandos would withdraw his motion ; which he was not prepared to support, as it would excite hopes which the Legislature might not be able to realize.

Mr. SPRING RICE reminded Lord Chandos, that since the peace of

1815, taxes on the agricultural interest had been taken off to the amount of 8,356,000/. and that there were already very heavy protecting duties on butter, cheese, bark, hides, hops, cider, and cattle. The farmer was now subject to a very small portion of the Window-duty, and he could not carry the reduction in favour of the farmer still further without widening the breach between the commercial and manufacturing interests. Were there to be a reduction on any article of general use, he should think that of glass would be most eligible.

Mr. O'CONNELL begged to remind the House, that there was such a place as Ireland, although not a word had been suggested for the relief of agriculture in that country. He thought there was only one effectual remedy for the agricultural interest in both countries, and that was the mitigating the horrors of the Gold Currency Bill. (Loud cheers.) Lord CHANDOS replied ; and the House divided ; for the resolutions, 150; against them, '211; majority, 61.

3. GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY; SUNDAY TRAVELLING.

On Tuesday, the order of the day being read for the further consi- deration of the Report on the Great Western Railway Bill.

Mr. MILES moved the insertion of a clause to prevent travelling on the railway on Sundays. He said— The petition on which he had founded this clause was most numerously and respectably signed ; and although it had been made an objection to it that some of its subscribers were clergymen, he considered that fact as one which added materially to its authority, for it appeared to him that the ministers of the gospel were more particularly interested in preserving the spiritual health of the people—an object which was the sole origin of this petition. The petition, too, had been described as absurd and extraordinary—as not representing the opi- nions of the people ; but he could assure the House, that there existed a growing desire, becoming day by day more prevalent, of preventing the desecration of the Sabbath, by stringent legislative enactments. The legal gentlemen con-_ cerned for the Bill had expressed no objection to a regulation.of the hours of travelling on the Sabbath ; but it had been found that nothing slant of the clause now moved would produce the desired effect. The extent of the rail- way was not less than 119 miles, and it was essential that in this long tract of 'road the desecration of the Sabbath should be guarded against, and that the workmen employed on it should not be deprived of the holy rest IV Inch all other classses enjoyed on that day. It had been suggested to him that t would be better to introduce a general measure on the subject. If be hal a majority on this clause, be should not have any objection to do so. It was.most desirable that the seventh day should not be desecrated by any species ot tra- yelling. (" Oh, oh ! ") At present, however, he should content himself with moving, that in the great Western Railway Bill a clause might be be introduced, providing that no engioe or carriage be allowed to work on the railroad on Sun- days; and that for every violation of this enactment, the Company, or their successors, should be subject to a penalty of 201., recoverable in the same way as the other penalties to which the Company or their successors might subject themselves.

-Mr. POTTER regretted the absence of Sir Robert Peel, who had very opportunely come to their assistance the other evening, when they were resisting an attempt to restrict the enjoyments of Sunday: Ile trusted, however, that the House needed no further arguments to induce them to reject such a mischievous and absurd clause as that proposed by Mr. Miles.

That honourable gentleman Ind very fairly told them what he intended to d if they gave him a majority. Mr. Potter was quite sure that the House would save the Immutable gentleman any further trouble in the matter. Suppose for a moment that Mr. Miles were successful in compelling the inhabitants of large towns to remain within the Iiinits of these towns during the Sabbath ; did lie think that the interests of religion would be promoted by such a step ? If he did, he was vastly inistaken ; for, ots the contrary, the result would be that the real interests of religion would receive a serious, a fatal stab. It was pro- posed to inflidt a penalty of 20/. for each journey made on the railroad on Sun- days. '1'lle result of this would, in the end, be the practical prevention of any travAling on Sundays at all ; for where there happened to be a railroad the Common road was altogether deserted, as in the case of the road between Man- chester and Liverpool, the whole travelling on svhich was performed on the tailway, there not being a coach, or vehicle of any sort, ever seen on the com- mon road. The population of the former of these towns was U00,000, of the latter 200,000 ; and Sunday was the day which the middle and working classes

resid i ent in each availed themselves of, n most cases, as a matter of necessity, for visiting their friends and connexions in the other. Yet if the principle of the honourable Member were adopted, the whole of this innocent and social intercourse would be put an arbitrary stop to. In many cases, too, the effect would he to keep the people from going to church, who now availed them- selves of the railway as a means of reaching it. He teusted the House would discountenance this absurd and mischievous attempt, which, he would repeat, so far from promoting the interests of religion, would seriously injure them. The carrying out the principle too, an intention avowed by the honourable gen- tleman, would extend the mischief to all classes, and the farmers would more especially suffer from it.

