Bebatts anb proarbinas in Varlinintnt.

The Queen opened Parliament in person on Tuesday. She reached the House of Lords about two o'clock ; and was there received by the Lord Chancellor, Lord Melbourne, and the other Great Officers of the Crown.

After robing, her Majesty took her seat on. the throne ; and Prince Albert occupied a chair of state, placed for him at the Queen's left hand.

The House of Commons was summoned ; and in considerable num- bers, headed by the Speaker, appeared below the bar. Then the Lord Chancellor, kneeling at the foot of the throne, presented a copy of the following Speech ; which was read by the Queen in a distinct voice.

" My Lords and Gentlemen-1 have the satisfaction to receive from Foreign Powers assurances of their friendly disposition, and of their earnest desire to maintain peace.

" The posture of affairs in the Levant had long been a cause of uneasiness and a source of danger to the genet:it tranquillity. With a view to avert the evils which a continuance of that state of things was calculated to occasion, I concluded with the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, the Emperor of Russia, and the Sultan, a convention intended to effect a pacification of the Levant ; to maintain the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire ; and thereby to afford additional security to the pence of Europe.

" I have given directions that this convention shall be laid before you. " I rejoice to be able to inform you, that the measures which have been adopted in execution of these engagements have been attended with signal suc- cess; and 1 trust that the objects which the contracting parties had in view are on the eve of being completely accomplished. " In the course of these transactions, my naval forces have cooperated with those of the Emperor of Austria, and anti the land and sea forces of the Sultan, and have displayed upon all occasions their accustomed gallantry and skill. " Having deemed it necessary to send to the coast of China a naval and mili- tary force, to demand reparation and redress for injuries inflicted upon some of my subjects by the officers of the Emperor of China, and for indignities offered to an agent of my Crown, I at the same time appointed plenipotentiaries to treat upon these matters with the Chinese Government.

" The plenipotentiaries were by the last accounts in negotiation with the -Government of China ; and it will be a source of much gratification to me if that Government shall be induced by its own sense of justice to bring these matters to a speedy settlement by an amicable arrangement. " Serious differences have arisen between Spain and Portugal, about the exe- cution of a treaty concluded by those rowers in 1835, for regulating the navi- gation of the Douro. But both parties have accepted my mediation, and I hope to be able to effect a reconciliation between them upon terms honourable to both.

" I have concluded with the Argentine Republic and with the Republic of Hayti treaties for the suppression of the slave-trade, which 1 have directed to be laid before you.

" Gentlemen of the House of Commons—I Lave ditected the Estimates cf the year to be laid before you.

" However sensible of the importance of adlietieg to the principles of eco- nomy, I feel it to be my duty to recommend that adequate provision he made for the exigencies of the public service.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—Measures will be sabers vs without de- lay, which have for their object the more speedy and effectual administration of justice. The vital importance of this subject is sufficient to insure fur it your early and most serious consideration.

"The powers of the Commissioners appointed under the Act for the Amend- ment of the Laws relating to the Poor expire at the termination of the present year. I feel assured that you will earnestly direct your attention to enact- ments which so deeply concern the interests of the community.

"It is always with entire confidence that I recur to the advice and assistance of may Parliament. I place my reliance upon your wisdom, loyalty, and pa- iiiotiem ; and I humbly implore of Divine Providence, that all your councils may be so directed as to advance the great interests of morality and religion, to preserve peace, and to promote by enlightened legislation the welfare and hap- piness of all classes of my subjects."

As soon as the Queen had concluded the Speech, her Majesty was

handed from the Throne; and, accompanied by Prince Albert, she left the House.

The House of Lords reassembled at five o'clock. Lord Doers moved the usual Address; which, with the exception of a paragraph congratulating the Queen upon the birth of the Princess Royal, was a mere echo of the Speech. Lord Ducie took a review of the state of affairs abroad and at home, and was full of congratulations at their prosperous aspect. One exception to his favourable anticipations was suggested by the Corn-laws- With regard to our domestic affairs, we were at present in the enjoyment t i of quiet. Agricu

ure was in a progressive state of improvement ; and manu- factures were rising from the depressed state in which they had been of late, into that limited and uncertain state of prosperity beyond which, he feared, they could never rise so long as duties of a restrictive nature were continued, which rendered it impossible for any human foresight or precaution to prevent a recurrence of famine prices iu articles of subsistence. (Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) It was impossible that a large and extended field for com- merce, on which this country depended, could be opened under these circum- stances.

Lord LURGAN, who seconded the Address, went over nearly the same ground as the mover, and saw every thing still more couleur de rose. He was filled with " inexpressible delight " at the first paragraph in the Speech ; as it had been his erroneous impression that peace might not be maintained in Europe.

Lord BROUGHAM scanned the announcement of " peaceful disposi- tions" a little more narrowly—

His noble friend had congratulated their Lordships, as well he might, if there was any foundation for it, on the Crown having received unabated assur- ances from all foreign powers of their disposition to maintain the most friendly relations with this country. But that was nut in the present Speech from the Throne ; it was in the Speech of last year—(Laughter)—it was not in this year's Speech. He would read both to their Lordships, for the comparison suggested to his mind matter of gloomy apprehension; which, however. would be dispelled at once, if his noble friend near him (Viscount Melbourne) would take upon him to repeat that what his noble friend had said in seconding the Address applied to their present position ; because, if his noble friend did make such an assertion, of course he would have grounds for applying to their present position the announcement of last year's Speech, which apphed to the position twelve months ago. The Speech of this year said, " I have the satis- faction to receive from Foreign powers assurances of their friendly disposition, and of their earnest desire to maintain peace." But last year's Speech said, " I continue to receive from foreign powers assurances of their unabated desire to maintain with me the most friendly relations."

