NEWS OF THE WEEK.

GREECE has not yet accepted the resolutions of Conference, and it is believed will not accept them. On the contrary, the Vienna Press affirms that she has circulated a memorandum, sharply protesting against the expulsion of the Greeks from Turkey as contrary to international law. Rumours of a coming invasion from Thessaly increase, but meanwhile the Turks have abandoned the blockade of Sym, and the impression gains ground in the Levant that severe pressure has been exercised upon Turkey to compel moderation. The formal answer of the Greek Government is not expected in Paris before the 5th of February. Conference will talk over it for a week, a fortnight more will be required to ascertain the intentions of Turkey, and then it will be March, and the Conference may rise, having effected exactly what it was intended to effect—nothing.

The Clerical party in Spain have murdered the Civil Governor of Burgos. He had been ordered to make an inventory of the treasures in the Cathedral, which is very rich—the Bishopric costing more than the whole revenue of the province—and was proceeding to execute his orders when he was either stabbed, or throttled, or pressed to death on the threshold of the Cathedral. So terrible was the excitement produced by the event, that Burgos was declared in a state of siege, and the populace of Madrid attacked the Nuncio's house, an act for which the Provisional Government had to apologize to the whole Diplomatic Body. That Government has also been strongly pressed to declare unlimited freedom of worship, but has declined,—very properly, supreme legislation of that kind belonging only to the Cortes, which meets within three weeks. The occurrence will greatly intensify the popular hatred against the priests, Spaniards detesting capital punishment for political offences.

The Librarian of the India House has, we learn, made a most splendid 'find." He has discovered in a chest which had escaped attention nothing less than the library of Timour, collected by the Mogul in the course of his conquests. Among other treasures are documents of extraordinary value connected with the biography of Mohammed. These facts are, we believe, fully ascertained ; but we have still to learn whether the chest was obtained in the first or the second seizure of Delhi, where it must, we imagine, have been religiously preserved by the heirs of the great Tartar.

The Lord Mayor gave the decision of the Court in the case of "Overend, Gurney, and Co." on Wednesday. All the defendants, John Henry Gurney, Henry Edmund Gurney, Mr. Robert Birkbeck, Mr. Harry George Gordon, Mr. Henry Ford Barclay, and Mr. William Rennie, were committed for trial on the charge of 'intending to cheat and defraud" the shareholders in Overend, Gamey, and Co., Limited. The decision was followed by vehement cheering in and outside the Court, by absolute denials of the charge from five of the defendants, and by a long, bold, and able defence from Mr. Rennie. We hare stated elsewhere the question which seems to us at issue, and have only to add here that the trial has been removed by certiorari to the Court of Queen's Bench to be tried before a special jury, no common jury being competent to deal with that bewildering mass of evidence and accounts, a mass which opens up all manner of side issues.

for Overend, Gurney, and Co., in various companies owing enormous sums to them, receiving £5,000 a year for his services ; but could not remember what his services were, could not remember if the borrowers paid him commission, did not like to swear anything, admitted that he had £2,000 from Mr. Pearson, a creditor, was dismissed after two years' service, but asked and received £20,000 from the firm, and in short, gave everybody the impression that he was the bad genius of the house. The junior partner, Mr. David 1Vard Chapman, who Mr. Edwards states borrowed 15,000 of him, writes from Tours to admit that fact ; but denies that he was ever "disloyal" to the house, declares that he was very reticent in his communications with Edwards, but asserts that Edwards "lint! become possessed of sufficient knowledge of the secrets of the house to have forced us to put up our shutters within 21 hours of his revelations, if he had chosen to make them," and that he thought it quite right to "soothe " him. This was in 18t14. Mr. Chapman clearly has a peculiar notion of loyalty to the house, or he would scarcely have made out of Court, and when quite at liberty to hold his tongue, an admission like that.