Mr. CURTEIS said that if the House adopted this clause' a similar one must be introduced into every turnpike act, and thus all travelling on a Sunday would be stopped. The clause was not only an extrava- gant, it was a most preposterous one.

Sir ROBERT HARRY INGLIS Supported the clause.

Mr. ROBINSON and Sir JOHN CAMPBELL opposed it.

Mr. ROEBUCK saw no more reason why a poor man should be pre- vented from travelling on a Sunday than a rich one.

A few Sundays since he was going a little way out of town, and passing along Piccadilly at twelve o'clock, and therefore in the middle of church-time, lie met the Duke of Wellington riding—("//ear, hear !")—further on he observed men and horses employed in watering Hyde Park for the benefit of the fine folks- (" Hear !")—at Kuightsbridge the soldiers were under arms and exercising- (" Hear ! ")—at I larnineramith Bridge be encountered the Lord ChiefJustice on horseback—( Cheers and laughter)—and when he reached Hampton Court at three o'clock, whom should he see there but the right honourable Baronet the Member for Tainworth. (Much laughter and cheering.) They had a perfect right to enjoy themselves in this way, but so had the poor when they could do it. The rich could go from place to place on horses and in carriages, but tra- velling on railroads would be chiefly for the benefit of the poor, and it ought not to be restricted. This clause seemed brought forward rather in a Pharisaical than in a Christian spirit, and he hoped it would rejected. People meddled too much with the morals of each other; let every man take care of his own good- ness, and there would be more virtue in the world, though less outward show.

Mr. BUCKINGHAM supported the clause as a mere civil regulation, for the poor suffered greatly by the desecration of the Sabbath.

Mr. O'CONNELL said it would be better, if the House must legis- late on such matters, not to do it by a side wind, but by a distinct act.

Let a Sabbath Bill be brorIght in, stopping up all roads on Sunday, and pre- venting the People from enjoying healthy recreation. The railroads would afford facilities in going to church, but, if the clause were adopted in this in-

stance, an i d not inserted n all other measures of a similar kind, the Great Western Railroad alone would be stamped with the Sabbath mark. The effect of rail- roads would be to make provisions cheaper--a great boon to the poor. Eggs, butter, and even milk, tnight then be brought from Ireland; brit if this clause were carried, there would lw a stop to the conveyance for four-and-twenty hours. He hoped, therefore, that the House would not listen to it.

Mr. A. TREVOR was in favour of the clause.

Mr. W. DUNCOMBE recommended Mr. Miles to withdraw it.

Sir Plume DunirAm said— That he had fir many years represented various places in Scotland where there were no omnibuses, no stages, no hackney-coaches, to enable people to take a little fresh air on Sunday ; shopkeepers and others of that class might indeed lilies horse or a chaise, but the poor could indulge in no such luxury. There were many towns in Scotland where the lower orders never shaved, and never dressed themselves or their children, but lounged at home during church hours, and afterwards went to the alehouse because they had no cheap means of travelling and taking the air. The children of some of them had never yet seen green grass, having all their lives been confined to pestilential air, without the opportunity of recreation. He had represented the evil to many during the last twenty years, and particularly to the Lord Provost of Edinburgh. The dif ficulty of obtaining innocent and healthy amusements on Sunday was one of the greatest grievances of the lower orders ma Scotland. In his own neighbourhood he had done what he could to produce a change, and to a certain extent he had succeeded. He hoped the clause would never be admitted into the Bill. The House then divided, and rejected the clause by a majority of 212 to 34. The numbers were announced amidst loud cheering. MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS.

PRISON DISCIPLINE. In the House of Peers, on Monday, Lord MELBOURNE pledged himself to bring in a bill to improve the state of the prisons, in conformity with the resolution of the Committee on Prison Discipline. From a statement of the Duke of RICHMOND, it appeared, that the substance of the recommendations of the Committee was, that Government should without loss of time in- troduce a bill for the amendment of the 4th Geo. IV., c. 64, com- monly called the Gaol Act; that that bill should enact one uniform System of prison discipline for every gaol and house of correction in the kingdom ; that the rules of the gaols, which bad heretofore been submitted to the Judges of Assize, should in future be submitted to the Secretary of State for the Home Department ; and that there should be an authorized appointment of inspectors of prisons."

