MISREPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE IN PARLIAMENT.

Ansa the election of the PEEL House of Commons, we drew up some tables,* to show that the Reform majority did not represent the smaller and less important constituencies, but more especially the mass of the nation. Several of our contemporaries, the Scotsman taking the lead with a very elaborate display of electioneering sta- tistics, have just been engaged on the same subject ; the Whigs anxious to make it appear that their now narrow majority of Members really represent a great preponderance of the "thinking, the best-informed, and the most independent part of the people of England ;" the Tories maintaining the reverse, but shrinking, as it would seem, from a thorough investigation of the point. Premising that, whilst we receive any set of tables vouched by the editor of the Scotsman, with credence and respect, due to good faith and artistical skill, we do not ourselves attach very high im- portance to results procured from such imposing arrays of figures,— . knowing how, by a little sleight-of-hand, they may be so marshalled as to make a showing favourable to either party,—we shall pro- ceed to compare the slate of the representation, as regards the population of large towns and the counties, with that which we exhibited as the result of the election of 1835. By this process, we shall with something like accuracy ascertain the relative posi- tion of the two parties now, and the gains and losses of each, in respect of the mere numbers which each party in Parliament re- presents. The questions of intelligence and of property are dis- tact from this.

In the election of 1835, the balance against the Tories, on the principal cities and towns in England—none of them having a population of less than 40,000—was stated at . . 2,065,000 The result of the late election gives, on the same data, a balance against them of 1,997,000 Showing a trifling advance by the Tories of . . 68,000 On the counties in England in 1835, the balance of population in favour of the Liberals was . . . 1,804,000 The late election throws the balance largely on the Tory side 4,152,000 5,956,000

In reference to the Welsh calculations of 1835 it was remarked, that it w as scarcely worth while to go into them, as they would very slightly affect the results on either side; "Glamorganshire, the largest county, being on the Reforming side, and Carmarthen- shire, the next, neutralized.' Now Cartnarthenshiro is entirely Tory, (population 100,000,) and Glamorganshire is neutralized. Add 100,000 for Carmarthenshire to the Tory total of gain, making it—

For the Counties ...... 6,056,000 For tbe Boroughs ............... ......... 68,000 6,124,000 And in this estimate we have given Yorkshire, with its entire population of 1,371,000, to the Liberals, although, strictly speak- ing, it is neutralized, returning three Liberals and three Tolies; but the preponderance is still so very much on the side of the Liberals, who have the whole of the %Vest Riding and half of the North against the East Riding and half of the North—or a population, in round numbers, of 1,100,000 to 300,000—that, for the purposes of this calculation, we have deemed it fair to class

t It is not our practice to obtrude upon our readers any allusion to matters not of a strictly public interest; but the remark in the text is warranted, and almost called for, by attempts recently made, especially since the di:solution of Parliament, to deter the Spectator from persevering in the independent course ahich it hail marked out for itself. Whigs and Whig- Radicals exclaim sgainst intimidation practised by Toties ; but what are the threats of peel,- Mary damage, which have been privately directed against the proprietor of this journal by Whig and Whig- Radical' partisans, if not intimidation of a gross kind? An elector is told that he shall lose " custom" unless he vote fur ',certain candidate; and a journalist is warned that he shall suffer loss by the diminished circulation of his paper unless he support the Ministry : where is the difference? Of course we knew, that some by reason of weak nerves, and some by reason of strong prejudices, would be offended at our course : we had not to Ica' is, that to tell disagreeable truths, and to advance somewhat ahead of general opinion, are not ready ways to wealth, popularity, or the favour of great ,people. llad the Spectator virtually set itself to sale—flattering the preju- dices, and the unreasoning hopes of ve,11 ineauing 11:formers—enemy:aging the Government in a course which, the event has moved, could only end in strengthening its enemies—there is no question that, in trading phrase, the Journal might have " dune better," and, instead of more than holding its ground, have perhaps considerably extended it. But there are such things as sincerity and self-respect ; and the Spectator is prepared to sscrifice something fur them, even if it should turn out in the long t tin that honesty is not the best policy. Our course was not chosen for profit, and we were prepared for loss; but the reverse has happened. We refer to the Stamp Office, and to the account of actual sales in our publisher', books.