Lord Brougham attacked at once the salient point of the Speech, the paragraph relating to the Eastern question ; touching with his usual brilliancy and effect on the multitudinous bearings of the subject. He- saw in the present relations between England and France, a removal: of the great check upon Russian encroachment. He saw that Russia wits not the loser, but might be the gainer, by recent transactions, and that her position was much better in consequence of the policy that had been adopted than it would have been without it. The alliance between England and France gave the only competent security for Turkey against the designs of Russia— Russia, perhaps, lost a little by keeping the Turkish empire for a short space, together; and depriving herself of all pretext for volunteering her protection, which Turkey would find to be followed in almost immediate sequence by her partition. What was it that made Constantinople forbidden ground to the Czar? What rendered it impracticable for his tortuous policy to make Turkey fall before him ? What gave them the most complete, and permanent, and in- alienable security against the possibility of Turkey fallings prey to any designs on the part of Russia? Tim good understanding between England and France—the alliance between England and France—this it was which made it hopeless for Russia to turn her eyes in that quarter, and rendered the Turkish empire absolutely secure even in the midst of her weakness. If there was any thing more to be prized than another by Russia, it was the cessation of that alliance, and the substitution of the present hostile feeling for the good under- standing which had so long subsisted. No success in arms, no temporary ad- vantage, could be an equivalent to Russia for what she had positively gained: by this cessation of amity between France and England.

He feared that the alienation which had long existed between France and Russia might, in case of any estrangement with this country, give way to a new course of policy, and that these two powers might com- bine for the furtherance of their joint interests. He trusted that neither in France nor in this country would it be thought that the people for one instant felt indifferent to the evil of a war— If it were said that no demonstration bad been made that no appearance had been exhibited of any great anxiety on the part of the people on this subject, be could account for that in this way : they never believed it possible that peace should be broken ; the idea, as a practical notion, never cutered their imaginations. If it had been at once told them, if they had been instanta- neously put in possession of the fact, " You are on the point of war with France," he believed that nearly the whole people—he was confident that e great majority of the people—he knew for certain that an overwhelming ma- jority of the working-classes, the middle-classes, and all the Liberal party, as they were called, of this nation, wbhout any exception, would have risen up as one man, would have said to the Government, " The peace with France shall not be broken, come what may." This was his belief: he knew the fact ; and this was one reason why no demonstrations had been made. Another reason Was this, and it was a reason why other demonstrations were often suppressed too : the noble Lords opposite acre not at the heed of affairs; and the friends of peace, of the French alliance, and the leaders of the Liberal party, were the natural allies of that alliance, the friends of a pacific policy, the enemies of a rupture with France; and unless reduced to it by absolute necessity, all these were prevented from making any demonstration by the apprehension that it might be injurious to their friends and leaders in the Government ; and this, he knew it as a positive fact, had prevented numerous demonstrations on the subject. Another reason had operated with others in preventing demonstra- tions. This class of persons, finding all at once that negotiations were going on, and that there was reason to apprehend dangerous results, still, much to their credit, abstained from making demonstrations from a feeling that, in the then existing state of things, such demonstrations, while too late to do good, might lead Co very dangerous consequences at a time when it was not known what might turn out.

Lord MELBOURNE said, that when the documents were produced, he trusted that it would be seen that negotiations had been conducted with prudence, and in the best mode for the preservation of peace in Eu- rope. Government had been guilty of nothing which could justly offend tho most sensitive mind. It would not do for one nation to plead its own irritability as a reason to govern the conduct of another nation,

'for this would be at once submitting ourselves entirely to be governed by that other nation. This would be just what was often said in private, that the most ill-tempered member governed the rest of the family.

The Duke of WELLINGTON thought that the danger of European war would be averted. As to the late negotiations, he had attended carefully to the whole course of proceeding. but he could discover Nothing which France could construe into a cause of offence ; he saw nothing upon which a difference with France could be grounded; nor could he discover any fault which had been committed on our part—

He concurred with the noble lord in expressing a sincere hope that France would be induced to join with the other Powers in carrying into effect the ob-

ject they had in view, and thus secure the peace of Europe and the world. He

had heard a great deal, on that an' other occasions, of what was called the alli- ance between England and France. He knew that an alliance had existed be- tween England and France when those Powers cooperated on several occasions

for the purpose of obtaining some particular object. For instance, this was the case when they cooperated for the settlement of the question of the Nether-

lands, and when they separated themselves from the other Powers for this pur- pose. They cooperated likewise, and separated themselves from the other Powers, in the transactions in the Peninsula. He knew of no other particular

alliance existing between England and France. No doubt, the two countries were on the best understanding on the occasions to which he had alluded; and that they consulted together and acted together on those several points, were subjects of general interest to all the Powers of Europe. He confessed that he did not know of any other particular alliance which existed between the two countries; and he did not think that by any temporary distrust which bad arisen the situation in which England and France was placed had been peculiarly altered. He did not see any ground for distrust or reason for offence on the part of France in consequence of the concurrence of this country with the other Powers in endeavouring to effect the settlement of the affairs of the Levant. There were some complaints that the proceedings had been carried on privately, and by means of confidential communications, instead of by the usual diplo- matic course by the interchange of notes. The only evil that he saw in this was, that in case of search hereafter, sufficient information might not be found in the public archives to explain satisfactorily any particular point of policy. But with respect to other Powers, if all parties agreed to carry on their negoti- ations by means of private notes or confidential communications, he knew of no one who had a right to complain, except perhaps the public of this country, who might not have sufficient information furnished to theta on the subject. There was no ground of any complaint of a want of courtesy; and he must say that in these transactions he saw nothing whatever which should be regarded as a want of courtesy towards France. lie knew of no ground for difference between France and this country ; and he saw no ground to find fault with the conduct of this country in these proceedings.

