NEWS OF THE WEEK.

COUNT MURAVIEFF, the Foreign Minister of Russia, having been specially ordered to repair to Paris, has arrived there, and has, of course, been received with nearly Royal honours. He is to be closeted with M. Hanotaux for hours, and all the diplomatists and journalists of Europe are agog to know the object of his mission. We have given our own theory elsewhere, but may add here, what we see is often for- gotten, that in Paris, as in St. Petersburg, Count Muravieff is the servant of the Czar. He may explain much and learn much, but the notion that he can take great resolves or initiate new policies is an illusion. He is not a Prince Bismarck even, or at least not yet, and the last man in the world to believe that the heavy Russian sceptre has been trans- ferred to him. The notion in many French minds, that he could settle with M. Hanotaux a date on which the Queen must evacuate Egypt, under penalty of war with a Coalition, is almost absurd. He is much more likely to settle the terms on which M. Faure could be received as a kind of ad interim Sovereign at St. Petersburg. M. Faure, who is substantially a Lord Mayor of France, with a genially pompons tempera- ment, is very anxious ab 4- that, but Europe need not be.

The rumours about the health of the Emperor of Russia thicken daily, and are, we need not say, of vital interest to Europe. The Russian Court and the English Court both assert that his Majesty is quite well, but Monarchs are always quite well until they are very ill, and it is difficult to see that any one has an interest in making out that the Emperor is suffering. On a careful study of all the evidence we should say that the story of a coming operation, rendered necessary by the wound received in Japan, is a natural exaggeration of the fact that the Emperor suffers greatly from neuralgic headache, that he has been overworked and over excited to a dangerous degree, and that able physicians prescribe for him a period of rest. As we regard Nicholas IL as one of the bulwarks of peace in Europe, we hope that the advice will be followed, with the best results, but the difficulties of relieving an autocrat of work and anxiety are almost insuperable. An absolute crown does not rest on the head of its wearer; it adheres to it. One can hardly imagine a Regent-Pope, a Regent-Sultan, or a Regent-Czar.

The only thing new about the Indian Famine and Plague is that the Governments of Europe, in their envy of British prosperity, are evidently inclined to seize the occasion for a blow at British trade. Two of them at least are perfectly capable of declaring, if they saw this result in view, that famine is infectious. There is to be a Conference of the Powers upon the best method of arresting the Plague, which Great Britain will attend; and Lord Salisbury will do well to see that his representative is a man of ability as well as scientific attainment. There is actual danger at this moment, as is shown by the absurd incident of the Englishman locked up for four days at Chiasso in a railway- carriage, that all passengers from India and all soft goods may be compelled to adopt the Cape route, or to pass through Canada. The common people alike of Trieste, Brindisi, and Marseilles are quite capable of rising in insurrection against Prefects who will not " intern " Anglo-Indians in islands off the coast. The Government in Bombay is doing what it can, and has indented for English doctors ; but it should burn more houses, and insist on better burial arrangements. The cemeteries will otherwise be centres of disease. Sir A. Mackenzie may be relied on in Calcutta to take "extreme measures," but we see no sufficient ground for similar confidence in Bombay.

The Times correspondent at Rome affirms that the Marquis Rudini intends to make the total abandonment of Erythrea, and indeed of African adventure generally, the test question at the elections. Even Massowah will, it is believed, be sur- rendered, returning, of course, to Egypt, to which its rever- sion belongs. It is probable that the measure will be popular, because it will help to restore the finances, and it will be certainly wise. Erythrea is of no value to Italy. As a colony it is useless, because Italian emigrants, numerous as they are, prefer the countries on the Plate or the United States, and as a base from which to enter Africa it is ill- chosen, because the Italian Army must first conquer Menelek, which it has shown itself incompetent to do. The share of Africa which naturally belongs to the Italians is Tripoli, including Barca, and they will get it if they can wait, and occupy themselves in making a smaller Army exceedingly well disciplined, well provided, and mobile. Some of them say they feel humiliated ; but England retired from Afghanistan, France from Hayti, and Russia from Kuldja, in each case under pressure from circumstances and coloured men.