*

N0. 343 240138Am try 1535; article, The Wises emus the Ministry." Yorkshire among the Liberal counties. We have also allowed Cornwall, Wiltshire, and Suasex, to be reckoned as Liberal coun- ties, although we consider Sir CHARLES LEMON, Mr. WALTER LONG, and Lord J. G. LENNOX, as more Tory than Whig: and if they are so, then these three counties, with a population of 813,000, should be added to the Tory gain. No change has taken place in the principal towns in Scotland ; they are all now, as in 1835, represented by Liberals. By the changes in the Scottish counties, there is a balance of loss since

1835 of 378,000 Add the loss since 1835 in the English and Welsh counties and principal boroughs 6,124,000 6,502,000

The result is, that six millians and a half of the population of Great Britain have changed sitles—" gone over to the Tories !" This is a reductio ad absurdum : no human being can believe it ; but, according to the approved mode of reckoning, — that, namely, of setting the neutralized counties and towns aside, and giving those which return a majority of Representatives of one or the other party to that party whichever it may be.— and assuming, as the Scotsman and the Chronicle assume, that the state of public feelitmg is represented by the Members elected,—then the conclusion is, that nearly half of the population of Great Britain has within the last two years and a half aban- doned Liberal opinions for Toi.yisni. It may be said that in some instances the numbers are tuarifestly incorrect : time Liberals, fur instance, will wish to deduct the population of Lambeth from that of Surry ; while the Tories will protest against Leeds being twice counted in Yorkshire, and take the population of Hull out of the total for that county : but let it be remembered that, for the purpose of comparison, we have assumed the same data now as in 1835 ; and the result is the enormous Tory gain, which is arith- metically demonstrated, though morally impossible. What is (Air conclusion? That in reality there has been such a revolution in public opiiiiom ? Not by any means ; but our con- viction that the existing representative system is become little better than a farce, is strengthened. In fact, time great mass of the population, which we transfer so quietly from one side to the other, on time presumption that they are truly represented, have exceed- ingly little concern in the matter. They do not elect the Metn- hers; they are not represented by them. The constituencies are, for the most part, small and manageable; in a vast. number of in- stances having little sympathy with the great bulk of the people. If this be not so,—if under the existing system the people of England are its the main truly represented,—then the conclusion is inevitable, that Toryism is advancing among the people with prodigious strides: why, the people arc "going over to the Tories" at the rate of three millions and a quarter per annum !

But in the large towns we are told to look for superior political intelligence; and in time large towns the Liberals have a decided ascendancy. In illustration of this part of the subject, we subjoin a table, which has been sent to us by a friend of large experience and the best information in election statistics, and high in the confidence both of Radicals and Whigs.

England and Waks—Number igr Boroughs 201, returning 337 Members.

60 Boroughs %vitt' a population over 20.000, returning 10.000 to 20.000 --- 110 Members 82 Toi 28 37 — 58 — 30 28 5,000 to 10.000 — 68 110 — 51 59 5,000 wiLler •—.-^ 36

27_ _28

201

337 150 147

7 Boroughs oiich

10 -- 14 — 39 — 64 — 37 — 30 — 201

with tip aro!, 10.000 ru#, re.° returning 16 Members

20 — Literal.. Tories.

13 3 14 6

18 9 40 33

55 50 24 30 26 16 __ -- 190 147 4.000 to 10,000 27 -- 2.0110 to 4.000 090 — 73 — — 1.000 to 2

— 501) to 1,000 300 500 to

105 — 54 -- 391

under

42 — 337 • The actual numbers on the register.