Mr. Lowe made two speeches at a Liberal banquet at Gloucester on Wednesday. The first we have analyzed elsewhere, the second, made when proposing "The Liberal Party," contained a scathing attack on Mr. Disraeli and the Tories. Mr. Disraeli, lie said, has had the satisfaction "of throwing aside every principle that he and his party have ever professed, of burning everything that they adored, and of adoring everything that they would have burnt, in order to prepare for him and them the most complete and calamitous defeat that any party ever sustained in this country —a defeat which, if I don't mistake, is 'fatal not only to the immediate destinies, but to the future of his party." The Tories have three times come in in a minority, and have each time been lavish of the public money in jobs and contracts to purchase support, "till they have come to look on office as so many shops in which they could sell their principles to the highest bidder." The injury done to public morality by allowing Tories to come in far more than counterbalances any good that can be derived from passing the measures they have resisted. Till the Tories recover from their "profound demoralization," no good Englishman can wish to see them in power. What with one thing and another, Mr. Lowe will have a lively time of it next session.

On the political bearing of the old bad news from New Zealand we have commented elsewhere. The melancholy impression of the details of the massacre at Poverty Bay, and of the defeat of the settlers on the west coast, near Pate; has, however, been somewhat alleviated by the news received this week by telegraph of the complete defeat of the fanatical Hau-Haus near Poverty Bay in two engagements with severe loss. The telegram is dated New Zealand, December 18, but the date of the engagements is not given. The message adds that a concentration of force on the west coast,—against Tito Kowaru, the Maori leader in the neighbourhood of 1Vang,anui,—is to be the next move.

The details of the massacre at Poverty Bay on November 10, —news of which was received here at the end of December,— show that not fifty fianitie.4, but only fifty-five individuals in all, were either killed or severely wounded,—thirty-five English settlers and twenty friendly Maoris. The Han-Haus made a completely unexpected attack on the settlers of Poverty Bay before dawn on the 10th, killing Messrs. Dedd and Peppard first, then Lieutenant Wilson and his family, then Major Biggs, his wife and child, Mr. and Mrs. Mann, and their child ; and so forth. Had the settlers received any notice of the attack, and been able to unite and organize, they would probably have been too powerful for their opponents. As it was, even the women seem to have shown true British courage. Major Biggs entreated his wife to fly, and she entreated her servant to fly,— as a boy on the premised who escaped into the bush and was saved himself attests,—but the wife refused to leave the wounded husband, and the servant to leave her endangered mistress. The massacre was simply a surprise, and would never have been attempted but for news, which must have crossed the island in two days, of the Maori success on the west coast, where Colonel Whitmore made a completely unsuccessful though very gallant attempt to storm a palm near Okutuku, on the 7th November, Tito Kowaru being in command of the rebellious Maoris. Colonsl Whitmore's force retreated in good order behind entrenehments which he had wisely thrown up, but he was obliged to abandon the aggressive and to withdraw one or two military posts on the west coast in consequence of his defeat. The Maoris were evidently greatly elated by their success, and the fanatical party flared up in consequence.

A complimentary dinner was given at St. James's Hall on Wednesday to the Hon. W. Fitzherbert, the Colonial Treasurer of the present Administration in New Zealand, in recognition of his recent services in consolidating the New Zealand Debt, and putting New Zealand finance on a better footing,—the purpose for which he was sent home by his colleagues. Lord Granville, our present Colonial Minister, took the chair. Much the best speech of the evening was Major Atkinson's,—who filled very ably the post of Defence Minister two years or so ago in New Zealand, and whose policy we suspect would have prevented this calamity had he never left office. He expressed his firm conviction that the colonists were quite strong enough, with common prudence, to protect themselves against the Maoris ; "and although of course it was a difficult matter for a young and struggling colony, in debt and with a small population, to extricate itself from its present troubles, yet if the settlers were only true to themselves, as he believed they would be, they would come out of their fiery trial all the better and stronger for the ordeal they have undergone." Mr. Fitzherbert's half-appeal for pecuniary help was evaded by Lord Granville, but we cannot help expressing our serious conviction, after many years of careful study of our relations with New Zealand, that we do owe that unfortunate colony some reparation for an imperial policy as meddling, bungling, and as adapted both to prolong the war and unfit the colonists for it, as any mother country ever ignorantly adopted.

The Lord Chief Justice delivered judgment in the Queen's Bench yesterday on the case of "Philips r. Eyre," on the question whether the Jamaica Indemnity Act passed by the Jamaica Legislature protected Mr. Eyre from any penal consequences for what he had done illegally in Jamaica, and decided that it did, even though the indemnity was ex post facto, and not given to Mr. Eyre before he had committed the illegalities complained of. We understand that though the judgment was in favour of Mr. Eyre on this technical point, its tone was as condemnatory as ever of the illegality of his proceedings before the Indemnity Act had cancelled that illegality.