The American Senate appears determined not to ratify the Arbitration Treaty until Mr. McKinley is installed as Presi- dent. They may not ratify it even then, for the Jingoes, who control the Foreign Relations Committee, are power- ful in the House also ; and as they recognise only one foreign Power — Great Britain — they feel as if in agreeing to arbitrate with her their occupation were gone. Their first contention was that the British Government would prevent the completion of the Nicaragua Canal, by pleading her equal rights under the Clayton-Bnlwer Treaty ; and when driven from this, by proof that this country cared little about the control of the Canal, they declared that the Monroe doctrine must be explicitly excluded from arbitration, and that King Oscar of Sweden was notoriously favourable to Great Britain,—the latter an argument furnished them by the Russian Ambassador. If the Treaty is ratified, it will be due, it is said, to the clergy, who are unanimous in its favour as a great step in civilisation. Great Britain can wait for ratification in great calm of mind; but incidents of this kind do not encourage Foreign Secretaries or diplomatists to enter on laborious negotiations. There are too many people in Washington with legal powers who have all to be soothed by deference.

A very interesting Parliamentary paper in regard to the expenses of the Dongola expedition was issued on Monday. As usual when there is a real need, our Government acted

with great promptitude. On December 2nd last Lord Cromer telegraphed the decision of the Court of Appeal—i.e., that the money granted by the Caisse must be repaid—and on the same day he received Lord Salisbury's assurance that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would advance, "on conditions to I e deided hereafter, such a sum as he feels satisfied that the Egyptian Treasury is powerless to provide." On December 6th Lord Cromer telegraphed that the necessary 6500,000 has been paid to the Caisse. This, however, must have been raised by the Egyptian Government, as Lord -ialisbury informed Lord Cromer that the money could not :tetually be advanced by the British Government till the sanction of Parliament had been obtained. A curious point noted in the telegrams is that the Court of Appeal was equally divided, four to four. The four on the side of the Egyptian Government were, however, two native and two European Judges; while those against consisted of three European Judges and one native. But when votes are equal the rule is that the European majority prevails. The correspondence closes with a powerful argument by Lord Cromer showing the unsoundness of the decision of the Court of Appeal. But, as Lord Cromer himself admits, there is now only an academic interest in the matter. The fact that remains is that England has found the money for the Dongola campaign. It the French like to think this a triumph for the cause of evacuation they are welcome to do so.

It is necessary to chronicle th e result of the Salisbury election, though we cannot attach much importance to a by- election in a town with some three thousand electors. The polling, which took place on Wednesday, resulted in the return of Mr. Allhusen (Unionist) by a majority of 147. Mr. Allhusen polled 1,425 votes and Mr. Fuller 1,278. At the last election the Unionist majority was 217. Mr. Allhusen is thirty years of age, and the grandson of Mr. Christian Allhusen, who made a very large fortune out of his chemical works at Gateshead. As he succeeds a Unionist, the balance of parties is not affected.

Yesterday week the more important part of the debate on the Irish Catholic University question came off, Mr. Harrington (Parnellite) resuming it, and insisting with great emphasis that all be asked for the Irish Catholics was perfect equality in respect of the higher education with the Irish Protestants. He and his friends had no wish at all to take away from the Irish Protestants any atom of privilege which they now possess. He declared,—and later in the evening Mr. Healy repeated,—that they did not ask the Government to endow any theological chair for the Roman Catholics. This the Roman Catholics would undertake to do for themselves. Also Mr. Healy answered for it that the Roman Catholic Bishops desire no commanding influence on the Board of Managers, but would prefer to leave that to the Catholic laity. The most interesting speeches of the evening were those of Mr. Lecky and Mr. Balfour. The former was very reasonable as well as very candid. He did not conceal his regret that the Roman Catholics could not be persuaded to see the great advantage, to both Anglicans and Roman Catholics alike, of a common education and a cordial inter- change of thought between students of the two faiths. But he conceded that as Roman Catholics cannot be persuaded to take that view, it is the right and proper policy to meet their wishes. Mr. Balfour expressed the readiness and desire of the Govern- ment to meet the wishes of the Roman Catholics in the matter so long as they could be satisfied that they could meet them and meet them effectually ; but of that they must be assured. Many previous Governments had been disappointed when the practical question came to be finally adjusted. Now, as far as we can judge, everything is ripe for a real settlement, and we hope that the Government will be really cordial and liberal in its offer.

