Debates anb lproatbinga in Varliamcnt.

SUGAR-DUTIES.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, Earl GREY moved the second read- ing of the Sugar-duties Bill.

Having on a former occasion hazarded some predictions' he took this opportn nity to bring forward proof that his predictions had been fulfilled. Though the distress in the West Indies was still extremely severe, yet the despatches from some of the Colonies state the opinions of Governors that the worst time is past. Wages have fallen—singularly, they have fallen least where they were before high- est; and the cost of production has been largely reduced. Governor Light and Governor Lord Harris and the Governor of Antigua give abundant testimony of a rising spirit of enterprise, previously unknown in the West Indian Colonies. Lerd Grey quoted returns showing the increased production of Guiana in the pre- sent year. The transition to a better and a healthier state of things might be at- tended, and unfortunately was attended, with no small pressure and distress; still he believed that the change bore in it the seeds of prosperity and well grounded hope for the future. But if this was his opinion, he might be asked on what grounds he justified the present bill? The object of that bill was to extend to a longer period, and grant to a greater extent, the protection and privileges accorded by the bill of 1846 to the British Sugar-growing Colonies; and the grounds on which he thought such a measure justifiable were these. In the first place there existed amongst the sugar-growers a panic, which, if not checked, must lelid to the most disastrous results. His own opinion was that this panic was a groundless one; but the plant rs had been so long taught to rely on protection, that he could not be sur- prised at their considering the withdrawal of that protection as equivalent to ruin. Besides, it was now confessed on all hands that the amount of advantage intended by the act of 1846 to be conferred on the colonists had not as yet been fully or practically realized. This measure, while it conferred considerable advantages upon the British producer, he felt confident would not have an injurious effect upon the revenue. Among the measures introduced for the benefit of the planter, were the reduction of the differential duty upon ram, and a loan of 500,0001. He could have wished that this aid were kiger • but the financial difficulties of the country rendered a larger loan an impossibiliiy. In conclusion, Lord Grey would offer one word of warning to the colonists— they should be careful not to aggravate their present difficulties by following the illegal advice tendered them from certain quarters. If they were persuaded to have recourse to rash proceedings in the vain hope of inducing Parliament to alter that policy which it had adopted, they would only increase the present distress by preventing the influx of capital. They were blind observers of passing events, and the settled current of public opinion in this country, who could for a moment believe that those proceedings could have the effect of inducing Parliament to alter that policy which it had adopted, to which the intelligence of the country was finally and irrevocably pledged, and which he was convinced would never be departed from.

Lord REDESDALE, though he would not oppose the bill, protested against the late introduction of the measure: this custom was increasing, and he therefore again protested. The Earl of GRANVILLE recalled to mind, as aa excuse, the protracted debates in the other House. The Duke of ARGYLE noted that Lord Grey's speech made no allusion to the slave trade. He was no Protectionist; and if he wished the system to endure in the West Indies, it was that every means, direct and indirect, might be used to exterminate the slave-trade. Earl Sr. VINCENT contended that free labour could never compete with slave labour. Lord DENmAN made a speech on matters chiefly personal.

It bad been supposed that he had a personal interest in this matter, because oils who was dear to him was largely engaged in it. On that subject he was ut- terly indifferent; his professional reputation might take care of itself. It had been said that he was a leading member of the Anti-Slavery Society. It so happened that he never was a member of the Anti-Slavery Society; he never even subscribed to it, he never attended their councils. "A very formidable attack has been made upon me by a newspaper of high reputation and great name, and which is sup- posed to have lately passed into the care of a noble Earl, a person of great and high talents and attainments, and connected with a still more important person- age, and also with a member of the Committee which inquired into the slave trade; and the proceedings of the Committee are in some degree detailed in the newspaper, the Horning Chronicle. Therefore I feel anxious as to what your Lordships may think of this. I am accused of injustice and illiberality under the mask of justice and humanity, and even of calumny. The calumny is, that I made strong observations on the evidence of Dr. Cliffs, who states himself to be a slave-trader; who states himself to be the worst man on the face of the earth— the greatest criminal—condemned by the laws of three countries in Europe, and the laws of the country in which he was born. I believe what he confesses, but I do not believe what he states in his own favour. I do not know that he has teased to be a trader: he expresses that he was a slave-owner, but that he abstained from motives of humanity, and because he was so shocked at the horrors which were committed that his delicate nerves would no longer allow him to proceed in it. Have I no right to examine the history of a witness who comes to offer vo.. luntary evidence before a Committee as to his former conduct? Am I not to judge from his own story whether he is entitled to be believed? He declines on two or three occasions to enter into some particulars which the Committee ase. He says, I have told you I should lead an uncomfortable life in the country to which I am going, and you will be spending more money in your efforts to put down the slave-trade.' He seems to have some secret; but this he does not tell, because he is afraid we shall spend our money. I am asked, ' Would you not, as u judge, hear the evidence of a person who has ceased to be a thief ?'—I would hear the evidence of any man; but if he offered me counsel as to how I should sup- press crimes in which he had himself been engaged, and he should let them be carried on to an extent in which a person was tempted by high profits to pursue them, I should know whether I was dealing with one who had those profits in his eye." Lord Denman turned to the general topic. Look at the next six or eight years: there would be a great glut, a great demand of slaves, and subsequently an insurrection of those slaves, and a massacre of all the White proprietors. Who could contemplate that without horror? After all, would it abolish slavery ? The slaves consisted of various nations, and were often in a state of absolute hostility to one another. The massacre would not be confined to the Whites; it would be the destruction of all.

The second reading of the bill was carried without division.

RELIEF FOR THE SUGAR COLONIES.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, when the second reading of the West India Colonies and Mauritius Bill MUM) on, Lord GEORGE BENTZ:SCE suggested that the Chancellor of the Exchequer should take fuller powers, and enable himself to make advances on the coming crops.

In a period of difficulty Mr. Pitt advanced 5,000,0001. on the credit of mercan- tile operations undertaken, and thereby, saved the falling manufactures of the country. If cultivation in the Sugar Colonies be discontinued, prices will be enormously enhanced, especially should any revolt of the slaves in Cuba occur.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER admitted the weight of what Lord George suggested, but did not apprehend the dangers he proposed to avert.

The provisions of the bill had been framed after communication with Members of that House, and others who were well acquainted with the situation of the Co. lonks, and the sentiments of the West Indian body. It was not proposed toss- slat the cultivation of particular estates, but to assist in the constraction of rail- roads, and carrying on operations of drainage, or any other works from which the public of the colony generally would derive benefit. That course had the advan- tage of leaving the funds and resources of individuals disposable for the cultiva- tion of their own estates; of the measures to be taken for improving which, they roust be the best judges.

Mr. HUME reiterated his demand of remedies for Colonial distress; or else that Government should cease its system of meddling interference. In Prince Edward's Island, a majority of the Assembly were hostile to the Council; yet any change in the composition of the latter body was denied them. What course would Government adopt if Guiana should refuse, as Mr. Hume confidently believed they would, to vote any money for the colonial establishment? The year before last, the taxation of that colony was one-third of the whole pro- duce; in the proportion of 1,000,0001. to 3,000,0001. Mr. BARKLY said, there was every reason to believe that more than one colony would refuse further supplies, and that the state of the Colonies would be reduced to a mass of confusion. , • .

Mr. HAWES replied to the question with regard to the course Govern- ment would take if several colonies refuse to pay the salaries of public officers.

It would be their duty to act when the time came for the protection of those who had a fair claim on the justice of the Mother-country. He did not think that Jamaica or Guiana would act in a manner that would be deficient in good faith. So long as the Colonial Legislatures acted calmly and fairly with a view to the advantage of the colony and the interests of individuals whose claims were involved, there would be no indisposition on the part of his noble friend to entertain their proposals- but if sweeping, ill-considered reductions were made, then the Secretary of State would be bound in duty to remonstrate. In the case of Guiana, it could not be said that the constitution of that colony was such as to command entire confidence on the part either of the colony or the Home Government; and therefore he demurred to taking the decision which might be come to by the Le- gislature as conclusive in reference to every matter in dispute.

The bill was read a second time.

EXCISE GRIEVANCES OF HONE DISTILLERS.

On Monday, on the motion to go into Committee on the British Spirits Warehousing Bill, Mr. Monoart Joan O'Coinvenn, in the absence of Mr. Moffat, moved an instruction to the Committee, with a view to extend the provisions of the bill "so far as to apply to spirits distilled in the United Kingdom the privileges at present enjoyed by the owners of Foreign and Colonial spirits, in respect of the mode and time of levying the duties chargeable thereon." The hardship of which the British distillers complained was, that at present no allowance is made to them for leakage; the duty is paid on the amount taken at the worm's mouth. This leakage is as much in five years as 14 6-16ths per cent in quantity and 36 per cent in value of a hogshead of brandy. Mr. M. J. O'Connell had maintained that the alteration proposed by the resolution was called for by the interests of the consumer and the distiller; that it would render simple and uniform this part of our revenue system, and might be made without danger of fraud to the revenue. Sir Thomas Fremantle was of his opinion on the last point,.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER refused to accede to the instruc- tion.

The revenue would be jeopardized to the extent of no less than 118,0001 a year by the change. The principles regulating the imposition of duties in the Excise department are totally different from those applied in Sir Thomas Fre- mantle's department, the Customs.