Baron Martin has declared Mr. Ripley unseated at Bradford, —chiefly, we believe, for the systematic treating of which his agents were guilty,-160 public-houses were admitted to have been kept open by his Committee,—but without finding him guilty of any knowledge or consent. He is, of course, condemned to pay the costs of the petition. Mr. Justice Willes,—apparently not without hesitation,—has declared Mr. Onslow duly elected at Guildford ; but has decided that there was fair ground for the petition, and that each side is to pay its own costs.

At Bewdley, Mr. Justice Blackburn decided that Sir It. Glass must lose his seat for bribery, through agents over whom he had exercised no control. He decided that a man need not be paid to be an agent, and that the word '6 corruptly" in the statute meant doing anything which the Legislature intended to discountenance, and that any paid employment given to a voter rendered his vote void. He, moreover, declared that his report would render Mr. Pardee and Mr. Burnish incapable of employment as election agents for the next seven years,—the first application of that part of the new statute.

The controversy as to the legality of the ornate vestments in use, —the chasuble, &c.,—which the last judgment did not settle is to be legally determined. The St. Alban's judgment only laid down that, as to ornaments, none are lawful which were not sanctioned by the first Prayer-Book of Edward VI., but not that all are lawful which were so sanctioned ; since, according to many opinions, snore recent enactments have limited the number of lawful ornaments. The Church Association has determined to bring a case before the Ecclesiastical Courts that will decide this matter, and they are said to be confident that the decision will be in favour of the Protestant and not of the Catholic usage. The monition resulting from the recent St. Alban's judgment has been served on the Rev. A. H. Mackonochie. It admonishes him not only to abstain from the elevating of the bread and wine, the mixing of water with the wine, and the incensing, forbidden him already by the Dean of the Court of Arches, but from the use of candles on the communion-table during the celebration of the Eucharist, used for any other purpose than that of giving needful light, and from prostrating himself before the consecrated elements during the prayer of consecration. Last Sunday Mr. Mackonochie issued an address to his parishioners on the subject, which is hot and angry, and not very sensible. He called the judgment an "oppressive wrong," though he did not doubt that those who did it were persons with strong prejudices, not much knowledge, and little love, who flattered themselves that they were asserting a great truth. Time judgment, he says, does not declare law, but "overrides, on the showing of its own argument" (where ?) " even statute law, in order to make a law against us. I say against us. No doubt, the judgment was meant by those who began the suit to be against our Blessed Lord, in that which is dearest to Him, the sacrament of His divine love ; but by the good providence of our God upon us, the counsel of Ahitophel has been turned to foolishness, and the blow has fallen tipon us." We confess this last sentence is unintelligible to us in every respect. Who was it that wished to injure Christ? And if they did, what providence has changed the direction of the blow from the head of the Church to the Ritualistic clergy ? Mr. Mackonochie seems to us a little incoherent.

Mr. Mackonochie will, however, obey the monition, and obey it without reservation, so long as the Church and State are connected. He has extinguished the altar lights during the communion service. He will stand throughout the consecration prayer. The church is to be censed on days when there is a high celebration, before each of the services, but there is to be no censing during the celebration. He adds that he has adopted an Eastern use of keeping seven lights always burning in the church ; but as they will never be extinguished at all, they cannot be regarded as in any sense ceremonial, only parts of the permanent furniture of the church. Mr. Mackonochie has, we are happy to say, announced that forms, however graceful, are not of the essence of any act of worship. "If there be a priest, and bread, and wine, in a garret or cellar, there may be the blessed sacrament,"—with or without vestments, candles, incense, or any other ornament. That is at least manly. What a pity Mr. Mackonochie cannot hold that if there be a man, without priesthood, without bread, and without wine, in a garret or cellar, there, too, may be the blessed sacrament !

Of Earl Russell's third letter to Mr. Chichester Fortescue we have spoken enough elsewhere except on one point. Lord Russell goes out of his way to denounce any notion of conceding to the Catholics of Ireland the denominational education, on condition of adequate inspection, which we concede already to the Catholics of England and to every Protestant sect. He says the denominational system is desired by those who aim at the dissolution of the Union. What if it is ? Were not Catholic emancipation, and the abolition of the Catholic oath, and disestablishment and disendowment of the Protestant Church desired by those who aimed then, and by many who aim still at the dissolution of the Union ? If the new policy is not to be to treat Irish Catholics as we treat our own people, it is worthless. If it is, on what possible pretext can we refuse the Irish Catholics the same privileges, — as they think them, — which English Catholics and Dissenters claim to enjoy ? Whig logic is not always of the beat.