After the close of the Irish University debate the House witnessed an unusual but perfectly justifiable display of warmth on the part of Mr. Balfour. Sir Henry Howorth wished to attack the Home Secretary for having liberated the dynamite prisoners. That was, of course, per se a most legitimate line of action, and no one could have objected to the plea that men condemned for specially wicked crimes ought not to be let off merely because their just punishment was injuring their health. Sir Henry Howorth, however, did not stop here, bat threw out the odious insinuation that the release of the prisoners was due to a corrupt bargain between a section of the Irish Members and the Government. Sir Henry Howorth did not, of course, say that he believed this. charge ; instead, he said that he did not, but that other people would. Mr. Balfour would have nothing to say 1- this explanation. In quick and iiidignant words he, iss. off the trappings and grappled with the heart" of the charge. These insinuations, which could not be mistaken, were, he declared, unworthy of a member of the party to which Sir Henry Howorth belonged, and he wondered how the man who made them could any longer be a follower of the Government. Mr. Balfour ended with a fine touch of scorn. He was convinced that there was not another man in, the House, friend or foe, who was not prepared to accept with- absolute credence the statement he now made,—i.e., that the medical grounds were the only grounds on which the prisoners had been released. Mr. Balfour was perhaps a little too hard on Sir Henry Howorth, but we are glad that he showed the House how hard he can hit.

The Dynamiters' debate was continued on Monday in a somewhat weak and sentimental speech from Mr. Devitt. He asked the hon. Member for Salford whether he could imagine, with peace to his own mind, Lord Castletown condemned to be yoked to a manure.cart on Dartmoor. If Lord Castle- town were to become a Dynamiter, we should imagine that the hon. Member for Salford or for any other English con- stituency would be quite satisfied. Next, Sir Matthew White. Ridley defended his own action. He declared most solemnly that there had been no compact with any section of the House, and that he had acted on purely medical grounds. Mr. Asquith followed with a manly and courageous speech in support of Sir Matthew White Ridley. It was dishonouring to our public- men to suppose that a corrupt bargain had been made. Besides, it was absurd, for the Irish party had nothing to give,. —i.e., were not worth buying. He, when in office, had always treated all prisoners alike. Whoever was Home Secretary was bound to be governed by the best medical evidence be could obtain. Ultimately the amendment was negatived. It was not a very useful debate, but at least it established clearly the fact that there is no difference made between the so-called political and other prisoners, and that in all cases. the medical are the determining grounds in the matter of release.

On Tuesday Mr. Coningsby Disraeli, taking, we think for the first time, the lead in a debate, moved an amendment which really meant that Sir Philip Currie should be recalled from the Embassy at Constantinople. He and the Sultan were often "not on speaking terms," to the great injury of British influence. Mr. Curzon, in a speech far too long, defended the Ambassador, whose conduct as revealed in the Blue-book had received the approval of all Europe, and Sir W. Harcourt generously and warmly supported the policy of Lord Salisbury. Mr. Balfour declined to enter on a debate which would only create an impression in Turkey that if the Powers were unanimous, Great Britain was not. He said little about the "distinguished diplomatist" who represents her Majesty at Constantinople, but he affirmed with emphasis that " a reformed Turkey was invulnerable, and an unreformed Turkey was on the road to dissolution," which is, of course, a prophecy that Turkey will be dissolved. There will never be real reforms there. As regards Sir P. Currie, our impression is that while the Sultan's spitefulness is greatly to the Ambassador's credit, a stronger man would make himself more felt. But then have we a stronger man, or rather, can we find one without knocking the etiquettes of a close service into little pieces ? The right man would be the Duke of Devonshire, who probably would not go.