Mr. MONSELL granted that the bill gives great satisfaction to Irish tillers; but he thought the present mode of levying the excise-duty operated as a protective duty in favour of the Foreign and the Colonial producer. Mr. DeruzL CALLAGHAN supported the instruction, as a further improve- ment of a bill which in all other particulars was a very good one. hear!" from Mr. Horgan John O'Connell.) Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said that Sir Charles Wood in effect simply asserted it to be for the benefit of the re- venue that the Irish and Scotch distillers should be robbed. (" Oh, oh! ") Mr. REYNOLDS was not jealous of the West Indies: they were entitled to a proper amount of protection. But why should Ireland be neglected? No country requires protection and encouragement so much as Ireland; ma; they ought to adopt the maxim that charity begins at home. Under the proper system, the Colonial distiller could obtain an advantage of no less than sixpen a gallon in the case of Home and Colonial spirits bonded for seven years. There was a growing feeling amongst many persons in Ireland, that justice could not be obtained for that country otherwise than from a domestic Parliament: they ought to take care not to make converts to Repeal of men of wealth and intelligence in Ireland, by the adoption of an unjust and ungenerous policy towards that country. Lord GEORGE BENTINCE criticized what had fallen from Sir Charles Wood; whom he considered a most comical Chancellor of the Exchequer. He blew hot and cold with the same breath, just as it suited his purpose: for one purpose he showed leakage and wastage were next to nothing; for another, that they were exceedingly large.

Mr. Hume, Mr. M`GotEnoE, and Colonel DramE, gave qualified praise to the bill. Mr. Dusican opposed it. On a division, Mr. O'connell's instruction was negatived, by 76 to 37. The House went into Committee, and agreed to the clauses of the bill, with some verbal amendments.

COPPER AND LEAD DUTIES.

On Monday, Lord GEORGE BENTINCE moved as an amendment to the motion for the second reading of the Copper and Lead Duties Bill, that the 1)111 be read a second time that day six months.

It had now been postponed thirty-two times; and it was not at last brought forward until at least five-sixths of the Members of the House had taken leave of their Parliamentary duties for the session. The repeated procrastinations of the Government proved that they had no great confidence in the merits of the measure. Having brought forward the whole Protectionist case against the principles and provisions of the bill, Lord George turned to another point. "1 sin sorry," said he, "that it is so very seldom I have to discuss questions of trade without ar reigning the Board of Trade returns; but somehow or other I find that they are always wrong, and that they are always wrong in the way which favours their own views. I will not on'this occasion arraign the conduct of Mr. Porter; but, as the right honourable gentleman opposite is responsible for the whole of this de- partment, I presume that it is against him I must charge this extraordinary error." It appeared from the returns, that the weight of metal imported in the first six months of 1846, ending July 5, in the shape of copper ore, was 5,162 tons; that in 1847 it fell to 4,017 tons; and that in 1848 it only reached 1,319 tons. Upon such a showing as that, it was not at all surprising that the House of Commons had been dismayed by the thought that the trade was leaving this country. But what were the true returns? The copper ore imported in the first six months of 1846 was 25,035 tons; the quantity of copper con- tained in it being 5,162 tons. In the first six months of 1847 the importa- tion of copper ore amounted to 18,696 tons, containing 4,017 tons of copper. This showed a proportion of 20 per cent of copper in the first case and of 21 per cent in the second. There were imported in the first six months of 1848 no less than 27,155 tons of ore; and the copper represented in the returns to be contained therein was only 1,319 tons, or but 4 per cent of copper ore. That, indeed, would exhibit the trade in a most disastrous condition; but the proportion of 20 per cent would give 5,395 tons of copper; which would be the largest quantity yet imported in any six months. The return which Lord George criticized was signed "A. W. Fonblanque."

"I do not know who he may be; perhaps some pluralist, who combines the duties of editor of a newspaper with those of a secretary to the Board of Trade; and if so, the multiplicity of his business may account for the confusion of his returns: but if the miners of Cornwall are to suffer from his blunders, then it becomes a matter of no small importance that that Board, of which the right honourable gentleman is the President, should produce such representations to the country, on which the happiness, the comforts, the prosperity, the subsistence, and even the lives of 100,000 Englishmen depend. These, I believe, are the misrepresentations by means of which the Government succeeded in carrying through the House of Commons this resolution; and now in the last days of August, when the House is stripped of its independent Members, with a host of placemen at their back, now is their time to come forward, and with a bankrupt exchequer to cast away 40,0001. a year, and go to the City to sell Stock which they do not possess. I arraign them for coming forward with false statements—the statistics of the Board of Trade, calculated to mislead the House into a belief that our importa- tions have fallen off and that our trade is ruined; statements by which the right honourable gentleman the President of the Board of Trade would persuade the House to pass a measure to the injury and the rain of the loyal and heavily- taxed subjects of the Crown in Cornwall, and to the great injury of those who have already, under the regulations of the Commissioners of Colonization, gone Is cultivate the foreign dominions of the Crown in the Eastern world."

Mr. WYLD seconded the amendment.

He urged Ministers to consider this case on its own peculiar grounds, and not on the general grounds of free trade, which be supported. He confirmed Lord George's statement, that the Board of Trade tables are erroneous and calculated to mislead.

Mr. LABOUCHERE complained of the unmeasured language of Lord George Bentinok against a very distinguished officer of the Board of Trade, Mr. Fonblanque—a name that cannot be mentioned without respect. "The noble Lord, in that unfortunate habit in which he indulges whenever he thinks that he has detected an error, has treated that officer not as one who might have fallen into an error, as we all are liable to do, and as the noble Lord himself sometimes does, but as a public delinquent, and as one who had some discredit- able cause for the error which he has made." The matter admitted of easy expla- nation. The duty was charged formerly per ton on the metal, and the officers gave in returns to the House of Commons of the duty, not on the quantity of ore, but on the metal contained in it; but latterly the duty has been charged on the ore, and not on the metal at all, and consequently the tons of metal are no longer brought into account Mr. HENLEY, Mr. NEWDEGATE, and Mr. CanEw, supported the amend- ment: Colonel THOICPSON, Mr. Mustrz, and Mr. ToENEE, (who believed the great mining interest of Cornwall was favourable to the bill,) opposed it.

On a division, the amendment was negatived, by 77 to 21; and the bill Was read a second time.

TEE NEW LOAN.

On Tuesday, the proposition to go into Committee on the Exchequer Bills Bill was opposed by Mr. Hume; who moved that the House go into Committee upon that day three months.

The bill proposed to create a loan of 2,000,0001., with an annual charge of 60,0001. or 70,000L; and he would firmly oppose any addition in a time of peace to the permanent debt of the country. He also objected to the mode of borrowing Prcroed, as expensive and improper. Mr. Hume recounted the attempts made by Min since February to force more economic estimates upon the Government. On the 23d of February, he urged retrenchment, but was defeated by 157 to 59. On the 13th of March, he proposed to continue the Income-tax one year instead Of three; 363 votes were ranged against his 138. On the 20th of March, his pro- posed reduction of men for the Navy, from 43,000 to 36,000, was negatived by 847 to 38. On the 24th of March, the proposal of Mr. Baillie to remove the Arneac squadron was negatived by 216 to 80. The reduction of the Army votes --from 113,000 men to votes for 100,000—was negatived by 293 to 39. On every occasion, indeed, the House had in the most marked manner given its deci- sion against reductions in the expenditure; and the result was that now they 'oust Imake a loan. He looked with great alarm to this proposal, and to the con- stant increase of the permanent debt, which was going on from year to year. Look-

ing at the state of commerce in this country, at the competition we had to endure, at the vast number of unemployed people, the great increase of the poor-rates, and the decrease of profits,—looking at all these things, he mast say, that if our finances became disordered, the most dreadful distress was certain to fall upon the country. On reference to returns going back to 1821, Mr. Hume found that the whole in- terest on the Funded Debt was in that year 30,149,9301.: since that year re-

ductions had been made in the rate of interest, which reduced the charge by 3,051,800/. a year: in addition there had ceased 580,0001. a year of Terminable

Annuities: a total reduction of 3,632,2461. per annum had been made since 1821; which ought to have reduced our annual charge from 30,149,9301. to 26,517,674i: But the annual charge is only really reduced to 27,782,9851.; so that there have been increased charges going on daring the time of these reductions, which have

counteracted them by 1,265,3111. a year. The financial condition of the country was a matter which must be looked to and grappled with by the Government. At

an early period of next session, he should lay on the table of the House resolutions embodying the facts to which he had referred; for he felt that when storms were raging around they ought to put their own house in order. Mr. Mustrz seconded the amendment; complaining that the Government loan was a surprise.

The Government had led the House to understand that, by one means or ano- ther, they would be able to do without such assistance. But the loan had now been proposed at the very last moment; and the measure would no doubt be car- ried, as there were so few Members left to offer opposition.

Every means had been resorted to during the last ten years to produce proe- perity; but all Governments, Whig, Tory, or Conservative, had equally failed: although, when an improved monetary system was spoken of, honourable Members laughed at it as "Brummagem," they had not done better than " the Brummagem school" could have done, and, in the end, would probably come to adopt the views they now despised.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER expressed his obligations to Mr. Hume for having, by his statement of the various divisions of the House on his proposals to reduce our establishments, given the best possible vin- dication of the course Government now took.