The Socialists of Paris are playing into the hands of the Emperor Napoleon. They are availing themselves of the privilege of public meeting to deliver the maddest speeches against property, marriage, religion, and all existing order. "There are 3,000,000 of us in France," says M. Bachelery,—who appears not to be well up in statistics,—" who possess property, and 37,000,000 who do not. The 37 are in the power of the 3, but we mean to place the 3 in the power of the 37." The fact is, that more than 25,000,000 of persona in France possess property, namely, the 5,000,000 of peasant proprietors, with their wives and children, who, be it remembered, are secured in their inheritance by law. Other speakers declare that wages must be suppressed, and that society must be regenerated by armed force, and placards calling the people to arms have been posted up in Paris. Some of these speeches may be made by agents of the police, but most of them appear sincere, and are rhetorical expressions of ideas held by

thousands of workmen in the great cities. It is fortunate for France that they are not held by the peasantry.

Lord Sydney has addressed a circular to the lessees of all theatres under his jurisdiction, that is, of all theatres in London north of the Thames, stating that the dress of the dancers in ballets and of actresses in burlesques is "becoming a public scandal," and inviting their suggestions on reform. They will probably reply that they await any orders his Lordship may give, he being just as absolute in the matter of skirts and caleeons as over the words of the plays pal formed. A quiet hint from Mr. Dod that there absolutely must be a little more attention to decorum would have been twice as effective as this circular. Mr. Dod said in his evidence about the licensing of plays that he considered gauze quite within his province, and had occasionally given orders which were at once obeyed.

Of the 39 Wranglers of this year, Trinity College has five, besides the Senior ; this is a smaller number than usual. Its great rival, St. John's, counts fourteen ; the highest being bracketed second with three others (an augury of an animated contest for the Smith's prizes). The small colleges are fairly well represented. Emmanuel has four, Christ's, Queen's, Caius, Downing, King's, and St. Catherine's, two, and Pembroke, Clare, and Sidney Sussex, one each. Five names, Trinity Hall, Magdalene, Corpus Christi, Jesus, and Pembroke, do not appear.

Mr. Numa Edward Hartog is Senior Wrangler of the year, but cannot receive his degree unless the University will dispense with the usual oath, he being a Jew, sone it is stated, of the Professor of French at the Jews' College. This is the first time the honour has been carried off by one of his race, and the incident will give Mr. Coleridge a new illustration, specially valuable because even the fanatical section of the public does not wish to exclude Jews from the University. It is Catholics they dread.

The Liberals at Manchester have tried the experiment of a voluntary ballot to determine the next choice of a candidate, in case it should appear that Mr. Birley (the Conservative) is disqualified by his contract from sitting in Parliament. The Liberal ballot was to determine the relative popularity of Mr. Milner Gibson and the late Mr. Ernest Jones, ex-Chartist and keen Radical, and the decision was in favour of the latter by a majority of something not much short of two to one,-7,212 to 4,133. Mr. Jones got almost all the working-class votes, and Mr. Gibson apparently almost all the mercantile and middle-claw votes. The number of Liberal voters entitled to vote was 17,470, of whom 11,415 appear to have balloted. The process was this: a voter goes to the polling-place of his own ward, taking his ticket of registration with him, presents it to the deputy returning officer, who gives him in its place a coloured envelope and a voting-card with "Ernest Jones" printed in green ink, and "T. Milner Gibson" printed in red ink upon it. He is asked if he can read, and if not, told he must strike out the name he wants to vote against before depositing the ticket; the green name if he objects to Mr. Jones, the red name if he objects to Mr. Milner Gibson. He then goes into the ballot-room, strikes out one name at a desk so placed that no one can see which, puts the card into the envelope, and deposits it in the balloting-box.