Sir W. Wedderburn on Tuesday brought up the whole ques- tion of the Indian Famine, moving, as an amendment on the Address, that a Commission ought to be sent to India to inquire into the causes of the poverty of the people. He did not clearly suggest what those causes were, but obviously wished to imply that they were due in some way to the action of the Government. We have said, perhaps, enough on this subject elsewhere, but may add here that throughout the debate, which ended in a defeat of the amendment by 217 to 90, the official speakers exerted themselves to prove that there had been no pledge given in 1881 that the extra taxation should be kept as a Reserve against famine "in a box." Sir Henry Fowler was as strong as Lord George Hamilton upon this point. We think both speakers stretched their consciences a little, as they must have been aware that if there was no pledge, the public accepted the new taxes because they believed a Reserve would be kept up, and that for a couple of years this was done. After that the money was used as ordinary surplus Revenue, and occasionally applied to the payment of Debt. We do not say the pledge was in the nature of a contract, for no Government can bind its successors in that way ; but we do say that it was in the nature of a rather solemn declaration of policy, and that when it was departed from the Govern- ment ought to have preferred severe reductions of expendi- ture. They adopted the pleasanter course from the motives which influence any other spendthrift,—viz., that one's creditors shall wait rather than one's wishes be unfulfilled. We maintain, as we have done in vain for a generation, that -a Government, like that of India, so liable to sudden calls, -should keep up a Reserve in cash and national bonds equal to -six months' expenditure.

Towards the close of Thursday's sitting Mr. Maclean moved his amendment declaring the reappointment of the South Africa Committee to be inadvisable. His grounds were various. It was most unwise to reopen old wounds and unsettle South Africa afresh, and it would be unfair to -confiscate the property of the Chartered Company,—" there was a multitude of small shareholders in the Chartered Company throughout the country." Besides, could the Committee hope to deal with Mr. Rhodes ? " That House dare not lay its little finger on Mr. Rhodes. If it were to -do anything of the kind it would set the whole of South Africa in a blaze." That does not seem to us a very judicious way of defending Mr. Rhodes ; but, apart from that, it must not be forgotten that many competent judges declare that unless the conduct of Mr. Rhodes and the Chartered 'Company is fully and fearlessly inquired into, the effect upon South Africa will be disastrous. Under these circum- stances, it seems to us that the only safe plan is to require from Mr. Rhodes and his Company an account of their stewardship. If their record is as above reproach as they assert, then inquiry will do them not harm but good. Sir John Lubbock continued the debate, but he rose so late that his speech was cut short by the 12 o'clock rule. His chief points seemed to be that there was no evidence to implicate the Chartered Company. and that an inquiry would create race jealousies and awaken slumbering animosities. We await the close of the debate, but as yet nothing has been said to alter our opinion that in the interests of the Empire the -inquiry should go forward.

The expected debate on Lord Penrhyn's conduct in closing .his quarries was raised in the House of Commons on Thursday, but of course led to nothing except desultory talk as to Lord Penrhyn's character as an employer, and a vigorous protest by Mr. Balfour against the House con- stituting itself a judicial body for the settlement of trade disputes. That is a much-needed remonstrance. Members are not elected in order that they may form a Court of Revision for the settlement of quarrels between workmen and their employers. They might just as well review the -decisions of all County Court Judges, which often involve principles more important to the community than Lord Penrhyn's action. The plea of the Socialist party for such interference is that submission to a Conciliation Board was -ordered—it was only advised—by an Act of Parliament ; but every question between master and servant is also settled by Act. If Lord Penrhyn has broken the law there are the Courts. At present he is being tried for alleged tyranny by a jury of journalists and Radical Members with no Judge to zee fairplay.