There were only three modes by which it was possible to equalize expenditure and income,—first, by increased taxation; secondly, by reduction of establish- ments—which the House did not think expedient; and, thirdly, by having re- course to some such means as that now before the House, by which, in some way or other, money should be borrowed for the purpose of defraying unforeseen ex- penses. Mr. Hume seemed to think we have already reached the acme of taxa- tion. If he thought so, Sir Charles, without agreeing with him, could see no means left but the one he now unwillingly took to make good our casual and temporary excess of expenditure. He could not agree that there was cause for

despondency or alarm. The present depression was not produced by this or by the former Government; it was due to a great failure of food in the sister coun-

try. Great want of employment had naturally produced great distress; which had produced some discontent. A year of distress seldom happened without similar results.

MY. COBDEN followed up Mr. flume's strictures. It was most discreditable on the part of those honourable Members who, after having voted for the expenditure of more money than the Government had at its

disposal, had gone to the moors, or to the Continent, leaving the Chancellor of the Exchequer with a House of some 40 or 50 Members, to get 2,000,0001. how he could; and, if no other means were left, to borrow it. He objected to the system of borrowing, more than he did to the imposition of a tax. If you depend on a tax the difficulty of raising money by that means

might check expenditure; but if calculate on borrowing, you may go on ex-

pending money for ever. But he did not blame the Government either for the deficiency,er for !taking leave to borrow in order to make it. They were quite

justified by the great majorities which had sanctioned their expenditure; and the

House was alone responsible. At the same time, be considered that no Govern- ment ought to permit themselves to be placed in the position in which the present Government now stood. They ought to say, "If we cannot defray the expendi- ture of the country by means of taxation, we will not consent to hold office.' That was the language held by the right honourable Baronet the Member for Tamworth, who declared that he would not remain Minister unless Parliament permitted him to make the revenue equal to the expenditure; and the declaration tended greatly to strengthen his Administration, by inspiring confidence, and leading the country to believe that in those words they possessed a guarantee that there would be a limit at length put to their large expenditure, and a termination to the system of borrowing. Unless the House looked on it as most imminent and vital to stop this system of borrowing, he saw no reason why we should not go headlong into the financial ruin of France and Austria. It is not merely taxation for Imperial purposes which is pressing upon the country; there is the local taxation to be considered; these together amount to not much short of 70,000,0001. sterling. He defied them to continue raising that amount of money. They could not go on with their poor-rates, their county-rates, and their borough- rates, to say nothing of rates raised for religious purposes, in addition to their Imperial taxation. Referring to a misunderstood expression of Mr. Mnntz's, which seemed to favour the dangerous doctrine that it is the duty of Government to find work for all who

are of good character and able body—[" No, no!" from Mr. Muntz)—he was

glad that doctrine was disavowed. He believed their might be seasons in which the most prudent Government could not find food or employment for the popula- tion. Take, for instance, the Swiss Cantons: nobody would deny that there a cheap government exists, and yet a large proportion of the population was obliged to emigrate to find food and employment. The same was the case with regard to the New Ecgland States of North America: there the Government was a frugal government, and the people were well educated and of good character; yet many of them were obliged to emigrate to find employment and subsistence in the in- terior of the country. The ,ame necessity might possibly exist in regard to the people of this country, without the Government's being necessarily improvident: lint his belief was, that if the country, with its immense accumulation of capital, were properly governed, and there were not an undue amount of taxation ab- stracted from the earnings of industry, every able-bodied man of good character and willing to work might be employed. He should vote against this loan, and against every penny proposed to be raised by borrowing in any shape whatever.

Lord GEORGE BENTINCH would have the Government, if in a deficiency, to look for treasure where they lost it—not in loans, but in customs-duties.

Let them have—not for protection, but for income—equal taxes on all the pro- duce of foreign industry. The Whig Government had fallen into their chronic vice—a deficiency; caused, as ever before, by "some casualty." This year it was the Caffre war. There was always "a casualty," and the Whig Chancellor

always concluded it would be the last. ("Hear!" and laughter.) Soon after the Whigs came into office in 1830, there was a casualty of 1,000,0001., which was paid in arrears of tithes in Ireland. Then came another casualty in the

20,000,0001. for the emancipation of the Negroes. This, they were told, was an extraordinary expenditure that was never to occur again. Soon after these fol-

lowed the insurrection in Canada, and that also was another casualty; aod after- wards the ware in China and the East Indies, and the reverses of the British troops at Cabal. And so, from year to year, there was always some new casualty occurring. The year before last there was the famine in Ireland, irk", now there was the Caffre war. It was very natural that in a great empire, having possessions spread over every quarter of the world, these casualties should be always occurring; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who calculated that

there was never to be another casualty, or famine, or disturbed state of the Con- tinent, to check and diminish the consumption of exciseable articles, was sure to fall into the position to which the present Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Whig Government were fast hastening—namely, a state of insolvency and bank-

zuqcy. He urged them to avoid recourse to the odious Income-tax for filling the ex- chequer, or the spendthrift mode of meeting present difficulties by entailing debts i upon posterity n the thirty-third year of peace: but let them [(sok the question before them fairly in the face. Let the House not be misled again by those who had told them that the repeal of the Corn-laws would make flour sell at lid. per pound, and fill England with prosperity. Let them refer each persons to the tli- minished exports of 5,000,000d sterling in the first six months of 1848. Let them have a care how they listened to an honourable Member who, in assuming to be an oracle on this subject, held language similar to that of Jack Cade to Lord Say just before he ordered his head to be cut off—" I am the besom that is

to sweep the Court clean of all such filth as thou." • Lord Joutr HUBBELL, after all he had heard, did not conclude that it was unwise in the Government to propose to increase the Income-tax to meet the expenditure of the country.

It was an opinion, pertinaciously held by the late Lord Ashburton' and which deserved some attention, that instead of keeping the expenditure equal to the in- come, it would be more prudent to keep 2,000,0001. or 3,000,0001. as a sinking- fund, and then the Government would be prepared for any such emergencies as might happen. But Lord John thought that a better plan than this was to give the public the benefit of the reduction of taxes; and successive Governments, act- ing on this principle when they had a surplus, had reduced the taxes to a great extent; and he had shown on a former occasion, that within the last few years taxes to the amount of 10,000,000/. a year had been taken off from articles of necessity and general consumption.

The honourable Members for Montrose and the West Riding thought the Go- vernment ought to have made very great reductions in their military and naval force. He did not feel justified an proposing any such reductions; and what had appeared in the public papers within the last few days had confirmed him in the propnety of the decision they had come to. It appeared that the Government of February in France had in contemplation an attempt to make a war in Belgium; and a war in Belgium must have led to serious complications in Europe. He could not concur in the opinion of the noble Lord that it would be expe- dient to reimpose the taxes on timber and raw cotton. He very much rejoiced that we had not the sliding scale which existed in 1845; that in nearly the whole of this year there was no duty above 10s., and that corn-merchants could bring in their corn without waiting until the price rose to 70s.: a great advantage to the • consumers, and a great security this year over the years of 1841, 1842, and 1843, when the old duty was in existence.

The amendment was supported by Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY and Mr. Um:lumina% The Government bill was supported by Mr. HEYWOOD, as perfectly justifiable; by Mr. IL CURRIE, as there was no opportunity of altering it; by Mr. WODEHOUSE, Mr. HENLEY, who spoke against it, Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND, not on principle but as a matter of necessary national business, and Mr. NEWDEGATE. On a division the amendment was ne- gatived, by 66 to 15; and the House went into dommittee.

On clause 1, Mr. HUME moved as an amendment, that the loan should be raised upon debentures at a rate not exceeding 5 per cent.

If the Government borrowed the money at 86 and paid it at 1001., they would lose 140,0001. on the loan; but by the plan he proposed, if they borrowed the money for three years, they could raise it at 41. per cent.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the amendment could not be put, upon a point of order. It was negatived without a division, and the bill passed through Committee.

On Wednesday, in reply to Mr. HUDSON, Sir CHARLES WOOD statel the course he intended to take in raising money for his deficiency.

He did not propose to negotiate a loan, but would follow the course which was pursued in 1841, and again some time ago,—namely, to take the power of selling Stock from time to time as he might deem it expedient. It clearly must be his object to keep up the price of Stock as much as he could : he should sell small amounts of Stock, in such a way as not to affect the market, if possible. This proceeding would extend over several months, as it did in 1841.

DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH ROME.

On Tuesday, upon the order of the day for the third reading of the Di- plomatic Relations with Rome Bill, Mr. NAPIER moved that it be read a third time that day three months; with a repetition of old arguments against the measure: followed up by Mr. ANSTEY and a few other Members. The only speech of note was made by Mr. &nen.; who reminded the House, that by the treaty of Vienna the rights of "the Holy See" were defined and secured.

England was a party to that treaty; it was signed by her representative; it was laid before Parliament; there was no remonstrance against it. Was it not preposterous that England should have secured the Pope in the enjoyment of a portion of his dominions, and yet be denied the right of holding diplomatic inter- course with him who was thus, in effect, under her protection? While Italy was giving birth 'to Portentous events, and the Pope himself called for our interposi- tion, it was absurd to refuse to put an end to a system of surreptitious intercourse, and openly establish diplomatic relations with Rome. The House divided; and negatived Mr. Napier's amendment, by 88 to 25. The bill was read a third time, and passed.

MR. DISRAELI'S REVIEW OF THE SESSION.

On Wednesday, on the motion that the Distilling from Sugar Bill do pass, Mr. Dissama took the occasion, as being perhaps the most con- venient to the House, for making some observations on the conduct of business during the session.