He did not think that the charges which Lord Brougham had brought against Russia were sufficiently made out ; nor could he assent to the motives which had been ascribed to that Power— In 1831, '32, and '33, Russia made the strongest representations to this country, and to the other great maritime Powers, and to all the great Powers in Europe, to take steps to prevent the invasion of Syria by Mehemet Ali; and she foretold the consequences that would ensue if this were not done. In consequence of the neglect of these representations by the other Powers, Russia felt herself under the necessity of taking certain steps, but not in time tore- vent the invasion of Syria. In consequence of the advance of the army of the Pasha and of the victory which it gained, Russia was under the necessity of sending an army to Theraipa. Therefore he felt hound to say, in justice to the Emperor of Russia, that no Power could take more effectual pains to prevent the invasion and occupation of Syria, and thus prevent the necessity of his marching a large army to Constantinople.

With respect to what had been said of the excitement which was stated to prevail in this country for the preservation of the peace of Europe, he would say, that neither Lord Brougham nor any other man living had done half so much as lie had done for the maintenance of peace, and above all, for the adjustment of any question in which the honour of France and her position amongst the Powers of Europe were more immediately concerned. For he felt convinced, that if France were not placed in her true position, there could he no well-founded hope for the peace of Europe, or for a just and sound decision upon any subject of general European policy.

The Address was agreed to without opposition.

The Address in the House of Commons was moved by Lord BRA- BAZON, and seconded by Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY. The latter made much of the successes in Northern and Southern Asia ; and said of the general state of matters abroad and at home, that all was " harmony and sunshine."

Mr. GROTE, though willing to join in the applause bestowed on our military force in Syria, could not concur in praising the spirit or the object of Government in its movements there. They had been making war upon a nation with which England bad no cause of quarrel-

" Neither Mehemet All nor his supporters, nor any other person in Syria, has done the least injury to Englishmen or to English interests. We have no complaints to redress, no injuries to avenge, no cause for anger or displeasure against any one. Nay, in so far as we and the other Christian nations of Eu- rope are concerned, it stands on record that we have been unquestionable gainers by the government of the Pasha in Syria. Whether his government may have proved comparatively better or comparatively worse than the Turkish rule which preceeded it, for the Mussulmen of Syria, there is indisputable evi- dence that the Christians of Syria have been much better dealt with under the Pasha's government than ever they were before. The trade of Europeans generally, and of the English especially, with Syria, has been largely aug- mented since the beginning of the Pasha's rule in 1833; the number of established English merchants has multiplied ; and the Christian inha- bitants of the Syrian towns enjoy juster dealing in respect to their pro- perty, more extended civil rights, and firmer protection against Mussul- man fanatics, than the previous Turkish Government afforded to them. If, then, we have attacked and expelled Mehemet All without any of the ordinary and universally recognized motives to war, on what ground is the ex- pedition to be justified ? We are told that the expedition was undertaken for the purpose of effecting a settlement of the Ottoman empire, and of maintaining the independence and integrity of that empire under its present dynasty ; a guarantee to such effect having been given to the Sultan by the Five Great Powers of Europe on the 27th of July 1839. The treaty of last July, and the execution of that treaty by the recent expedition, is set forth as a particular case coming under the general guarantee. To me, I confess that this reason appears neither sufficient nor satisfactory : I dispute the wisdom and justice of the expedition ; I dispute still more the wisdom and justice of the guarantee out of which the expedition is said to have grown. 1 will for the present put aside the proclaimed repugnance of the French to the treaty of the 15th of July, and the grave perils with which their repugnance has been accompanied. I will suppose France acquiescent, and I shall still contend that our enterprise against Mehemet All is one which ought not to have been undertaken."

There were two ways in which the note of 27th July 1539, which pledged the Five Powers to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman em-

pire, might be taken : either it might be construed to bind the Five Powers simply to abstain from encroachment on the rights and terri- tories of the Porte—in which sense he attached no blame to it ; or it might mean that the Five Powers were bound to guarantee the Sultan, not merely against external attack, but against revolt within-

" Construed in the second or larger sense, and this larger sense has now been given to it by the treaty of last July and by our Syrian expedition, it seems

to me to open a scheme of policy objectionable in every way—uncalled for, im- politic, indefinite in point of extent, and indefensible on any correct view of international obligation. I hope gentlemen will not be displeased if I ask them, whether they have fully reviewed the extent of consequences implied in this obligation to guarantee the Turkish empire both against invasion from without and also against all internal causes of revolt or dismemberment ? Have they studied the past course of Turkish history, so as to understand the real cha- racter and working of that Government to which they are thus lending forced and artificial perpetuity ? Are they aware that the quarrels of Pashas one

with another, and the disobedience of Pashas towards the Porte, are almost a part of the order of nature in the Ottoman empire ? and are they still prepared to promise constant armed interference in support of the internal authority of the Sultan ?"

It was often contended, however, that we must protect the Turkish empire in order to thwart the designs of Russia upon Constantinople- " This argument implies a tacit assumption, which, when openly announced, will appear both startling to the ear and inadmissible to the reason. It implies

that, wishing to obstruct certain aggressive designs which Russia is insidiously pursuing against Turkey, you have no other preventive means to employ except that of outbidding Russia in offers of service to the Sultan. It implies that, if Russia places a certain number of troops at the disposal of the Sultan, or

proposes to execute for him any given business, you must make a similar tender : if she increases her bidding, you must increase yours also: above all things,

you must take care that she ;hall not get the benefit of the job. So that what- ever service Russia may propose to render, having sinister motives to stimulate her in the duty, you, who have no sinister motives, must propose to do likewise,

for the sole and exclusive purpose of disappointing her and shutting her out. I think the mere plain statement of this argument is enough to prove how little it ought to guide our conclusions."