The annual meeting of the National Education Association was held on Tuesday at the National Liberal Club, Mr. Mundella in, the chair. The object of the meeting was really to grumble at the Education Bill which it is supposed (or conjectured) that the Government are about to introduce, and to state what the Radicals would resist and endeavour to defeat. In the first place, any attempt to give voluntary schools what Board-schools, under the same conditions, are not to have, should be opposed; and if that only means that " necessitous "

Board-schools should be treated like " necessitous " voluntary schools, we quite agree, and believe that the Government will also agree. The condition that voluntary subscriptions shall not fall off is reasonable enough where the voluntary sub- scriptions are really local and provided by the resources of the neighbourhood ; but where they have been scraped up (as they often have been, especially in the case of poor Roman Catholic schools) by hook and by crook, by begging . letters sent to all parts of the Kingdom, or excessively onerous efforts of that description suited only to a great emergency, it would be a most unfair condition. There was some evidence in Mr. Lyulph Stanley's speech, and also in Mr. Acland's, that the Radicals are now intending to fight the Education Department rather than to ally them- selves with it, and Mr. George Dixon, a Unionist who cares a good deal more for a Radical Education Bill than he does for his Unionism, declared openly that he looks to have Board-schools everywhere, and voluntary schools extinguished, if not painlessly, then by natural selection,—not perhaps in his lifetime, but in any case before long. The meeting was very warlike, but had not at all the confident air of last Session. Of course it strongly advocated local representation on the Board of Management for all schools receiving the new grant-in-aid,—a most untenable proposal.

The millionaire who does political mischief is among us already, and the millionaire who does philanthropic mischief cannot be far off. Mr. Ernest T. Hooley, who has made millions in Dunlop tyres, very nearly approaches the character, but does not quite attain it. He proposes to com- memorate the sixtieth year of the Queen's reign by making a gift to the poor of 2400,000, which at present produces £15,000 a year. The money is to be distributed in fifteen districts round his house in Derbyshire, £1,000 being assigned every year to each district, to be distributed among the old, the weak, and the widows, by Committees formed on the Charity Organisation principle. They are not, however, to give any money, but orders on tradesmen for groceries, medical comforts, and the like good things, which the poor people are unable to buy. Considering what £15,000 a year will yield in the way of luxury, that is a splendid act of generosity ; but it is not a wise one. It is a revival of the exploded system of doles. Its immediate effect will be to raise the rates of all the districts "benefited,"—the afflicted, the helpless, and the widows past work swarming towards the places where charity is to be perennial. Mr_ Hooley had much better open a pension fund for giving 8s. a week to seven hundred and fifty persons born in Derbyshire and past sixty-five years of age. He may do some good then, though he will materially diminish the habit of thrift, The Daily Telegraph on Wednesday published particulars of the wreck of the troopship 'Warren Hastings' off Reunion. The night during which the Warren Hastings' struck the rocks was pitch-dark, the rain was coming down in torrents, and the surf was heavy. Immediately all the troops were ordered to retire from the upper deck and fall in below. Two ship's officers, who were lowered over the bow on to the rocks, having found that it was possible to reach land in this way, the disembarkation of the troops began. After this had proceeded for three-quarters of an hour, it was found that the ship was in danger of capsizing ; and Commander Holland ordered the landing of the men to stop, in order that the women and children might go ashore at once. When this was accomplished, with perfect order and discipline, the troops con- tinued to leave the ship. The ship struck about 3.30 in the morning, and by 4.55 the deck had reached an angle of 50°. The good swimmers were then allowed to drop overboard, and one of them carried a rope by which many were landed. Ultimately the whole of the persons on board (twelve hundred and forty-six), with the exception of two native servants, were landed alive. The behaviour of the troops was beyond praise. Think of the trial to the nerve of waiting, drawn up below decks, unaware, owing to the dark, of what was being done,— knowing nothing in fact except that at any moment one might go to the bottom. The incident is worthy to be placed by that of the Birkenhead.' No doubt the story of that noble deed was not without its influence. We may be sure that all the officers and most of the men knew the story, and determined not to do and die leas bravely.

Bank Rate, 3-1- per cent.

New Consols (4) were on Friday, 1l2