The session has been one of unexampled length; but it is suspected that its efficiency has not been commensurate—that there has been too much discussion, too many speeches, too much talk; while on the prorogation of Parliament a great number of legislatiee projects of great interest and value have not passed, and many of them are little advanced. Mr. Cobden, though opposed to all tariffs, had suggested a sort of rhetorical tariff, allotting to each Member, by a standing order, a fixed time for addressing the House. That might not be a bad suggestion, and it might be discussed hereafter; though the Members of the Manchester school have but recently discovered that there is an inconvenience in "too much discus:lion." Another cause alleged for the unsatisfactory state of public business has been discovered in the forms and constitution of that House; and at the close of this dying session, with the sanction, he would not say at the instigation of Government, a Committee was appointed to inquire into the conduct of business. Lord John and other Ministers have joined in deprecating that propensity to am' mission which they considered an obstacle to public business; they bare often told the House, that if Members would not make speeches and inquire into the Merits of measures, unquestionably the measures would pass with greater prompti- tude; so that they have acknowledged the cause pointed out by Mr. Cobden: but Mr. Disraeli regarded them as the representatives of the other cause. They had admitted both ceases-' and he saw in an official paper a paragraph which seemed to ratify the truth of that statement.

Lord Joule RUSSELL--" Is it the Loudon Gazette?" Mr. DISRAELI—" No, it is not the London Gazette; but it is a paper to which are intrusted Government secrets far more interesting and more important than ever appeared in the London Gazette." He read-

"' We have authority to state, that the fish dinner, which was fixed for the 19tb, postponed till the 26th. This postponement Is occasioned by the vexatious discussions in the House of Commons. This mania for talk among the Members has now reached such a pitch that something must really be done to arrest the evil. We have, how. ever, authority to state, that the flsh dinner will positively take place on the 26' (Great laughter.) "Saturday, then, was the dinner of the session; and Wednesday is the digestior. (Cheers and laughter.) However, it is quite clear from that paragraph—allow. log for all that irritability which is of course natural to men who lose their dinner—it is quite clear that the real feeling of the Government is that there is too much discussion' in this House." Mr. Disraeli therefore proposed to discuss, as briefly as he could, whether these two causes are the real causes of the evil which exists,—whether it is to be imputed to discussion in that House, or to the forms of the Legislature, that, after havingsat nearly ten months, they had done very little, and that very little not very welL

Before proceeding, he would refer to a short paragraph in the report of the Committee on Public Business; which, though laid on the table of the House, has accidentally not been circulated among the Members. It appears from that re- port, that there have been this year 45 Public Committees, some of more than usual importance, with an average number of 15 Members serving on each Com- mittee. Then there have been 28 Election Committees, with five Members ser- ving on each Committee; 14 groups on Railway Bills, with five Members on each group; 17 groups on Private Bills, with five Members on each group; and there have also been 111 other Committees on private business. Of the Public Com- mittees, that on Commercial Distress sat 39 days; that on Sugar and Coffee- planting, 39 days; that on the Navy, Army, and Ordnance Expenditure, 40 days; and that on the Miscellaneous Expenditure, 37 days. There have, besides, been presented this year upwards of 18,500 petitions; showing an increase of 25 per cent above the greatest number presented in any former year except 1843.

Mr. Disraeli briefly recalled the circumstances under which Parliament met,— the fall of thrones, the uprooting of dynasties, the toppling down of great Minis- ters, whose reputation had become almost part of history, and who for more than half a century had moulded the government, one might almost say, of civilized Europe; the Irish famine, and the efforts of merchants to meet that visitation; the consequent commercial crisis; the uprootings of commercial dynasties in Eng- land, not less striking than the fall of political houses abroad; the allusion to the subject in the Queen s Speech, as demanding the attention of Parliament; and the feeling of blank discomfiture which pervaded all classes, when Parliament met without giving immediate attention to the cease of that distress. There was no discussion whatever on the subject: it was only alluded to, incidentally, in a de- sultory discussion for a couple of nights, such as there always is when Parliament meets. Was that " too much discussion"? Mr. [ferries subsequently brought the subject before the House in a more formal manner; he of all persons having a right to originate an investigation. Would that discussion be considered a waste of time? In the Queen's Speech it was stated, that Ministers had recommended to the Bank of England a course "suited to the emergency," which "might have led to an infringement of the law"; thus intimating that as there had ijeen no infringement of the law, Ministers required no indemnity. Intention, however, is deemed just as guilty as perpetration. The whole conduct of Ministers with re- spect to the Treasury letter of October was so weak and whimsical, that it could only be accounted for under the supposition that they were in a state of very great perplexity. "Why they should have been so long before they counselled the in- fringement of the law—why, when they had done so, they should have lionise delighted that the Bank did not avail itself of the privilege—and why; having dene all this, which amounted to nothing, they should have written the paragraph in the Queen's Speech to which I have referred, comp!etely puzzles one. ,I scarcely know to what to compare their conduce. in a 'delightful city of the South, with which manriumonnible gentlemenare familiar, and which is now, I be- lieve, blockaded or bullied by the English fleet, an annual ceremony takes place, when the whole population are in a state of the greatest alarm and sorrow. A procession moves through the streets, in which- the blood of a saint is carried in a consecrated vase. The people throng around the vase, and there is a great pressure, as there was in London at the time to which I am alluding. This pressure in time becomes a panic, just as it did in London. It is curious that in both cases the cause is the same; it is a cause of congealed circulation. (Laughter.) Just at the moment when unutterable gloom overspreads the popu- lation, when nothing but despair and consternation prevail, the Chancellor of the Exchequer—I beg pardon, the Archbishop of Tarento—announces the liquefaction of St. Januarius's blood—as the Chancellor of the Exchequer announced that a wholesome state of currency had returned: the people resume their gayety and cheerfulness, the panic and the pressure disappear, everybody returns to music and maccaroni, as in London everybody returned to business; and in both cases the remedy is equally efficient, and equally a hoax." That subject had not been "too much discussed"; scarcely a dozen Members having expressed their opinion on it. "1 confess that, as far as our diecussions upon banking are coiscerned, I have long relinquished any hope that their result would be as satisfactory as I could desire. I observe that, by the adroit tactics of a great master of Parlia- mentary stratagem, a combat always takes place between opposite opinions, with which those who originate the question have generally very little to do. ("Hear, hear!" and laughter.) The debate is always interesting, it is frequently enter- taining; but the sound principles of banking are seldom advanced by each dis- cussions; and to obtain that great end, I confess I look forward to only one means, and that a very painful one—another pressure and another panic." He now tamed to financial affairs, to ascertain if time had been wasted by dis- cussion or the forms of the House. After Christmas, not a moment was lost in pro- ducing the financial statement—on the 18th of February. "There was a disposi- tion on this side of the House to view the conduct of the Government with for- bearance; and I believe, indeed, that they were in some degree favourites out of doors. People said, To be sure, they are not men of business, but they have had hard times. The Chancellor of the Exchecquer is a most active man. (Great laughter.) True, begot wrong in his Deficiency Bills; but this was an exceptional case. Government are now sailing in still water, and they meet public business like men. When Parliament meets not a moment is to be last; the Prime Minister will be prepared, and we are to have the budget early in February.' Well, Sr, notwithstanding all the great events which have occurred in Europe, I still recollect that budget. It was communicated to the House quite in grand style. It was not intrusted to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Temworth itself could not have arranged a programme more magnificent and more solemn. (Laughter.) The Prime Minister himself came forward. It was clearly abed- get that could not be intrusted to a mere man of routine; it demanded the expansive views of a statesman: the country was to be defended, as well as the taxes to he paid : the Income-tax was to be doubled. Now, that was clearly a financial scheme which must have been most completely matured. It was not a scheme that was taken up in an hour or drawn with a pen on the back of a letter. There must have been Cabinet Councils frequent and long, discussions secret and interminable, upon a budget which—in a momeut of deficiency—required the country to increase its expenditure, and which attempted to accomplish two great ends—to defend the country and to fill the Exchequer. I think, Sir, I am using no term of exaggeration if I express the feeling of the House, after hearing that budget, as one of considerable dissatisfaction. Every honounible Member who represented a party or a section rose—almost even behind the Treasury bench- and expressed an indignant protest against the Government scheme. But this was only a murmur compared with the roar which took place out of doors. A ,nenep,erie before feeding-time could alone give an idea of the unearthly yell with which the middle classes, especially the inhabitants of towns, especially the advocates of Liberal opinions, and more especially the disciples of Free Trade principles, met this demand. Day after day, Manchester, Liverpool, Leeds, and Bradford, sent up their protests; meetings were held in the city of London, at which the scheme was condemned; and persons were, in fact, so much alarmed that they had not time to investigate the causes of their con- dition, but there was a general impression that the Income-tax was about to be doubled because we were going to war." Well, on the 21st of February—the Monday following the; Premier's announcement—the Chancellor of the Exchequer was put forward, 813 a dash of cavalry is ordered after a failure of infantry, to dispel the Theban mist in which Lord John's classic eloquence had enveloped the financial statement, and to explain away " the greatest possible misconception" which existed as to the Estimates. It was true that the Navy Estimates were increased, but only by the expedition to the North Pole; true that the Miscel- laneous Estimates had increased, but then there were the expenses for the new Houses of Parliament and for the British Museum, and "the immensely increased amount of your printer's bill." And Sir Charles Wood proposed to refer the Es- timates for the Army, Navy, and Ordnance, and the Miscellaneous Estimates, to Select Committees.