The real means of counteracting Russia were very different-

" If we are to assume as a point conceded, that it is a vital and primary ob- ject with England to shut out Russia from Constantinople, [an assumption to

which Mr. Grote repeatedly refused his concurrence,] it is fortunate that we possess rather more powerful machinery for doing so than the chance of out- bidding the Emperor Nicholas in his offers of troops to the Divan. Depend upon it, the real security against the acquisition of Constantinople by Russia consists in the direct terror of your arms. Your fleets and your armies, ready to be employed in the way of direct prevention, form a guarantee both very

notorious and very sufficient. So long as the Russian Emperor knows that be will not be permitted either by England or by France to hold Constanti- nople, so long will he abstain from attempting it."

The Syrian expedition had given us no increased securities against Russian ambition- " Why, Russia is herself the grand projector of the enterprise. We are taking securities against Russian aggrandisement, at the instance and with the

cooperation of Russia herself. We are consulting the very party whom we

suspect of entertaining thievish designs, as to the best means of locking up and preserving our treasure. I have always understood that Count Brunow, the

Russian negotiator, with whom this treaty originated, is a man of distinguished

sagacity ; at any rate, no one has ever imputed to him suicidal perverseness or stupidity : and unless you suppose that he is thus ruining his own harvest, one

of two things must be true—either Russia has no aggressive designs against Turkey, in which case precautions on our part are superfluous, and we have uo motive the intermeddling, or else Russia has aggressive designs, but such as ad- mit of being executed as well after the expulsion of the Pasha from Syria as before it."

And see what we have put to the hazard-

" We may escape, and 1 fervently trust that we shall escape, the present and terrible reality of a European war ; but we have been hurried on to the

verge of such a calamity, and even the premonitory symptoms and harbingers of war are full of serious and actual mischief. We hear of almost all Europe being placed upon an enlarged military establishment, and upon a footing of what has been called armed peace. This, of itself, is no light mischief; but the feelings in which it originates—the hostile tendencies which it foments and multiplies—the uncertainties of the future, which check all permanent outlay and longsighted calculation—the transformation of friends and well- wishers into angry accusers and re.criminauts—the dreams of conquest which inflame men's minds in one quarter, and the anxious apprehensions which beset them in another—all these phosuomena, overspreading and tainting the moral atmosphere of Europe, are mischiefs of a still more enduring character. I confess that this contrast between the beginning and the end of 1840 smites me with the deepest sorrow. Entertaining, as I do, a lofty opinion of the French nation collectively, as placed in the front rank both of European civilization and constitutional government—profoundly admiring the glorious names which they have furnished in every department of human genius and excellence—I consider the rupture of the good understanding between Eng- land and France as a signal calamity for both. And I deplore it the more when I recollect that the initial cause of so fatal a change—the tropical point from which the sun of peace began to avert his cheering rays from the latitude of Europe—is to be found in the treaty signed by the noble Secretary last July, and in our Syrian expedition which has followed it. Now, I would en-

treat the House calmly to consider what benefits we have acquired by our treaty and by our Syrian expedition, such as are at all fit to counterbalance

the manifold evils arising out of this revival of the feelings of 1815, and this But Mr. Grote denied the necessity for forcing any new settlement- " The House will recollect that the state of the Ottoman empire, until the very moment when the noble lord signed the Quadruple Treaty, was still con- formable to a previous settlement which had been made in 1833—I mean the convention of Kutayah. Now to this settlement, made in 1833, the noble lord was himself a consenting party. He officially announced to Parliament, in the Speech from the Throne at the beginning of the session of 1834, that a settlement had been made of the Ottoman empire, and that he hoped that that settlement would continue undisturbed. Nay more, the noble lord, in a speech which he delivered in this House on the 17th of March 1834, told the House,

that the communications made by the British Government to the Pasha of Egypt and to Ibrahim Pasha did materially contribute to bring about that arrangement between the Sultan and the Pasha by which the war was termi- nated.' Here, then, was a settlement, the convention of Kutayah, which the noble lord formally acknowledged, and which he had even in part contributed to bring about. flow came it that this settlement did not stand ; and by whom was it subverted? As far as Mehemet Ali is concerned, the settlement of Kutayah has never been violated : the Pasha held in 1840 the same terri- tory which that convention had allotted to him, without any subsequent in- crease. The Sultnn tried to violate the convention in 1839, but was defeated at the battle of Nezib. What the Sultan vainly tried to do with his own forces in 1839, the noble lord has done for him in 1840."

Towards the close of his speech, Mr. Grote made a passing allusion to the state of our home politics-

" If in respect to our internal affairs we are destined to obtain no further progress or improvement—if the cold shadows of Finality have at length closed to around us, and intercepted all visions of a brighter future—if theglowing hopes once associated with the Reform Ministry and the Reformed Parliament have perished like an exploded bubble—at least in regard to our foreign affairs let us preserve from shipwreck that which is the first of all blessings and ne- cessities—that which was bequeathed to us by the Anti-Reform Ministry and the Unreformed Parliament—I mean peace and accord with the leading nations of Europe generally, but especially with our nearest and greatest neighbour, France. The painful conviction forces itself upon me, that this peace and ac- cord has already been fearfully endangered by the treaty of July last; and that it must be altogether destroy ed if the noble Secretary shall on future occasions take the same measure of our foreign relations and foreign obligations as he has done during the last autumn."