The result of this process was an election of perfect quiet, and, it is said, of very little secresy ; very many of the voters loudly mentioning their man before voting for him. Whether the quiet would be as complete at a real election, not a test ballot, is, we fancy, doubtful. But if it would, surely this part of the advantage might be secured by balloting after this fashion, but with the name of the elector attached, so that it could be printed and verified afterwards, but not known at the time for which party it was given.

Mr. Ernest Jones, the successful candidate at this test ballot, died, by a sad irony of fortune, within three days of his success, — namely, at 1 o'clock on Tuesday afternoon. It seems that he had felt himself in a feeble state of health, and had told his friends that if he was to get into the House of Commons, "he could not afford to wait very long ; what little work there was in him must be taken out speedily, or it would soon be lost altogether." He caught cold early last week, aggravated it on the Wednesday by addressing an evening meeting of his supporters, and going home in a cab with the window open, it turned to inflammation on the lungs and pleurisy, and of this he died. He was, as every one knows, the most sincere of extreme menAt the age of 11, in 1830, he disappeared from his home in Holstein, and was found trudging across the country "to help the Poles." In 1845 he joined the Chartists, and was imprisoned for two years in 1848-9. He rejected the offer of a large property, to which the condition was attached that he should retire from political life. To the last he devoted all his resources to spreading his political convictions. He Was only 50 when he died. Mr. Jones was something of a poet,—of the excited and rhetorical kind ; but a genuine kind, such as it was. Ile was one of the few limn who would have identified himself yet more completely with the working-class thau even one of their own number, and woald yet not have been exposed to any of their disadvantages in Parliament. As it is, the Radicals of Manchester must choose again.

There appears to be some need for an Exchange and Mart in America, which, if it should be started, would astonish European readers by the new light it would throw on the equation of Transatlantic values. Thus, we take the following advertisement from an American paper :— T HAVE a farm of 160 acres, 30 acres under fence, with cabin, 1 crib, and stable on it. All of the land ix as rich as the best river bottom, well adapted to corn nut cotton, 16 miles from Whit River, which is navigable for large-sized boats all the year. I will giro this farm for a good portable engine and boiler of 16-horse power or more. No difference If the engine be second-hand if good.

Address, JAS. H. MILLS, Aberdeen, Monroe co., Arkansas.

—whence it appears that in Arkansas ten acres of good rich riverbottom cotton Lend, within sixteen miles of a navigable river, are worth only just a single horse-power in steam. What a humiliating comparison for mother earth, to need ten acres of surface in order to create as much in the same time as the steam in a moderatesized boiler fitted with a moving apparatus ! Or is it that the anarchy in Arkansas is so great as to compel terrible sacrifices for the sake of exchanging iunnova.ble property at any cost for movable ?

We regret to observe the announcement of the death of a very promising young actress, Miss Nelly Moore, who, at one time added greatly to the effect of Mr. Sothern's art,—if we remember rightly, in David Garrick. The English Stage is bare enough just now of genius, and can ill afford to lose even the promise of it.

Mr. Goschen has had his first fight with a Board of Guardians, and conies out a winner. The Holborn Board were ordered, like all others, to provide a separate infirmary for the sick ; and, not liking to join themselves with other parishes to form a "sick asylum district," agreed to build on expensive land near the workhouse. To this the Poor Law Board first agreed, and then, discovering that an infirmary for 160 beds would cost 125,000, while 600 beds ought to cost about 215,000, ordered the guardians to form a distinct asylum. The guardians still resist, declaring that the Act was passed under "a wave of panic," that their present accommodation will do, and at all events that they want to be separate. In a very courteous and exhaustive letter, which answers every point raised, Mr. Goschen tells them that it is not their province to discuss laws, but to obey them. That is the notion, that the law shall be enforced as a living thing, which has so long been wanting at the Board.

The Stock markets generally have been favourably affected by the abundance of money, and the further postponement of the Eastern question. Consols at one time touched 93i, but the closing quotation yesterday was 93i, to which the price declined in some considerable realizations. Foreign bonds have been buoyant, and the general tendency of prices has been upwards. In British Railway shares a large business has been concluded, and the improvement in values on the week is somewhat considerable. The prospectus has been issued of the British-Indian Submarine Telegraph Company, the object of which is to lay a cable direct from Suez to Bombay, and the prospectus of a competing line may be expected in a day or two. The Money Market has been extremely easy at 2, f per cent, for good short paper. The stock of bullion in the Bank of England is now /18,826,097.