Several inconvenient notices of motion were placed on the books, and ten days later Sir Charles Wood produced a second budget. "He said that the miscon- ception as to the intentions of the Ministry was on the increase, and that it became necessary to review their position; that he had himself no doubt that the Estimates might be considerably curtailed; that by borrowing money which had been destined for another purpose, and by not applying some money to the pur-

for which it was originally intended—that is to say, by filching on the one

d, and screwing on the other—they could manage very well to bring the ex- penditure and the income'to a balance without doubling the Income-tax,—an income-tax which the noble Lord had estimated would bring an additional 3,500,000/ into the Exchequer. Now, let me remind the House, that from the 18th to the 28th of Februry ten days were wasted in this House, while the country was kept in a state of agitation: but was it the House of Commons that was guilty of wasting that time? Was there too much discussion here, or were the antiquated forms of the House tripping up the noble Lord and the Cabinet? Ten days were wasted, and we had not advanced a step. On the 28th of February we were still with an empty exchequer; and the only chance we had of getting anything to pay even ten shillings in the pound of the de- ficiency was by scraping some 600,0001., 700,0001., or 800,0001. from the Esti- mates which had just been laid upon the table." On the 30th of June, apropos to nothing before the House, in the midst of a Colonial debate, [on the Sugar-duties,] the Chancellor of the Exchequer, sud- denly and in the most impromptu manner, threw a third budget on the table of the House; diverting the discussion from the subject before it, to the financial state of the country. "We had, then, three budgets duriog the period for which I have traced the affairs of the session, commencing with the 18th of February, and Doming down to the 30th of June; yet we did not advance a jot." Ali this time, the Estimates were before the Select Committees up-stairs, which were really Select Committes of Supply; and Ministers could do nothing but ob- tain a vote on confidence to pay wages or dividends. They had been treated with the greatest forbearance and indulgence; yet from the 18th of February to the 80th of June all they did was to produce three financial projects, all of which were inefficient. The Estimates did not come down to the House till August; by which delay, Members were deprived,of their constitutional privilege of discussing and criticizing the Supply. "We had-three budgets, two Committees, and six months and a half wasted by this Administration—these men of business—who were to give us a satisfactory- financial exposition early in February; and the Prime Ministir, with that almost sublime coolness which characterizes him, announced late in July, that his right honourable friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer would take an opportunity, before the House separated, of making another finan- cial statement. Well Sir, we had at last the fourth budget. We had some time ago the Government of all the Talents; this is the Government of all the Budgets. Mu for this fourth budget ! it came late, and at a moment when we wanted glad tidings; but, unfortunately, it was not characterized by the sunny aspect which was desired by its proposers. I shall never forget the scene. It was a very dreary moment. There was a very thin House—the thinnest, I suppose, that ever at- tended a ceremony so interesting to every country, and especially to a commercial and financial country like England. I never saw a budget brought forward before an attendance so gloomy and so small. I was irresistibly reminded of a celebrated character, who, like the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had four trials in his time and his last was his most unsuccessful I mean the great hero of Cervantes, when he returned from his fourth and final expedition. The great spirit of Quixote bad subsided; all that sally of financial chivalry which cut us down at the beginning of the session, and which trampled and cantered over us in the middle, was gone. Honourable gentlemen will remember the chapter to which I refer, which describes the period when the knight's delusions on the subject of chivalry were to be dispelled. The villagers, like the Opposition, were drawn out to receive him; and Cervantes tells us, that although they were aware of his weakness, they treated him with respect. (Great laughter.) Was immediate friends, the Barber, the Curate, and the Bachelor Sampson Carrasco—whose places might be supplied in this House by the-First Lord of the Treasury, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and the President of the Board of Trade—were assembled; and with demure reverence and feigned sympathy they greeted him, broken in spirit, and about for ever to re- nounce those delightful illusions under which he had sallied forth so triumph- antly: but just at that moment, when everything was in the best taste, Sancho's wife rushes forward and exclaims, Never mind your kicks and cuffs, so you've brought home some money.' (Much laughter.) But that is just the thing that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has not brought. Such was the end of the fourth and final expedition, and such is the result of the fourth and final budget. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, during the whole session, has been bringing home barbers' basins instead of knightly helms; and, at the last moment, true to his nature, to his vocation, and to his career, he finds Instead of surplus a deficiency, and, instead of reducing taxation, he commemo- rates his second year of finance by a second loan. Now, I ask honourable gentle- men to cast their eyes over the period I have sketched, from the 18th of February to the 25th of August—over the three budgets, the unconstitutional Committees en the Estima. es, and the fourth and final budget—and then I ask the House and the country with confidence for their verdict, that whatever time has been wasted, whatever delay has taken place, has not been attributable to the discussions of Members, or to the forms of the House."

Mr. Disraeli proceeded in a similabmanner to show that it was not the fault of Members if the House had not obeyed her Majesty's commands in these two re- ts,—first, in psssing measures for improving the Health of the Metropolis, and the Public Health; and, secondly, in adopting a measure with respect to the laws which regulate the Navigation of the United Kingdom. He ridiculed the shuffling on the Public Health Bill. There were five editions, of various sizes and prices. "Now, when we remeniber that on these various occasions, besides whole batches of clauses and new provisions, there were endless alterations in the old ones; that the General Board u:se, lf, which was the essence of the whole thing, was changed during these Fiscus:skins, in its constitution, in the number of its members, in the nature of Its functions and prerogatives; that it was once to have been a quinquumvirate

with two paid members, then it was to have been an unpaid triumvirate, then a triumvirate with one paid member; that there is scarcely a function or a duty connected with the public health which has not been changed, transposed, and altered during those five months of discussion,—it is quite clear that this bill was in a state which rendered a discussion in this House most profitable; that it was one of those instances in which Parliamentary criticism was not only a first duty but a public benefit "—witness the efficient aid given by Mr. Henley. The measure on the Navigation-laws, promised in her Majesty's Speech, was introduced into this House on the 15th of May. There were then two nights' discussion on the proposition, and subsequently there were four nights' discussion, ending on the 9th of June; and, excepting the formal introduction of the bill afterwards, that is all the time that has been expended in discussing one of the most important alterations that probably any Minister could propose in Parlia- ment, and especially in this country." Was six nights' discussion " too much" for a proposition so vast and comprehensive? That was not one of the discussions that forced the fish dinner to be postponed for a week. Why was the discussion introduced so late as the 15th of May ? Because, when Parliament met, Lord John Russell chose to introduce a bill, to which he devoted all the strength and energies of the Government, on a subject which was not introduced into her Majesty's Speech —the Jewish Disabilities Bill. Mr. Disraeli himself had supported the measure, but he was now commenting on Lord John's conduct as manager of the House of Com- mons. " My opinion is, generally speaking, that upon all subjects of that kind, the emancipation of the Catholics and the like, it is not advisable that a Minister should bring forward a project of change, unless he is able to carry his measure. I be- lieve the evils are great of a Minister failing in measures of that kind : the fail- ure imparts a party spirit and a party bitterness on subjects in which no party bitterness at all events, and party spirit as little as passible, should mingle. Besides, it is an imprudent and impolitic course with regard to those whose interests you advocate; because when the Minister is defeated the cause always goes back: it is known that the battle has been fought under the most favourable auspices, and you always End a reaction. It is per- fectly different if you are in opposition." Perhaps it was an error to say that the repeal of the Navigation-laws was pre- vented by the Jewish Disabilities Bill. " When Parliament met, our Sugar-growing Colonies were beginning to experience the effects of the measure of 1846—the first and most felicitous efforts of her Majesty's Ministers. But who cares for the Sugar Colonies ? Nobody attended to their complaints. They were recom- mended a little inure competition, a little more energy, a little more enterprise; they were only to exert themselves, and they would do in time. Nevertheless, packet after packet arrived with accounts more gloomy, details more disastrous, till at last the gloom blackened and the disaster assumed the aspect of despair," But Lord George Bentinck, with an intrepidity that cannot be daunted and a perseverance that cannot be wearied, determined to see what was possible for jus- tice to our Colonies. On the 4th of February, with the concurrence of Ministers, he obtained a Committee to inquire. The labours of the Committee were of al- most unparalleled severity. They heard the other day of a gentleman who hail been knighted because his labours had lasted eighteen hours a day, he being also well paid for them : Lord George Beutinck sometimes laboured eighteen hours a day. The Committee recommended a scale of duty which would have given a difference in favour of the Colonies of 10s. On the same day, the 29th May, Lord John Russel/ proclaimed " the firm determination of the Government to maintain the Sugar-duties Act of 1846"; and the House would see, that if the Government had remained firm in that determination, and if they had not indulged in useless dis- cussion, they might have passed the repeal of the Navigation-laws. t ut on the let of June, the same Prime Minister, who was unalterable and firm on the 29th of Mays .iimiouncid that on the 15th or 16th of that miiitth, some member of the Govern- ment would inform the House and the country what the Government intended to do with the Sugar Colonies. On the 16th, Government brought forward a mea-. sure which was an actual departure from the principle of the Act of 1846; intro-, ducing all those discussions which for three months engrossed the time of the House, with the episode of the third budget, and the other episode of "the mis- sing despatch." Mr. Disraeli recapitulated the proceedings on the Sugar the masked battery of twenty-three arithmetical blunders; the introduction of a second bill, with seven blunders corrected and two new ones created, sixteen of the old blunders being reprinted in a bill absolutely with a skeleton schedule. So matured are the projects of Government, so business-like the manner in which their schemes are submitted to the House! It was found necessary to withdraw the second bill and introduce a third, in which the Ministers confessed to the six- teen old blunders which they would not correct, and to the two new ones which they made in correcting others. They left still seven other blunders unacknow- ledged, and authorized by the legislation of the House—blunders of such a cha- racter as calculating that there are four groats in a shilling! "But what is the result of all this? After ten days' discussion in the House of Commons upon the resolutions with the Speaker in the chair, six days' discussion and seven divisions take place in Committee, solely occasioned by the imperfect preparation of these measures—these three graceful emanations of administrative genius—this ske- leton bill and its companions. Now I have carried you through the Sugar question.