Lord Jolts RUSSELL regretted the secession of France from the great object of the European Powers—the confessedly important object of preserving the independence of the Ottoman empire. But a country having the possessions and connexions of England, and interested, therefore, in the maintenance of peace, can preserve it only by watch- ing every event that occurs. If England, in this very case, had de- clined to aid the Porte, if the Porte had then called on Russia to help her, and if Russia had yielded to this temptation, the peace of Europe would have been in vastly greater danger than from the course actually taken by the British Government. But it did not therefore follow, as Mr. Grote seemed to conceive, that Eugland was to interpose in every case of discord between the Sultan and any of his Pashas : each case of the kind must be judged by its own circumstances. The treaty of Unkiar 'Skelessi, though it did not actually add to the power of Russia, was yet an intimation to Europe that Russia was likely to take up the position of protectress to the Porte ; and that was a position which the other European States could not regard without uneasiness. In such circum- stances, it was not to be supposed that Russia and Austria would have been quiescent ; and had they moved, England would not have sat still. So that even if at first she had endeavoured to avoid interference, she would have been drawn in to interfere at last. Lord John referred to the negotiations of 1839 and 1840, to prove Lord Palmerston's solicitude for preserving the cooperation of France, and to illustrate the good faith with which the Emperor of Russia had acted. And he quoted the statements of M. Guizot, as laid before the French Chambers, to show that the negotiations had the good effect of bringing Russia to moderation ; and that France, instead of having been taken by surprise, had ample notice of the course which England had ultimately adopted-

" Whatever the former projects of Russia may have been, or whatever, at some future time, may be the intentions of so great a military power, the con- duct of the Emperor throughout the whole of the negotiations upon this sub. ject has been marked by the most perfect good faith, and by a sincere and earnest desire to cooperate with the other Powers of Europe in such a way as to make the events in the East an occasion for settling on a firm and secure basis the peace of the Levant. There was no reason that I know of to sup- pose that the Government of France would refuse to be a party to such arrangement. There was reason to hope, that, in the course of the negotia- tions which would necessarily take place prior to a final settlement of the ques- tion, any difference of opinion that France might entertain as to the portions of Syria which should be left to the Egyptian, would have yielded to the general opinion, whatever that opinion might be, of the other Powers of Europe. If that opinion had been less favourable to the views of my noble friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs than it turned out to be—if Russia, Aus- tria, and Prussia had been inclined to give a greater portion of Sy ria to Mehemet Ali than my noble friend was disposed to give-1 do not believe that we should have dissented from that opinion. But what I am quite sure of is, that if we bad found it necessary to dissent from the decision of the other Powers—if we thought the arrangement was not sufficiently secure, not sufficiently advan- tageous to the Sultan—we should never have thought that that differente of opinion with the Great Powers of Europe would at all have justified us in complaining of insult ai.d injury, and still less have justified us in demanding of this House and advising our Sovereign to increase to an enormous extent the armed powers of the kingdom. Therefore, when the honourable Member for London says that it is a misfortune that there is an estrangement between France and this country, I entirely agree with him in lamenting that occur- rence: w hen he says that every effort ought to have been made to induce France to combine in the general arrangement proposed by the other Powers of Europe, I entirely concur with him : but I cannot agree with him when he says that the blame of producing the estrangement ought to be visited upon the Government of this country. So far from that being the case, I maintain that the blame properly and justly belongs to that Government which not only differed in opinion from all the other Powers, but endeavoured to make the difference national, by appealing to the pas-dons of the people, and threatened the peace of Europe by the preparation of vast armaments. I should rather say, that the blame of the estrangement belonged to France for the course of policy she adopted at the time that the treaty of July took place."

Under the representations which had been made to the French peo- ple, he did not wonder at their irritation ; but he did wonder that sue representations should have been made to them by their own Ministers. Those Ministers seemed to have laid it down as a rule, that they would consult-only the will of Mehemet Ali ; and when he declined (as he, being so backed by France, would naturally decline) to adopt the au& gestions of the European Powers, the French Ministers unaccountably sanctioned his refusal.

Any further attempt to retain the concurrence of France would have been useless : it was obvious that the tactics of the French negotiators aimed only at delay. Lord John appealed to the success of our naval force in the Mediter- ranean, as evidence that our marine had not been in the state of decay imputed to it. Alluding, at the conclusion of his speech, to some re- marks thrown out by Mr. Grote on the domestic policy of the present Ministers, Lord John made the following declaration of political prin- ciples— " The honourable Member for London is completely mistaken in saying that we are in every sense enemies to improvement. I assert that a conti- nual progress in improvement with regard to all our institutions—with regard to our commercial affairs—with regard to our judicial tribunals— with regard to all matters of domestic concern—is the great principle by which we wish to abide: but, whilst I will not mistake abuses for institu- tions, and give to the former the defence which I should give to the latter, so, on the other hand, I will not mistake institutions for abuses, and attack them as if they were nothing more than vices in our political system. I wish to maintain the institutions of this country ; and I wish not to undertake any re- form—improvement though it be called—which is incompatible with those in- stitutions. I wish to maintain an established Church; I wish to see an he- reditary House of Peers ; I wish to maintain an hereditary Monarchy. If there be any plans proposed which I think hostile to those institutions, they shall have my decided opposition. I do not wish in the least to disguise my views. If there be any plans proposed which, as I think, would tend to a Re- public—to overturn the Church, or to the destruction of the hereditary Peer- age-1 shall, as I have always done, state may sentiments to the House and explain the grounds of my opposition. But it is not just to confound the re- sistance to innovations of this kind—resistance to dangerous changes of this nature—with resistance to improvement. I think that, in the present state of this country, the safest improvements will be those which can be gradually carried without offering disturbance to our political system. More rapid at- tempts, whilst they might themselves become the cause of disturbance, would, I think, have the effect of postponing, if not of destroying altogether, the very improvements sought to be obtained. But it is not my purpose to dwell upon this point. In reference to the observation of the honourable Member for London, I wish only to say this, that although he may not entertain the same views that I do with respect to the measures to be brought forward for effecting internal improvements, I shall be happy to cooperate with him in introducing many changes that I think would be beneficial. There are many improve- ments in the administration of justice—many improvements with regard to matters of trade and other affairs—which would lead to no party. conflict or excitement, and which would be attended with no great political Innovation, which I shall always be happy to lend my humble aid in proposing and carrying."