DUBLIN PROCESSION. This subject was again brought before the Peers on Monday, by Lord RODEN ; but the only point worth noticing in the brief discussion that ensued, was a declaration by the Earl of LEITRIM, that he himself formed part of the procession, and that there was nothing illegal in it. The procession was most orderly, and he saw nothing but what appeared to him the mere emblems of the trades to which the individuals belonged. He did hear, after the procession was over, that there had been one solitary banner on which was inscribed " Repeal of the Union." That might be inexpedient, hut he was not aware that it was illegal : at all events, whether it was or not, it was not right to give a character to a whole body of men from the conduct of one individual among them. Lord MELBOURNE refused to lay before the House the despatch of Lord Mulgrave relative to the procession.

SCOTCH ENTAILS. The Earl of ROSEBERY, on Wednesday, stated his intention to avail himself of the Report furnished by the Lords of Session to remodel his measure of last session respecting Scotch Entails.

lie should propose, first, to effect the abolition of perpetual entails, or rather to prevent in future the creation of perpetuities in entails in Scotland; secondly, that enlarged powers should be given to heirs in succession, under the existing law, to eff:ct changes of entailed estates ; and thirdly, that power should be conferred upon those heirs, to an extent to be determined by Parliatnent, to sell these entailed lands for the purpose of liquidating incumbrances created under the existing laws.

Lord 13aocoliaNt recommended Lord Rosebery to persevere in his efforts to amend the law, and promised him his best assistance.

IRISH CHURCH CATHOLIC OATH. A discussion of some length arose in the house of Commons on Wednesday, on the presentation of some petitions from Durham by Mr. A. TREVOR, and from Man- chester by Lord FRANCIS EGERTON, against the Ministerial plan of Irish Church Reform : the petitioners also complained of the conduct of the Catholic Members in voting for Lord John Russell's resolution, which they designated as an act of perjury, and little less than high treason. The debate was rather angry, and very desultory. Mr. &law corrected some of the statements of Lord John Russell as to the non-residence of the clergy, and the comparative numbers of Protestants and Catholics in certain parishes. Captain BERKELEY, as one who had voted with Lord John Russell, complained of the imputations cast upon him by the petitioners, and by Mr. Shaw. Mr. FINN, Mr. O'Coss ELL, and Mr. RUTIlvEN, indignantly repelled the charge of per- jury. Mr. O'CONNELL maintained, that the measures of Lord John Russell were not calculated to impair, but to augment the usefulness of the Established Church ; and were the Catholic Church equally rich, and equally oppressive, he would willingly vote for a more equita- ble appropriation of its income. Mr. MARK PHILLIPS arid Mr. Bac,- TitEnToN ridiculed the idea of the petition presented by Lord Francis Egerton, and which had only received ten thousand signatures, being taken to represent the real opinions of the inhabitants of Manchester, who had recently elected Mr. Poulett Thomson as their Member.

ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. Lord JOHN Russet'. stated on Monday, in reply to a question from some Member, that, since be had accepted the office which he at present held, several confidential communications had passed between the Archbishop of Dublin and himself on the sub-. ject of the appropriation of any surplus fund that might arise from a new arragement iespecting the Irish Church ; and that the Archbishop almost entirely accorded in the views entertained by himself on the subject.

Sr. PANCRAS PAVING BILL. On the motion of Lord STORMONT, supported by Mr. TOOKE, and opposed by Sir S. WHALLEY, Mr. HUME, Mr. HENRY BULWER, and others, this bill Was thrown out, OA Wednesday, on the second readiag, by a majority of 115 to 111 MERCHANT SEAMENS' BILL. After a protracted discussion in a very thin House, on Wednesday, this bill passed through the Com- mittee; and the report is to be brought up on Monday.

POLLING AT ELECTIONS. On Wednesday, Mr. HOWARD ELPHIN- STONE obtained leave to bring in a bill to limit the time of polling at elections to one day.

NEW WRIT. A new writ was moved, on Monday, for Tiverton ; Mr. James Kennedy baying accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.

CANTERBURY ELECTION. Mr. WALTER reported on Tuesday, from time Committee on this election, and that Mr. Lushington was duly elected.

CARLOW ELECTION. The sitting Members, Messrs. Bruen and Kavanagh, were reported on Wednesday as not duly elected. The mi- nutes of evidence given before the Committee were ordered to be laid before the House, on the motion of some Opposition Member.

HULL ELI :PION. After a discussion of some length, on Tuesday, the House r- 'used to receive the petition of an elector of Hull against the return of Mr. Carruthers. The ground of the petition was an al- leged payment on behalf of Mr. Carruthers, on the 13th of April, to one of his voters ; and time ground of the refusal to receive it was, that more than twenty-eight days had elapsed between the act of bribery and the presentation of the petition to the House. The recess would not have made any difference had the petition been presented on the first day on which the House reassembled; but as that course was not taken, the days of the recess were counted against the petitioner.

ADJOURNMENT. Both Houses adjourned on Wednesday, to Mon- day next.