"Almost every day during those ten days of discussion there was a writ moved for; there was the Derby case, the Sligo, and then the Derby again for two more hours; and that reminds me what an amazing quantity of time has been lost this

session in moving writs and dealing with delinquent boroughs. • • We got into a mess at the beginning of the session about delinquent boroughs. No one knew exactly what to do with them. The question arose, whether, when there had been treating at an election, the constituency ought to be virtually disfran- chised? Some were of opinion that they ought, others that they ought not; all was confusion. In fact, it was eminently an occasion which called for a leader of the House of Commons to come forward and condescend to guide public opinion and the conduct of the House. If the leader of the House of Commons—a man celebrated for his constitutional knowledge—of great historical attainments—a man who, when called upon to act, has the power of generalizing from a large quantity of facts stored in his mind—a scholar as well as a statesman—and, in my opinion, certainly not deficient in courage,—if, I say, a man in this eminent po- sition of a great constitutional statesman and leader of the House of Commorui could have spared some little time from those councils wherein he arrived at fixed determination not to change the Sugar-laws, to point out to the House what was the just and proper course to be pursued with respect to the delinquent bo- roughs, we might perhaps have saved some of the valuable time which has been lost." There were nineteen discussions on the questions of issuing writs to Derby, Harwich, Horsham, and Leicester. At last, Sir John Hanmer intro- duced the Borough Elections Bill No. 1; which was ordered, read a first time, and withdrawn. Sir John set to work again with the Borough Elections Bill No. 2; which was ordered, read a first time, a second time, consi- dered in Committee, and—withdrawn. Meanwhile, the Horsham Borough Bill somehow got upon the table. The Horsham Bill was read a first, and, after con- siderable debate, a second time. "Matters bad now arrived at such a pass—it was what the Italians call an imbroglio—that the noble Lord thought it was time to exert himself; he accordingly took the business into his own hands: the Horsham Bill was withdrawn, and a measure called the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill was introduced, which after several discussions was passed through all its stages. That shows what a Government can do when it sets about it." Lord John Russell sent the bill to another place, where he can do as he likes. In the Commons there is an Opposition by courtesy ; but in another place there is not even the semblance of an Opposition. A select few remained at their pasta on the 16th of August; the rest being in different quarters and employed in dif- ferent work. " Those who remained were all Whip; and, having no one else to attack, they began quarrelling among themselves. The Lord Chancellor moved the second reading of the bill; whereupon the Lord Chief Justice of England— the Attorney-General of the Reform Bill, recollect, and one therefore who knows ill about delinquent boroughs, which is not what every Attorney-General does— (Much laughter and cheering)—declared that he bad felt it his duty to come down to the House—C" Order!" from the Chair)—I will avoid infringing the rules of the debate by saying, that in another place, which is very well known, and much more useful than some people imagine, an eminent person did say that he bad felt it is duty to come down there for the sole purpose of opposing the mea- sure; and he declared that it was 'liable to objections of every description.' Whereupon another person, for whom I entertain the highest respect, and who -exercises in another place the functions which the noble Lord so ably discharges here, got up and withdrew the Government measure." Let Lord John Russell, a man of generous temperament, bear these circum- stances in mind before he again complained of public time wasted. " I might point out, that during the ten months we have been sitting here there has been sedition in England, insurrection in Ireland, and revolution in Europe. I should like to have seen the Whigs in opposition with such advantages as these ! (Con- tinued cheers and laughter.) I think that then, indeed, the time of the blouse, if it had the power of sitting twenty months in the year instead of ten, wonld have been fully expended; but for what objects and with what results, I will not Aortal inquire." there been any waste of public time in respect to Ireland ? When Par- Hament met, Ministers introduced a measure—a very good one—and it passed. In the other House, a noble friend of Mr. Disraeli's asked them whether they did Sot think it advisable to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, and to pass a law to wake treason felony? The Government could give no satisfactory reply. "They did nothing then; but subsequently they were obliged to adopt both of my noble friend's suggestions. That circumstance alone shows how friendly an Opposition the Government has bad to deal with. On another occasion, a noble Duke ex- pressed an opinion that the Government ought to renew the Alien Act. The Government said at the time, that they did not know what they might do; but, in a few days after, they did as they were told to do." (Cheers and laughter.) One question was one of rescinding civil liberties in Ireland ; but did Ministers meet with any inconvenience from the ancient forms of the House ? "Did even any dema- gogue elevate himself on that occasion in order to excite the passions of a distant multitude? Left as we are without leaders, without a general manager of the House—split into sections—everything at the discretion of individual Members-- what upon that occasion was the conduct of the House of Commons? I say it was model for any constitutional assembly in Europe. The traditionary good sense, the instinctive courage of the English nation, proved itself on that occasion: we Allowed a great example to Europe, and proved that this old English constitution, SO lightly spoken of in this enlightened and statistical age, so antiquated and cumbersome, could combine the energy of a despotism with the enthusiasm of a republic."

Mr. Disraeli read the bill of mortality for the session of 1848, made up to last Saturday night. It was a list of forty-seven bills, all of them important, and many referring to subjects of great interest. "More than two-thirds of them are -Government measures, and therefore they ought not to have been brought for- ward unless demanded for the public weal, I will say nothing of the Jewish Disabilities Bill, and the measure respecting the Navigation-laws; they have con- Accreted monuments of their own, and are not in my list. But here is a list of forty-seven bills abandoned, withdrawn, or postponed, during the last six months; a consequence of the time which has been wasted-

" Outgoing Tenants (Ireland) Bill, Borough Elections BM, Elective Franchise and Re- gistration of Electors (Ireland) BM, Polling Places (Ireland) Bill, Audit of Railway Accounts BM, Schoolmasters (Scotland) BM, Tenants at Will (Ireland) Bill, Metropolis Police Bill, Agricultural Tenant-right Bill, Poor-law Onion Charges Bill, Qualification of Members Bill, Tithe Rent-charge, Sic. (Ireland) Bill, Borough Elections (No. 2) Bill, Horsham Borough Bill, Lunatic Asylums (Scotland) Bill, Qualification and Regis- tration of Electors (Ireland) Bill, Election and Polling Places (Ireland) Bill, Light Dues

Scientific Societies Bill, Roman Catholic Charitable Trusts Bill, Roman Catholic 'Relief Bill, Sale of Bread Bill, Highways Bill, Waste Lands (Ireland) BM, Poor-law 'Officers' Superannuation Allowances Bill, Landed Property (Ireland) Bill, Bakehouses 113111, Life Policies of Assurance Bill, Cruelty to Animals Prevention Bin, Clerks of the 4Peace (Dublin) BIM Appeals in Criminal Cases MIL Smoke Prohibition Bill, Remedies against the Hundred Bill, Registering Births, Ire. (Scotland) Bill, Marriage (Scotland) Bill, Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Bill, Provident Associations Fraud Prevention Bill, Chancery Proceedings Regulation Bill, Charity Trusts Regulation Bill, Fees (Court of Chancery) Bill, Legacies to Charitable Institutions Bill, Officers of Courts of Justice (Ireland) Assimilation of Appointments Bill, Poor Removal (England and-Scotland) B111, Renewable Leasehold Conversion (Ireland) Bill."