Mr. HustE deprecated the new Whig doctrine, that England is called on to interfere in all the affairs of Europe. He wished fora Committee, before whom he should be prepared to prove that Ministers had grossly violated their faith to Mehemet Ali ; who was a potentate very favour- able to Christians. He called the attention of the House to the dilapi- dated state of the revenue, which he said was less productive since the recent additions to the taxes than before them ; and concluded by moving an address of his own, disapproving of the war in Syria and the expense occasioned by it, and deploring the distress of the labouring classes at home.

Sir ROBERT PEEL animadverted on the omissions of the Speech— Ireland and Repeal, Canada, and Near in India, with the inconsequent allusion to China. On the Syrian policy he suspended his judgment, until Ministers gave a full explanation of their foreign policy ; which he presumed they were prepared to give— They might be enabled to show that the consequence of English forbearance would be the immediate intervention of Russia ; they might be enabled to remind the House that the event which occurred in 1833 might occur again in 1841. In 1833 the Porte applied to us to protect her against this very vassal, Mehemet Ali, and we refused. What was the consequence ? An application to Russia, who stepped in to protect the Porte, and received as the reward of her assistance that treaty against which we were the first to protest. We were obliged to tell Russia that we did not consider it as a part of the law of Europe; and we were almost driven to the verge of a war in 1833 on account of that event which be anticipated as quite possible in 1841. Russia saw her neighbour about to be spoiled, and without justice, by one of its own subjects, who, through the exercise of that power and authority with which he had been intrusted, sought to undermine the power of his master. Sir Robert believed that Russia or Austria would have felt the necessity of intervening, and that there must have been a recurrence to the course of 1833: and depend upon it, that Russia could not twice protect Turkey, and twice save her from annihilation within theperiod of seven years, without being placed in the re- lation of master and slave. He was prepared to admit that intervention was necessary—advisable perhaps, if they had had the cooperation of France—nay, necessary even if the assistance of France were ultimately refused; but this he must say, that in proportion as the assistance of France was necessary, in pro- portion as her cordial cooperation and concurrence was almost essential, in proportion were our chances of success diminished by the loss of her assistance. So ought the Government to have shown, and he trusted they had shown, throughout the whole of their proceedings, the utmost consideration for the not unnatural feelings with which France would view the revival of the alliance of 1814. Unfortunately it sometimes happened, that with a sensitive and sus- ceptible people the coincidence of facts and circumstances stood in the place of facts themselves. Nothing could be more dissimilar than the principle of this quadruple treaty and the treaty which led to the occupation of Pans in 1814. But let them recollect and make allowances for the feelings of a people who had always, and not unjustly, set great value upon their military renown.

These circumstances rendered it especially necessary that there should have been no want of courtesy towards France during the ne- gotiation. From the perusal of such documents as had come before the public, he was of opinion that the charge of want of courtesy was not without foundation. He alluded to the evils of war, and to the neces- sity of taking every means, consistent with nation honour, to avert it—

There would be many reasons for apprehension for the peace of Europe, in connexion with the Eastern question, unless France was yet induced to co- operate. The territorial power of Mehemet All might be confined to Egypt, but that would not constitute a settlement while France remained in an iso- lated position. The relations between the Porte and the Pasha would still require settlement. The conditions granted him might be so hard and onerous as entirely to destroy his independence; and therefore it was impossible to say how far hitherto the settlement of the question had been approached. Then there were the relations of Turkey with respect to the ?Ilediterranean. It was important that France, not dictating or extorting concessions, but forgetting .

the past, should take part in the permanent arrangement of these most com- plicated questions. No man could be more convinced than he that no gua- rantee for peace would be obtained by unwise and unjust concessions, made merely for the purpose of conciliating France. He was not prepared to con- demn the main object of the policy of the Government, but, as that had proved successful, why not now invite France to cooperation ? There was now an opportunity of doing so without making unreasonable concessions, which would only encourage the war-party in France. It was because England was strong and successful, because she had shown that the lapse of twenty-five years of peace had not abated the gallant spirit of her navy and army, that the present was the time to invite France to enter again into communion, for the sake of peace, with the Great Powers of Europe.

He strongly protested against the conduct of Ministers in suffering Parliament to separate last summer without information, at a moment when this country was on the verge of a rupture with France. He re- gretted, too, that the name of France had been omitted in the Speech. What derogation could there have been in an expression of regret at the intermission of friendly alliance with her ?