From this table it appears that the proportion of Liberals toTories in the principal towns is very large indeed. And we are of opinion that there is a preponderance of political intelligence and independ- ence in the civic over the rural population ; and therefore come to the conclusion that the Tories are not supported by the great body of intelligent and independent electors in England. But here lies a distinction. In making these cerulati .us, the Whigs sink the differences between themselves and the Radicals, a-seining that those large towns on whose supp.mt they lay so much stress are satisfied with Mere Whigg,ery. It is not time fact. Everybody knows that opponents of the Ballot, for instance, would have scarcely any chance of success in the great tnajority of the large towns in Britain. Time Liberal electors are, in these matters, far ahead of the Ministry. On those questions which divide the Whigs and Radicals, the minority of the latter is composed in a great measure of the representatives of the large towns. The Whigs repeatedly during the last session obtained Tory aid to defeat time very men whom their journals hold up as the represen- tatives " of the thinking, the best-informed, and the most inde- pendent part of the people of England." Though, however, the Whigs, as distinguished from the Radi- cals, have not the preponderance in the largest constituencies, the table shows that in time smallest constituencies—the non-intellec- tual, the dependent, the worst-informed portion of the popula- tion—they have a very decided preponderance. For boroughs having fewer than 300 voters, they return nearly double the

number the Tories can put in. This little fact should be kept in mind by those who talk so contemptuously of pocket-boroughs, and boast of their success in the largest towns.

But—without reference to.parties—the table places clearly be- fore us the monstrous anomalies of our representative system. Of the 337 Borough Members in England and Wales, 201 are returned by constituencies of fewer than 1,000 voters. Seventeen of the largest towns, with constituencies ranging from 4,000 to 10,000 electors, return 36 Members ; but the votes of these Mem- bers are more than equalled by the Representatives of Boroughs with fewer than 300 voters, returning 42 Members. These places, treated by the 'Whig writers with contempt, overbalance in the Legislature the united voices of London and the Metropolitan bo- roughs, Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, Sheffield, Leicester, Bristol, Liverpool—in short, all the first and second class towns in the country. Looking at the whole Borough representation, it appears that 168 Members are elected for places having a popula- tion exceeding 10,000, and 169 for places with a population of less than 10,000. Harwich has a population of 4,000, and under the Income-tax its property was assessed at 9,6681: Westminster has a population of 202,000, and its property was assessed at 1,241,9631.: Harwich has just as much influence in Parliament, as far as votes confer influence, as Westminster. This is a specimen—there would be no difficulty in multiplying such specimens—of the British Reformed Representation. • We began this article by showing, that if the People of England were truly represented by the Members returned to Parliament in 1835, and if they are now truly represented by those just elected, then they are " going over to the Tories" at the rate of three millions and a quarter per annum : we shall close it by a glance at the state of the representation in 1831, before the Re- form Bill was carried or a single rotten borough abolished. In the month of June 1831,* we published tables of the results of the glorious election by which it was fondly hoped that an efficient Reform had been secured for ourselves and future generations of Englishmen. The summary of those results was thus given— GENERAL SUMMARY.

For the King and Country.

No. of

Members. reputation. For the Boroughmongers.

No. of

Property. Members. Population. Property.

England

.... 287 .. 10,600,003 .. 47,193 K61. 902 .. 661,434 .. 2.530,668/.

Vales° 13 361,937 . 1,011.061 10 .. 346,593 .. 1,126,035 Scotland ....

24 ..

994.593 — 21 .. 1,098,863 — Ireland Sd .. 5,224,319 — 32 1,569,485 —

392

17,180,852 44.204.9'27/.

265 3,676,377 3,676,7231.

• One Member for Wales not returned.

Before the Reform Act. the People, on a great emergency, could elect a majority of 392 Reformers to 265 Tories—majority 126. Now, after six years trial of the Reformed system, we are disput- ing about a dozen of Doubtful Members, and whether the majority can be made to reach forty in a full House!

We are forced to the conclusion, either that there has been a prodigious Tory reaction — that (monstrous supposition !) the People have become sick of Reform—or that the Parliament just elected will misrepresent the country. 'We hold to the latter opinion.

To FIX OUR TRUE POSITION, TO PUT AWAY FALSE RELIANCES, to ascertain on whom and on what we can depend, should now be the first object of Reformers, as it is at present the grand point in British politics.