Ile had endeavoured to vindicate the Home of Commons from the charge of macilLstion, of causing a great public evil—or rather, he should say, a great public salamity; for what is the nature of the charge which is proclaimed? "It is this, that the system of Government which prevails in this country is a system im- potent to pass those laws and carry those measures which are necessary for the public welfare. I cannot imagine a state of circumstances more grave or more perilous." What then are the true causes? "I am willing to admit that gentlemen op- posite, as far as personal qualities are concerned, need not, upon the whole, shrink from competition with any body of men in this House who may reasonably he • tailed upon to administer the government of the country : but I must say, that if I be asked the cause of the great evil at issue—this avowal of political Incom- petency in the institutions of the country-1 find the cause there. (Pointing to the Treasury Bench, amidst the loudest cheers.) I see there a body of men who acceded to power without a Parliamentary majority. I think that they were justified by the exigency of the ease in acceding to power; nay, that their con- duct was in accordance with the practice and the genius of the constitution. But, though they were in the first instance justified in taking office without a Parlia- mentary majority, they are not justifiable in retaining it under such cir- ctunstances; and their havi‘ g done so has occasioned two results, both of a very serious description. In the first place, we have a Cabinet which cannot propose their measures with a conviction that they will be carried. The success of their measures in this House depends on a variety of small par- ties who in their aggregate exceed in number and influence the party of the Ministers. The temper of one leader has to be watched—indication of the opinion of another has to be observed—the disposition of a third has to be suited; so that a measure is altered, remodelled, patched, cobled, painted, veneered, and var- nished, until at last no trace is left of its original scope and scheme; or it is withdrawn in disgust by its originators, after having been subjected to prolonged and elaborate discussions in this Houee. This is one of the great causes of that waste of public time which, in these days, is as valuable as public treasure. "There is another inconvenience resulting from the present position of the Go- verument, in my opinion more serious if not so flagrant; and that is, it is impos- sible to expect from the Ministers those mature, finished, and complete measures, which under other circumstances we should have a right to demand from them. Men in their situation will naturally say= What is the use of bestowing care, study, and foresight, on the preparation of a measure, when the moment it is out of our hands it ceases to be the measure of the Cabinet, and becomes essentially a measure of the House of Commons ? ' and therefore measures are thrown be- fore us with the foregone conclusion that we are to save the Administration much care and trouble in preparing the means of governing the country. Thus it hap- pees, that the House Of CUEMODS, instead of being a purely legislative body, is every day becoming a more administrative assembly. 'I he House of Commons, as now conducted, is a great Committee sitting on public affairs, in which every man speaks with the same right and most of us with the same weight; no more the disciplined array of traditionary influences and hereditary opinions—the realized experience of an ancient society, and of a race that for generations has lived and flourished in the high practice of a noble system of self-government. That is all past. The future is to provide us with a compensatory alternative in the conceits of the illiterate, the crotchets of the whimsical, and the violent courses of a vulgar ambition, that acknowledges no gratitude to antiquity—to posterity no duty, until at last the free and famous Parliament of England is to subside to the low-water mark of those National Assemblies and those Provisional Conventions that are at the same time the terror and the derision of the world. (Much cheering.) " I trace all this evil to the disorganization of party. I know that there are gentlemen in this House who affect to deprecate party government. I am not now going to enter into a discussion respecting Party government; but this' will tell you, as I told yea before in a manner which has not yet been met by any of the gentlemen who oppose my views on this subject, that you cannot choose between Party government and Parliamentary government—you cannot have the latter without the former; and therefore, when gentlemen denounce Party government, they strike at that scheme of government which, in my opi- nion, has made this country great, and which I hope will keep it great. I can foresee, though I dare not contemplate, the consequences of the system that now prevails. They are weak words that would describe them as prejudicial to the realm, perilous to Parliament, fatal to that high tone of public life that is the best security for national grandeur and public liberty. It's more than this: it is the ' finis fatorum ' of the great Dardaman house. I really believe that if you persist in this system, it will realize results which no revolution has yet 'succeeded in accomplishing—which none of those conspirators that you have lately arrested in their midnight conclaves have had the audacity to devise. I know no institu- tion in the country that can long withstand its sapping and deleterious influence. As for the clam of public men that have hitherto so gloriously administered the affairs of this country, I believe they will be swept off the face of our politicaj world. For my part, I protest against the system. I denounce it. Even at the eleventh hour, I call upon the country to brand it with its indignant reprobation. But, whatever may be the consequences—whatever may be the fortune of indivi- duals or the fate of institutions—I at least have had the satisfaction of calling public attention to this political plague-spot; I at least have had the satisfaction of attempting to place in a clear light the cause of this great national evil. More than that, I have had the consolation of justifying this great assembly, in which it is my highest honour to hold a seat, and of vindicating in the face of Engine the character and conduct of the House of Commons." (Enthusiastic and pro.. longed cheering.") Lord Jotter RUSSELL thanked Mr. Disraeli for the very diverting speech he had made; although in what it had originated, or to what object it was directed, he was at a loss to discover.

That the information contained in the Sunday paper read by Mr. Disraeli was of a more sacred and confidential character than any which appeared in the Gazette, was new information to Lord John. At any rate, he would state that the whole story as given in the paragraph about the fish dinner being postponed from the 19th to the 26th was fabulous: that story, however, such as it was, seemed to have formed the foundation of the honourable Member's address to the House. When Mr: Disraeli defended the House from some charge which Minis- ters were supposed to have preferred against it, Lord John was disposed to say, " Quis vituperavit?" The measures which Ministers had been able to bring before the House have been generally supported; and, indeed, some of those which have been abandoned or postponed—such, for example, as the proposed repeal of the Navigation-laws—were supported by considerable majorities., He would not now enter into a discumion on the forms of the House, when there was no proposal before it: but he would simply observe, that the pramice of discussing petitions, which were formerly debated at considerable length, had been abolished without any hinderanee to free discussion. Mr. Disraeli said that there had been sedition in England, incipient rebellion in Ireland, and revolution in Europe. The Minis- ters of the Crown are chiefly appointed to administer the affairs of the empire: the sedition in England has been met with a vigorous arm by the Secretary of State for the Home Department and his colleagues; rebellion in Ireland has bee suppressed by the measures of the House and the energy of the Lord-Lieutenant; revolution on the Continent has not shaken the institutions of this country, and Ministers have preserved peace unbroken in the midst of these convulsions: facts which show that the administration gannet have been so very defective.

The supposed Ministerial duty of introducing a number of measures to Parlia- ment and carrying them in one session, is new to the Government of this country. "I will mention three Ministers who have been supported by as large majorities as any which can be found in Parliamentary history. The first of these is Sir Robert Walpole. It would be really difficult to name the legislative measures which Sir Robert Walpole introduced. There was, indeed, a measure which he brought forward involving an alteration in the Excise-laws; but he failed to carry it. I may mention also Lord Chatham, who was supported by a Parliamentary majority for six sessions almost without debate, and with hardly a division, and yet, with the exception of a bill which provided that soldiers' pensions might be paid in advance with a deduction of 5 per cent, I do not know any act to which the name of Lord Chatham is attached. Another Minister of the Crown, who was supported by a large majority, and of whom his supporters used to say that he was born to maintain the institutions of the country—I allude to Mr. Pitt stands in the same position. With the exception of his great measure for the union of this country with Ireland, few legislative acts can be found to which the name of Pitt is attached; and it is well known that he attempted, but was not able to carry, a measure on the subject of tithes, which was not ultimately car- ried till the period of Lord Grey's Administration. I say, therefore, that it is not the bole or principal duty of a Government to introduce legislative measures, or to carry them through Parliament I am bound to declare, that in times of great difficulty and pressure, the chief portion of the time and attention of ldinister must be given to those questions of administration which devolve upon them. In the exercise of the discretionary power given to them by the Crown, and which every day may call forth. When, therefore, these questions of administration have to be attended to, it is more difficult than usual to watch the details of eve/ measure which may be brought before Parliament. And yet, notwithstanding this state of things, and the difficulty which we felt in meeting them, I find qui out of one hundred and twenty-five bills introduced by the Government during the present session, one hundred and five bills have been already passed, or have received so much of the sanction of the House as to make it probable that theY will receive the assent of the Crown daring the present session. Many of thew bills are of the utmost importance. The Crime and Outrage (Ireland) Bill has produced most important effects in suppressing the system of assassination which prevailed there before the act passed. The Evicted Destitute Poor Bill is lied'', on the other hand, to be of great use in miggating the cruelties of these evictions which sometimes take place in Ireland. With regard to the measure for the ale of encumbered estates, I consider, that while it requires the utmost attention to its details, it is a measure which may lay the foundation for a sounder state of society in Ireland; and I trust that the encumbered estates which may he sold. may come into the possession of landlords who may be sensible of the polleY ci attending to the improvement of the estate and the wants of the population." Lord John cursorily alluded to the contemplated violation of the Bank Charter Act of 1844; observing, that although Minister,' thought it necessary to stua- * The Nil report of Mr. Disraell's speech fills nea.iy eight long columns of the Thai; and from the exclamatory indications, of which only a few are retained In our abrtd! meat, the House appears to have been kept In a state of pleased excitement througbagf on Parliament, it was not for them to propose any measure of approval of their own conduct, but rather to await any vote of censure that might be pro- Do.; and the resolution carried by Mr. Herries, that her Majesty's Ministers f, were justified " in proposing a course "at variance with restrictions imposed by the Act 7 and 8 Victoria, c. 32," conveyed no censure on Government. Mr. Dis- raeli entertained the House very greatly with his accounts of the four budgets. "The whole of the joke—of which I believe the noble Lord whom I see laughing at it opposite [Lord George Bentinck] is the real author—lies in giving to every statement made with respect to matters of finance the name of a budget. When the Minister whose business it is to attend to the finances of the country makes any statement in answer to questions put to him, the statement is directly called a budget. The appellation is considered very witty, everybody laughs, and it is exceedingly pleasant to talk of a Chancellor of the Exchequer who has pro- duced four budgets." When Lord John first entered Parliament, be voted against the continuance of the Income-tax—part of the war-taxes. The Govern- ment of that day, not having the means of paying off the war establishments which they had expected to obtain, did not press upon the House the views which they entertained: but in those days, we who were in opposition were not so witty, and we never thought of saying that a Chancellor of the Exchequer had brought forward three or four budgets." To justify the Committees on the Esti- mates, Lord John cited as precedents the Committees appointed by Mr. Pitt, by Lord Castlereagh in 1818, and by the Duke of Wellington in 1828.

Mr. DISRAELI—" They were appointed under a message from the Crown." Lord Join RUSSELL accepted the distinction; but he did not think the ab- sence of a message from the Crown would be so dangerous a precedent as it might have been if, for instance, it had been left for the Committee to say what should be the number of men who should be employed in the Army or Navy. As to the Public Health Bill, he felt some pride in being a member of a Minis- try that passed a measure which touches !mon an nntrodden field of legislation, and which, in the present 'State of our social relations, is likely to produce the greatest benefit to this empire. And if it was changed, surely Mr. Disraeli wished the House of Commons to have some influence on the measures which it passed? Lord John recapitulated the histay of the Sugar-duties, to show that in the main Ministers had carried their policy since 1841. He complained of no discussion on those measures. If he did complain of discussion at all, it would rather be of the opposition offered to the bill on Elections, introduced by Sir John Hanmer, and afterwards by Government. It had, however, been intimated by a high authority —not the Lord Chief Justice—that a noble Doke was of opinion that it was not among the measures which would pass this session; and therefore Ministers thought it prudent to postpone it.