Lord PALMERSTON concurred in lamenting the interruption of friendly feeling between France and England; whose interests, even in the Turkish question, he believed to be identical. He had been always a strenuous advocate for a close friendship between the two countries. He rejoiced that the speech of Sir Robert Peel would show to France the feeling entertained in England by both political parties alike. It was a mistake to suppose that Parliament had been suffered to separate last summer without intimation of the posture of affairs. He himself had made two explanations in the House of Commons concerning it. As to the imputation of want of courtesy towards France in signing the treaty without notice to her, he really thought that such a notice, so fur from being a civility, would have looked like an intimation that we thought her insincere in her refusal to concur in the proposed arrange- ments. Delay was, in fact, the object of France ; and it would have frustrated, for that year at least, the measures of the Four Powers. Alluding generally to the policy of interference to settle the dispute between the Sultan and Mehemet Ali, Lord Palmerston thus vindicated its necessity- " The state of affairs for some years past in the Levant had become pregnant with the most imminent danger to the peace of Europe. The Sultan was threatened daily with attack by a subject grown too powerful for him to resist by means of his own. It was in vain to reckon on the forbearance of that sub- ject, from the constant course of his actions, and his openly-avowed declarations of an intention to declare himself independent, and not only to cast off his alle- giance with regard to the territories he occupied, but greatly to increase the range of that occupation. The Sultan being unable, and having been proved by events to be unable to resist, successfully, in the field the attacks of the Pasha, it became necessary for him to throw himself on some foreign power for protection ; and the only choice which England and other foreign powers had, was between stepping forth and giving to the Sultan by common consent the protection of a general combination of the Powers of Europe, or leaving him to have recourse again, as in 1832, to the support of one Power, which, by afford- ing assistance under such circumstances, would have acquired undue prepon- derance. The object, therefore, was one which deeply concerned the interests of this country and of all Europe; the intention being to avert events which must inevitably have involved the Great Powers of Europe in serious differences, if not in actual hostilities. But then it was said, however important they might have thought their object to be, they ought not to have engaged in this policy, knowing the objections of France, because thereby they incurred the very danger of war which they wished to avoid. Now, in the first place, he said that in all the diplomatic transactions of France, opinions and principles were recorded which entitled them to assume that France would not, without an utter dereliction of her own principles, without an entire departure from her own professions, take up arms in support of the Pasha and in opposition to the Sultan ; and if she did not do so, it was quite clear no war could arise out of the transactions in which they were about to embark. Many people supposed that the enterprise would be more difficult, and that their means of coercion would not be sufficient to accomplish their purpose. The result had proved that the information and opinions of the Government were correct ; for not only had they succeeded beyond the expectations of those who entertained different opinions, but he might fairly say their success was more rapid than anybody possessing even the best information could have been justified in an- ticipating. But why had it been so ? For the very reason that should re- commend the course which bad been pursued to the honourable Member for Kilkenny—because they were assisting a willing people to emancipate them- selves from a tyranny which they felt to be intolerable, and give effect to their desire to pay allegiance to their own sovereign. Therefore he said they had acted on good grounds, first of all in thinking that what they were about would not disturb the peace of Europe; secondly, in being of opinion that they were not undertaking an object which they had not the means to accomplish. And although, undoubtedly, great irritation had been created in France by the course which the Four Powers had pursued, yet he felt bound to say, that if the same pains had been taken to enlighten and inform public opinion in France as to the nature of these transactions, and the spirit in which they were con• ceived, which bad been taken to mislead, to excite unfounded jealousy and groundless animosity, be was convinced that the interruption which had, un- fortunately, for the moment taken place of the good understanding between the people of the two countries, would either not have existed at all, or been infi- nitely more mitigated in its degree."

Mr. HUME did not press his amendment, and the Address was carried without a division.

REPEAL.

On the question of agreeing to the report on the Address, on Wed- nesday, Sir ROBERT INGLIS called attention to the omission of the Irish subject of Repeal in the Queen's Speech, and also to the omission of all notice of it by Ministers in the debates. A subject of that importance, which was now disturbing the peace of Ireland, ought not to have been passed over. The Member for Dublin had distinctly stated that the Repeal question was a vital one—that every man must now be either a Repealer or a Conservative : Sir Robert therefore put it to Lord John Russell to declare which alternative he chose—was he a Conservative, or a Repealer? Ministers could not hold their places unless they were determined to stand or fall by the question of the Union : they should therefore have made a declaration of their sentiments, either in the Speech from the Throne, or individually in the House.

Lord Jon& RUSSELL said, he conceived his opinions were sufficiently well known on the question of Repeal, not to require him to restate them. The late declaration of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland against the Repeal agitation might be taken to convey the opinion of the Go- vernment. As to the omission of the subject in the Speech from the Throne, he conceived any notice of the kind would have given it addi- tional importance. The alternative proposed to him by Sir Robert Inglis, he thus disposed of— His honourable friend had asked him rather a singular question, upon the authority of a position stated by the honourable and learned Member for

Dublin—namely, that all men were either Conservatives or Repealers, a state-

ment which the honourable baronet appeared to consider to be conclusive. It might be so to the honourable baronet, who might put implicit faith in any

dictum of the honourable and learned Member for Dublin if he pleased—( Cheers and laughter)—but all Lord John could say was, that he was not prepared to follow his example ; and therefore be held himself free on the present occa- sion from declaring himself either as a Conservative or a Repealer.

He also proposed a question to his questioner. Threats had been uttered, that if Mr. O'Connell visited Belfast, there would be resistance

offered to his progress, and probably a breach of the peace : he begged to ask, whether these threats proceeded from Conservatives or from Repealers ? If from Conservatives, it seemed to be a very odd exhi- bition of Conservative principles—a very odd way of preserving the peace.

No answer was returned to this question ; and the report was agreed to without further comment.

LORD CARDIGAN'S TRIAL.

The LORD CHANCELLOR, on Thursday, brought before the notice of the House of Lords the charge against Lord Cardigan for shooting at Captain Tuckett. He had corresponded with Mr. Justice Bosan- quet, who presided at the Central Criminal Court when Lord Cardigan pleaded his privileges as a Peer, so that correct information might be obtained to proceed upon. The Lord Chancellor moved that a Com- mittee, consisting of all the Peers who had attended during the present session, be appointed to inspect the journals of the House respecting the trials of Peers in criminal cases, and to report. The motion was agreed to ; and the Committee was ordered to meet on Monday.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

The Earl of HADDINOTON put some questions to Lord Melbourne, on Thursday, as to the intentions of Ministers regarding the present divisions in the Church of Scotland—whether it was intended to adopt any measures to put an end to those divisions ; or whether, if the law were to remain as at present, it was determined to let it have full effect ?

Lord MELBOURNE replied, that Ministers had no intention to bring forward any measure on the subject ; and that, of course, the present law must be administered effectually.

COPYRIGHT BILL.

Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD moved, on Wednesday, for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law of copyright. Ile was met at once by his former opponent on this question, Mr. WARBURTON ; who expressed his inten- tion of dividing the House even on the motion for leave to bring in the bill. Mr. Warburton was interrupted by Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD; who said be had been taken by surprise at such a course ; and he moved that the debate be adjourned. The question was then adjourned till Friday.

CO3I3IITTEES ON PRIVATE BILLS.