Having been member of a party, out of office and again in office, he did not mean to controvert what Mr. Disraeli had said as to the necessity of party. "Bat if the honourable gentleman and the noble lord have not been able to form a party according to their views and array an organized Opposition to the Govern- ment, I do not think that the Government, at least, are much to blame. (A laugh.) Considering the labours which are imposed upon us, I think that the task of forming and consolidating a party in opposition is rather too mach for us to undertake. (Laughter and cheers.) If I may be allowed any criticism I think that the noble lord and the honourable gentleman have rather mistaken the grounds on which they have attempted to form their yarty. There are many gentlemen in this House—strongly attached to the political constitution of this country—strongly attached to the Established Church of this country—holding opinions reverenced and hallowed by antiquity—who undoubtedly might, if they BO thought fit, combine and form a party, which, if inconvenient to the Govern- ment, would, I atu nevertheless persuaded, be useful to the House and to the country. But, if the noble lord and the honourable gentleman persist in saying that the cause of free trade has been betrayed and abandoned, and that they will endeavour in some future year to revive protective duties, I think that they are straining after that which is unattainable, and that there is no prospect of their forming a consistent and a coherent party while they endeavour to attain such an object." Lord George Bentinck's energy, laborious zeal, and untiring perseverence, Mr. Disraeli's ability and eloquence, and the knowledge of business possessed by many gentlemen on the Opposition side of the House—ought to form materials for a party to which a considerable portion of the country may fairly look with confidence. "If they do not succeed in forming such a party, it is for them to explain the causes of the failure. (Laughter and cheers.) I have taken the liberty of giving them a hint; and that, I think, is as much as I can be ex- pected to die Many-circumstances would account for the delays of the session. Some relate to the issue of writs and matters which belong to the first session of a new Parliament. "Some of them, therefore, we may expect to be corrected ins future session. I think, however, that it will be worth while for Members of this House to consider whe- ther, while we preserve the valuable rules of debate, it would not be desirable for seine Members to refrain from giving us so much of their opinions, and so fre- quently, as they do at present. (" Hear, hear!" and laughter.) It would be in- vidious on my part were I to point out any honourable Members who might be considered obnoxious to this observation: when, however, the honourable Member says that he comes here to defend the House of Commons, I really must say that the House of Commons is not the defending but the complaining party. The House of Commons is the plaintiff in the cause; at least 49 50ths of the House complain of the other fraction of the House, on account of their being the cause of the delay which occurs in the transaction of public business. I am quite certain, that if the opinion of the majority of the House could be consulted, they would on certain occasions say, Here is a speech which might well be spared: we have heard it five or six times before, and therefore we do not feel it absolutely neces- Wry that we should hear it again:" (Laughter.) Lord John recurred to his position' that with sedition in England, incipient re- bellion in Ireland, and convulsion in Europe, the labour of administration was the business that chiefly claimed the care of Government. "There have been mo- ments when every one must have felt that a slight indiscretion may have provoked foreign nations; there have been moments when a slight want of watchfulness or care may have given an inconsiderable number of miscreants an opportunity of involving the country in confusion. Wishing to preserve the tranquillity of En- roSe—valuing peace above all price—and thinking that the war of 1793 was un- necessary for the purpose for which it was set on foot and maintained—we are nevertheless prepared to devote our best energies and our constant endeavours to the maintenance of amicable relations with foreign countries. Valuing, as I do, our institutions, and believing that they are the best adapted of any which ever were framed for preserving ins liberty of the community, I trust that whoever

i

may succeed us n the task of future legislation will have to defend, and not to reatore, the constitution of this country." (Cheers.)

Mr. Hintz deprecated the revival of party. Mr. Ossionsm spoke on behalf of a neglected interest.

The debate had gone off like many modern duels. Mr. Disraeli had fired a 17 astounding broadside; the fire had been returned by Lord John Russell; both parties seemed equally satisfied. But there was another party Whom neither represented; and however able the speech of Mr. Disraeli, or however witty the speech of Lord John as to the measures of the Govern- ment, that party—namely, the people—would look with indifference on the attack and the defence. Indeed, Mr. Disraeli's speech was a defence—a defence of the speeches of Mr. Urquhart and Mr. Anstey ; which had been calculated by a friend of his to have occupied a space in printing that would have sufficed for five Weeks of close discussion. Ile had the pleasure of dining at Greenwich a few days ago, and had some con- versation with the waiter. (A laugh.) He asked the waiter how the dinner of the Ministers went off. "Oh! Sir; said he, "they looked quite like a family party—(A laugh)—but they were more moderate than the last Iffinisters." (Laughter.) He agreed with the waiter, and he thought the country would agree with him too—the Ministers were like a family party, and were moderate men. (Laughter.) The waiter had truly described the calibre of the honourable gen- tlemen who occupied the Treasury benches. They had called in to their assist- ance the editor of the Economist, in order to set the West Indies right: but they found that they had caught a tartar; the bill was full of blunders, and never was there such a failure as that Sugar BilL Mr. Disraeli had been rubbing up the old Vauxhall transparency of traditionary influence: but while popular privileges, like the right of diacussing grievances on reading the order of the day, are swept away, it is precisely because the country cannot forget its aristocratic prejudices that it is obliged to accept the present Government.

He regretted that in this debate the state of Ireland had been passed over. The noble Lord was about to visit that country. He trusted that the visit would not be of the usual character—s trumpet dinner at the Castle in full uniform, and a return home knowing all about Ireland. If the noble Lord went merely to pay

th such a visit, or consult with the distinguished individual at e head of there, he might have as much information by post.

The noble Lord would find that a reaction would succeed the temporary panic created by the arrest of those Chartist leaders—miserable and misguided indi- viduals—(Mr. Featgus (YConnor took off his hat)—He begged pardon of the honourable Member, who, he believed, was the only Red Republican in that House. He alluded to those miserable carpenters and tailors found plotting in public- houses. He warned the noble Lord, that a reaction would succeed, and that the people of this country would not be satisfied unless some larger and more com- prehensive measures were resorted to than the suspension of the Habeas Corpus, or any of those miserable Downing Street precedents for ruling a people. The debate was cut short by the afternoon adjournment. The hi, however, which technically furnished occasion for it, was suffered to pan.

NEW WRIT FOR CHELTENHAM On Monday, Mr. PDINEY moved that the Speaker issue a new writ for Cheltenham, in the room of the Honourable Craven Berkeley, whose election has been declared void by reason of bribery. Carried unanimously.

NUISANCES: CONTAGIONS. On Tuesday, the Marquis of Lwaranowint moved the second reading of the Nuisances and Contagious Diseases Bill; ex- plaining its provisions. The measure was intended to authorize more permanent and effectual provisions than those made under the temporary act, firstly to abate all nuisances, and secondly to prevent the spread of contagious diseases. Lord Lansdowne stated that recent inquiries and experience have convinced many who held cholera to be a contagious disease, that it is not so; and a person of eminent skill, who has visited Russia during the late prevalence of the disease, has re- turned strongly impressed with the opinion that it is epidemic only. He thought that the present session should not terminate without some precautionary mea- sure to guard against whatever might accelerate the progress of this disorder; and he therefore hoped this bill would receive the favourable attention of their Lordships. The bill was read a second time.

POOR-LAW AMENDMENT. Mr. CHAB.LES BULLER On Thursday "fulfilled a pledge "—asking leave to bring in a bill to provide for the more equitable distri- bution of the charge for the relief of the poor in certain cities and towns. He brought in this bill now in order that it might be printed and circulated during the renew amongst the Members, and the Poor-law Guardians and authorities, to invite suggestions. Leave given: bill brought in, and read a first time.

SA.VINGS BANKS BILL. On Tuesday, Lord GEORGE BENTINCK, Mr HEN- LEY, and some other Members, raised an opposition to proceeding with this "ill- prepared bill." Sir CHARLES WOOD persisted: he defended the bill as a good and needful one, making regulations absolutely necessary to create cord, deuce in the Irish savings banks, and also some improvements in the English banks. He was supported by Mr. MONSELL, Mr. REYNOLDS, Mr. BROTHER- Ton., and Mr. Joim ABEL SMITH. The Committee was carried, on division, by 49 to 21. In Committee, a division was taken on a proposal to limit the bill to Ireland: negatived, by 30 to 11. On Thursday, Sir CHARLES Wow) suddenly yielded this point; and the bill, as an Irish Bill, was read a third time, and passed.

Tim ROYAL Assmrr was given by Commission, on Thursday, to the follow- ing, among some forty-eight other bills—The Public Health Bill, the Ecclesias- tical Jurisdictions Bill, the Criminal Law Bill, the Parliamentary Electors Bill, the Steam Navigation Bill, the Poor-law Union District Schools Bill, the Parochial Debt and Audit Bill, the Petty Bag Office Bill, the Unlawful Oaths Acts (Ire- land) Continuance and Amendment Bill, and the Farmers' Estate Society (Ire- land) Bill.