Mr. Ewan; on Wednesday, moved some resolutions for the purpose of amending the constitution of the House of Commons Committees on private bills. The objection to the manner in which those Committees are at present formed is, that they are frequently composed of Members who have a local, or even a personal interest in the questions con- sidered. Those Members ought to appear before the Committee as witnesses, and not to be judges in their own cause. The number of a Committee on a private bill now amounted to thirty-six ; he would limit it to seven, as a means of increasing responsibility. The principle of the plan he now proposed was admitted by the slight reform already effected ; but he would make it more effective— It was not by a partial infusion of justice into the Committee that the evils of the present system could be cured, but the character of the Committee must be totally chanted. He had the satisfaction of thinking that the plan he advo- cated had been tried in the House of Lords, and found to work admirably well. Three years ago, that House had become sensible of the necessity of doing justice to the numerous parties interested in the private business that came before them ; and the experience of this period was a sufficient guarantee that the plan would be successful in the House of Commons.

He concluded by moving the following resolutions-

- 1. That it is expedient that Committees ou Private Bills shout be approximated, more nearly than they new are, to judicial tribunals. and exemrcd, us much as possible. from all motives of kcal and personal interest; awl that the responsibility and efficiency of Committees of this !louse iii general would be promoted by diminish- ing the number of members composing them. tt 2. That, wi 11 a view of attaining these (Weds, the number of members composing Committees on opposed private bills be reduced to seven. ••3. That such seveu members be appointed by the Committee of Selection, after the second le Wang of such bills. But that, pre, us to such appointment, the Com- mittee of Selection do ascerta;ii from cacti of such seven members that lie is willing to serve, and that lie is, neither through his constituents nor himself personally, interested for or against the bill in questiou; and that, hi c Ise be is unable to st eve, or is interested as aforesaid, the Committee of Selection do appoint some other member to serve in place of him.

tt 4. That the Committee of Selection appoint uo member to serve on more than one such private bill committee at a time.

'43. That the uumber of members composing Select Committees be likewise reduced to seven, except on special cause shown to the satisfaction of the House for extending the number to more than seven. tt 6. That previous to the naming of any Select Committee, the Member who moves for its appointment shall communicate with the Committee of Selection, in order to avoid as much as p, ssible the appointment of Members to serve cia such select Com- mittee who may already be fully occupied by a l'rivate Bill Committee, or by Vier Select Committees."

Sir GEORGE GREY concurred in the principle of the resolutions, but thought they had better wait to see the effect of the improved system which had been already introduced. Mr. Gotn.nras opposed the reso- lutions. He did not consider Committees of the House of Commons so purely judicial as was contended. The measure proposed would have the effect of incapacitating Members from representing the interests of their constituents, which they were specially bound to do.

Mr. LABOUCHERE and Mr. ESTCOURT were for giving a further trial to the present system. Mr. AGLIONBY and Mr. WARBURTON supported the resolutions. A division was pressed on the first resolution ; when the numbers were—for it, 22 ; against it, 24 ; majority against the reso- lution, 2.

PRIVATE BILLS. On Wednesday the House of Commons adopted the following resolutions regarding Private Bills- " 1. That the House will not receive any petition for private tills after Friday the 12th of February next. 2. That no private bill be read the first time after Friday the 19th day of March next. 3. That this House will not receive any report of such private bill after Friday the 28th day of May next.

PRINTING PETITIONS.

On the question of appointing a Select Committee, to which all pub- lic petitions are to be referred, a discussion arose as to the propriety of submitting to a previous revision all those petitions which are read and printed by order of the House, for the purpose of expunging objection- able passages. The discussion led to no result.

NOCTURNAL LEGISLATION.

Mr. BROTHERTON, on the second night of the session, renewed his motion for the purpose of preventing any new business being brought forward after midnight. The motion was seconded by Mr. EWART, and supported by Mr. Bniscos, Mr. O'CONNELL, and Mr. HUME. It was opposed by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, on the ground that if the rule were established, business would be delayed from day to day, which was at present transacted after the prescribed hour both conveniently and well. Mr. O'CONNELL remarked, there was a great difference be- tween " getting through " business and doing it. Though that House passed a great many more bills annually than the French Chambers, who transact their business in the day-time, he doubted whether they really did as much business. The motion was negatived, on a division, by 130 to 31.

MISCELLANE017S.

COPYHOLD ENFRANCHISEMENT BILL. Lord BROUGHAM moved the first reading of this bill, on Thursday. He said he should adopt the same course with it as iu last session, and refer it to a Select Committee after the first and second reading. NEW MEMBERS. On Tuesday, Mr. PIGOTT for Clonmell, and Mr. CAREW for Wexford, took the oaths and their seats. On Wednesday, Colonel BRUEN for Carlow, and Mr. BLARE for Mayo, took their seats in the House.

BUSINESS IN PROSPECT. The following are the most important of the Notices of Motion which have been given in the Commons. A Bill to Amend the Laws relating to the Registration of Parliamentary Electors in England and Wales—by Lord Jon?: IlussELL, on the 1st February.

A Bill to Amend the Irish Registration Laws—by Lord 31onrETH, on the 4th February. A bill for the same—by Lord Stanley, on the 28 February. [Mr. O'CON- NELL gave notice, that if this bill do not contain a clause to define the franchise, be will divide the House on the motion for leave to bring it in.] A Bill for the better Administration of Justice—by the ATTORNEY-GENE- RAL, on the 2i1 February. A Bill to Equalize the Duties on East and West India Rum—by Mr. LABOCCOERE, on the 2d February. A Bill to Extend the Jurisdiction of County Courts ; and a Bill to Extend the Jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery in matters of Bankruptcy—by Mr. Fox MAULE, on the 9th February. A Bill for Amending the Administration of Justice in the House of Lords— by Sir EDWARD Scours, on the 28 February.